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Legislative committees have recently received inadequate attention in the available interjurisdictional literature. This article in the 2024 Policy Studies Yearbook, published by Politics & Policy, reviews legislative committee data categories, methods, and the distribution of authorship to explore how legislative committee research has fared between 2010 and 2023. This review article establishes that since 2010, research on committee structure has been dominated by U.S. congressional theories and how to test them in noncongressional settings. The dominant aspect of legislative organization across the five reviewed themes is the selection of committee members, an essential aspect of understanding power dynamics in modern legislatures. As survey methods and case studies have increased, the archival analysis methods have decreased, indicating an increasing turn to first‐hand primary data in analyzing the internal organization of committees. There is also a growing trend toward greater collaboration among scholars. Related Articles: Jeong, Gyung‐Ho. 2016. "Electoral Rules and Bureaucratic Effectiveness." Politics & Policy 44(6): 1089–115. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12184. Jones, Kate, and Kerry, Jacobs. 2009. "Public Accounts Committees, New Public Management, and Institutionalism: A Case Study." Politics & Policy 39(5): 1023–46. http://onlinelibrary.wiley.com/doi/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00209.x/abstract. Pelizzo, Riccardo and Abel Kinyondo. 2014. "Public Accounts Committees in Eastern and Southern Africa: A Comparative Analysis." Politics & Policy 42(1), 77–102. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12062. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The first year of President Guillermo Lasso in office in Ecuador was marked by the structural weakness of his administration while facing political instability, corruption scandals and drug trafficking along with an enpowerment within the opposition sectors and social actors. The Executive-Legislative confrontation and the deadlock in the political system have prevented Lasso from implementing substantial policy and reforms. The aim of this article is to explore the factors explaining the weakness of Lasso’s government and to analyze the political behavior and the channeling of demands of the indigenous movement through the use of violence. First, we present the elements representing the weakness of the Ecuadorian government and its strategies to survive along with its struggles with corruption and drug trafficking. We then analyze the role of the indigenous movement and the institutionalization of contentious politics in Ecuador. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Con énfasis en el debate sobre las posibilidades de mejorar esta forma de gobierno, en esta sección se analiza, desde perspectivas teóricas y empíricas, cómo funciona el sistema presidencial en la región. Se trata primero la concentración del poder en el ejecutivo y luego se analizan experiencias nacionales con diversidad de funcionamiento de las coaliciones, el poder presidencial y la relación ejecutivo-legislativo. Se sostiene que, en contra de lo que afirmaba parte de ciencia política del siglo pasado, el presidencialismo ofrece posibilidades para que el líder del ejecutivo pueda negociar, cooperar y llevar a cabo su plan de gobierno. Para ello, es de vital importancia que los poderes del Estado sean equilibrados.

Copyright of Revista Española de Derecho Constitucional is the property of Centro de Estudios Politicos y Constitucionales and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to broaden the debate about the disputes between the PB, the parties and the local political actors, by presenting a systematic and diachronic analysis of the impacts of the balance of power of the governing and opposition parties, outlined within the scope of the electoral arena, on the adoption, interruption, interruption and the end of this democratic innovation, as well as on its different degrees of institutionalization. To this end, we analyzed three counterfactual pairs of municipalities with mostly similar characteristics, namely: São Carlos and Piracicaba; Rio Claro and Leme; Matão and Sertãozinho, which differ from each other by the party that led the PB initiative (PT and other parties). The results reveal a universe little explored and likely to be replicated in other contexts, contributing both to the expansion of the debate on the role of the legislative power in the degree of institutionalization of participatory institutions and to the improvement of this research agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Este trabajo parte de la siguiente pregunta de investigación: ¿Cómo se ha realizado la aprobación de los proyectos de ley remitidos desde el ejecutivo? Para efectuar este análisis se toma como caso de estudio al Ecuador, entre los años 1979 y 2016, a partir del retorno a la democracia. Para este efecto, a través de una propuesta metodológica cuantitativa de carácter descriptivo, se pretende revisar las formas en las que cada uno de los ejecutivos ecuatorianos ha hecho uso de esta atribución, haciendo énfasis en las condiciones presentes en cada uno de sus gobiernos para este efecto. Por lo tanto, a partir de la recolección y sistematización de información disponible en medios oficiales, se revisa las formas en las que cada ejecutivo ha remitido sus proyectos de ley a la legislatura, evidenciando a primera vista patrones claros que determinen el por qué los ejecutivos consiguen aprobar sus proyectos de ley. El estudio funda sus conclusiones en el funcionamiento de la relación ejecutivo legislativo en el Ecuador, y propone una agenda que permite determinar los elementos causales que coadyuvan para que un ejecutivo un incremento en su nivel de éxito legislativo.

