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Jade has been long recognized by archaeologists as an important trade item among ancient Mesoamerican cultures, particularly for ancient Olmec and Maya cultures. Unfortunately, the precocious development of Olmec society led many early archaeologists to overemphasize Olmec influence on the Maya during the Formative period (ca. 1000–400 BC). This is particularly noteworthy in the attribution of tri-lobed jade "spoon" pendants to the Olmec despite the lack of archaeological evidence. Using a recently discovered tri-lobed jade "spoon" pendant from the site of Ka'kabish, Belize, and dated to the Middle Formative period (ca. 800–600 BC), this article argues that such pieces should not be unquestionably attributed to the Olmec. This argument is supported by correlation with similar objects from other secure archaeological contexts at Maya sites dating to the Middle Formative period. This article contends that using the ethnonym Olmec to describe these objects creates an a priori assumption that these objects originated in the Olmec region and were merely repurposed by the Maya and argues for a reinterpretation of the origin and meaning for these objects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Landscape-oriented approaches in archaeology have moved beyond site-based research to interpret how people have engaged with, modified, and constructed the environment and how the legacies of these activities continue to influence land use. In the Maya Lowlands, landscape archaeology is related to the analysis of settlement patterns, households, agricultural intensification, and water management. The increasing availability of LiDAR data has revolutionized the mapping of archaeological landscapes under vegetation, especially in tropical environments like the Maya Lowlands, but researchers still emphasize site-oriented settlement densities and infrastructure. Furthermore, the accessibility of drone-based LiDAR platforms has the potential to collect data across several seasons or years to facilitate change detection. In this paper, we compare three LiDAR datasets collected from 2018 to 2023, using both occupied and unoccupied airborne systems. The landscape surrounding the archaeological site of El Infiernito, Chiapas, Mexico near the Classic period (AD 250–800) dynastic capital of Piedras Negras, Guatemala was selected to compare these LiDAR datasets in the context of prior, extensive ground-based fieldwork. These data were used to interpret the built environment, land use, hydrology, landscapes of movement, and other infrastructure constructed and modified by several communities beginning in the Late Preclassic period (400 BC–AD 250) to the present. When used alongside systematic survey and ground verification, the combination of several LiDAR platforms to collect data across different seasons at El Infiernito enhanced the understanding of the spatial distribution of archaeological sites and features across the karst landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In colonial Yucatán, Mexico, the owners of plantation-like estates known as haciendas conscripted saints and cows to expropriate land from Indigenous Maya farming communities. In this paper, I trace the role of hacienda saints by framing them as an introduced or adventive species, capable of forming both mutualistic and invasive interspecies relationships in their new habitat. I examine the introduction of saints to the region by Franciscans, early attempts by Maya people to build anticolonial coalitions with saints and cows, the participation of hacienda saints in extractivist ranching practices, and the ultimate reclaiming and possible naturalization of saints by Maya rebels. This paper extends conceptualizations of the plantation—as both a site of species extinction and a site of interspecies collaboration—to include Catholic saints, so as to interrogate the dynamic role of supernatural entities in deep and ongoing histories of extractivism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To analyze the changes in children's height, weight, BMI and rates of stunting and overweight and obesity over three periods: 1986–1987, 1996–1998, and 2023 for the community of Yalcoba in the Yucatan Peninsula. Material and Methods: Four hundred forty (6‐to‐15 years) children measured in 2023 were compared with data obtained in 1986–1987 (n = 675) and 1996–1998 (n = 628). Z‐scores of height and BMI were calculated to estimate percentages of stunting and high BMI‐for‐age (overweight and obesity). Comparisons of anthropometric parameters by sex and age groups between years of measurement were performed through one way ANOVAs. Results: Differences in anthropometric parameters were significant in all age groups of both sexes. Boys measured in 2023 were, on average, 6.4 and 3.3 cm taller than boys measured in the 1980s and 1990s, respectively. Increases in girls were 12 and 7.3 cm, respectively. Average increases in weight of boys measured in 2023 were 7.9 kg compared