Copyright of Ius Humani is the property of Ius Humani and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El principal objetivo de este artículo es evaluar dos aspectos clave de la relación ejecutivo-legislativo durante la administración del presidente Felipe Calderón Hinojosa: la tasa de aprobación de la agenda legislativa del ejecutivo y las observaciones o vetos que el presidente realizó a los decretos aprobados por los legisladores. También se examina si algunos de los cambios constitucionales aprobados durante este periodo modificaron el equilibrio de poder en la relación entre el presidente y el Congreso. El análisis indica que ni el sistema presidencial, el multipartidismo, ni la ausencia de mayoría del partido del presidente en el Congreso produjeron una parálisis legislativa, pero sí dificultaron la aprobación de algunas reformas clave para el país.

Copyright of Foro Internacional is the property of El Colegio de Mexico AC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Perfiles Latinoamericanos is the property of FLACSO - Mexico (Facultad Latinoamericana de Ciencias Sociales) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses the political arena in Brazil during the second year of Dilma Rousseff's administration. The objectives of this article are fourfold: 1) to analize the relation between the executive and legislative powers, focusing on the changes in the performance of the government's constituency from 2011 to 2012; 2) to discuss the results of the municipal elections and their impact on parties and the party system; 3) to evaluate the impact of the trial known as "mensalão" on the political arena: 4) to foresee possible developments in light of the presidential elections of 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyzes the Uruguayan political juncture during 2010-2011. To that end, the paper is divided in five sections. Section one reviews the medium term economic context as well as some indicators related to poverty and income distribution. Section two focuses on the new elected government in 2009. In particular, this section describes and analyzes the agenda setting process defined president Mujica, the new cabinet appointments and the first steps to achieve multiparty agreements on a set of policy areas defined the president's agenda. We review these processes, exploring the way in which president Mujica leads his own agenda and interacts within and outside his own party and the legislature to endorse his policy proposals. Section three focuses on the Legislative branch and the way in which the Executive is able to cartelize the agenda sponsoring and endorsing legislation. Section four briefly reviews the subnational elections held in 2010, after performing the only institutional innovation since the constitutional reform in 1996. Section five reviews and concludes with the main issues covered during 2010 and 2011. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American Review of Comparative Politics / Revista Latinoamericana de Politica Comparada is the property of CELAEP (Centro Latinoamericano de Estudios Politicos) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Brazilian democracy has completed two decades and under this inspiration this article examines the political, social and economic scene of the country in 2008. Bearing in mind that municipal elections, held in October, were the main event of the conjuncture, the article identifies who were the relevant actors, their agendas and interaction models, and the context where they were developed throughout the process. Subsequently, the elections are analyzed both in terms of their results, as in what can be detected in terms of the impact on the 2010 presidential dispute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper seeks to explain the increase in the level of Colombian Central Government debt as a result of the change in the rules that restrict the decisions of fiscal policy -i.e. fiscal constitution-involved in the new Constitution .The paper assumes that the Government is an agent that weighs the costs and benefits of its decisions in a context of political and economic institutions. First, the main changes in the rules that apply to the financing alternatives for government spending, different from debt, are shown. Then, the main changes to the rules regarding the creation of debt. Lastly, it concludes that the change in the fiscal situation of the Government is an outcome of the reduction of the relative price of debt compared with other financing options. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Jurídica Piélagus is the property of Universidad Surcolombiana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)