to the 1980s and 5.8 kg compared to 1990s. Average increases in girls measured in 2023 were 11.3 kg compared to the 1980s, and 7.6 kg compared to the 1990s. Stunting between the 1980s and 1990s decreased by 15 percentage points and between the 1990s and 2023 decreased by 47 percentage points. The percent of children deemed overweight/obese during these periods increased from 8 to 12–50 by 2023. Conclusion: Results reflect the overall trends seen in the Yucatan where stunting has decreased substantially but the numbers of overweight/obese youths have increased dramatically in the past 30 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: This study aimed to evaluate the change in the Dietary Diversity (DD) Index of Maya women of reproductive age living in rural areas of the Western Highlands of Guatemala after nutrition, health, and agroecology interventions. Methods: This is a secondary analysis study on DD from two matched groups from three villages in the Lake Atitlan area in the department of Sololá. The first cohort was recruited in 2017 (sample of n = 77). The second cohort was recruited in 2020 (sample of n = 61). Both were followed until 2021. The program provided various resources for assistance for food production and home improvements (sessions from 2018 to 2022). Agroecology sessions were conducted in the test farm. Due to the COVID-19, adjustments were made to continue the education and training sessions. Results: Both cohort samples had a statistically significant increase in participants who consumed at least 15 g from five groups of foods (2017: p =.00002; 2020: p =.045). There was a statistically significant increase in mean food groups consumed daily (2017: p <.00001; 2020: p =.005). Conclusions for Practice: Implementing interventions that include nutrition, health, and agroecology practices in the long term has demonstrated a statistically significant increase in the Dietary Diversity Index of Maya women in their reproductive years living in rural villages in the Western Highlands. Significance: Indigenous Maya women face numerous health challenges, including stunting, poor nutrition, and maternal mortality. Low dietary diversity and limited food access in rural areas of Guatemala exacerbate these issues. The intervention in this study statistically increased the Dietary Diversity Index of Maya women, notably raising the consumption of Vitamin B and Vitamin A-rich foods, which are essential for maternal and fetal health. These findings highlight the potential for culturally appropriate nutrition programs to enhance dietary diversity in this population, promoting overall health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article synthesizes monumentality, governance, urbanism, and regional statecraft in the Northern Maya Lowlands during the Preclassic and Classic periods. As in some parts of the Southern Lowlands, ceremonial spaces likely predated sedentism and monumental construction predated large-scale inequality. Nevertheless, the process of construction and the resulting monuments facilitated complex societies. In the Late Preclassic, some political centers featured factional competition, and there is less evidence for individual rulers than in the Southern Lowlands. The Classic period exhibits remarkable variation in governance. Both dynastic rulership and collective governance in the form of shared decision making are common in the Northern Lowlands throughout the Classic period, with a shift toward the former in later centuries. Northern Lowland cities, while more densely settled than most Southern Lowland centers, do not follow settlement scaling expectations. Density contributed to neighborhood formation and collective action, yet minimal spatial clustering of households makes neighborhoods more difficult to identify. Intra-household inequality appears not to correlate with forms of governance. Marketplaces facilitated the both leadership strategies and household livelihoods. Scholars debate the nature or governance at Chichen Itza, yet several recent projects in its hinterlands clarify the nature of regional statecraft at Chichen, whose leaders exercised a variety of strategies, enabling the enrichment of some of its neighbors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The genus Cnidoscolus (Euphorbiaceae) contains some species with socioeconomic and cultural relevance in the Yucatán Peninsula, Mexico. There is little published information on the traditional knowledge of this genus, and the recent movements of younger people to more populated cities and towns risks this knowledge being forgotten. To preserve this knowledge, we wanted to answer the questions: what are the species or varieties of the plant with the generic name chaya that the contemporary Maya population uses in the Yucatan Peninsula, and in which agroecosystems are these species or varieties found? Nine local communities were selected for interviews in which the general population and healers shared their knowledge about the uses and management of Cnidoscolus spp. Through these interviews, we identified eight species or cultivars used by these communities: six cultivars of C. aconitifolius ( chay , makat chay , chay sin espinas, ch'inch'in chay , tsaj , and tsaj / hoja de papaya), C. multilobus ( tsaj ), and C. souzae ( tsaj ). Within homegardens chay , makat chay and chay sin espinas are utilized for their feeding, medicinal and fodder value; while ch'inch'in chay and tsaj are utilized for their feeding, medicinal, and living-fence potential. In paddocks, ch'inch'in chay and tsaj are utilized as livestock feed. Tsaj is used for handcrafts, and tsaj / hoja de papaya possesses spiritual-religious attributes. The feeding, medicinal, fodder, living-fence, spiritual-religious, and handcraft potential of species and cultivars of Cnidoscolus reflect their biocultural importance for Maya inhabiting the peninsula of Yucatan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Machine learning can offer an efficient method to identify and map caves, sinkholes, and other cave-like features (i.e. sinkholes, rockshelters, voids) using remotely sensed imagery. While there exists a body of work applying machine learning for sinkhole identification, little work exists for caves. In the densely forested and rugged Maya Lowlands, developing such a methodology can help archaeologists to identify previously unknown caves that may contain important archaeological materials. Here, we introduce a proof-of-concept project that uses random forest and lidar-derived landscape morphometrics to map caves and other cave-like features in northwest Belize. Several undocumented caves and cave-like features were identified in our study area based on model results. Next steps towards making a more robust version of this model include the addition of more training data and integration of a larger number of morphologic parameters. Based on the results described here as well as those in cited works focused on caves, we proposed machine learning as a first step in cave and cave-like feature identification, followed then by fieldwork and ground-truthing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article revisits ear ornament data from Tikal—both material and visual—to better understand the varied roles of ear ornamentation in ancient Maya society over time. The author discusses relevant terms and terminology, then emphasizes the social aspects of ear piercing and stretching as well as the place of ear ornaments in economic exchange. Ear ornamentation was a critical aspect of socialization for ancestral Mayas, but the extent of this practice was classed. Whereas the styles of nonelite ear ornaments were more resistant to change over time, the jade earflares of elites became more standardized in form while growing in complexity. With this standardization, jade earflares achieved a status close to currency, not just to be coveted or collected but also to be displayed on the body to the fullest extent possible. However, like many currencies, jade earflares were more complex than simple tokens of exchange. The symbolic dimensions that gave these objects meaning and economic value were integral to their power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sounds produced by humans and their environment are perceived and codified based on people's experiences as members of social groups, resulting in some sounds being used as means of communication. In this article, we present an archaeoacoustic study of diverse types of instruments excavated or collected from Comalcalco and Jonuta, two important pre-Hispanic Maya sites located in the modern state of Tabasco (Mexico). We propose a methodology to analyze organological and acoustic characteristics for each type of instrument, considering their relevant archaeological information, so as to provide some interpretations of how sounds could have been materialized, shared, and used in specific moments of Maya ritual and daily life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this study, I use the type-variety-mode analysis to define the diagnostic ceramic material for the Ik'hubil Ceramic Complex dating to the Terminal Classic (ca. a.d. 780–930/1000). The percentages of shared ceramic content indicate that multiple sites in the mid-to-lower Sibun Valley are members of an Ik'hubil Ceramic Sphere. My preliminary analyses of sites in the lower Belize River valley suggest that the Ik'hubil Sphere may extend across a broader area of north-central Belize during the Terminal Classic, discrete from the Spanish Lookout Sphere in the upper Belize Valley. Northern Yucatec traits are identified in ceramics and architecture in the eastern Sibun and Belize Valleys, along with marked changes in foodways. The presence of trading diasporas and more intimate social relationships, such as intermarriage, may explain this mix of local and hybrid forms of material culture introduced by the ninth century in this part of the eastern Maya Lowlands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2019, the Maya Leaders Alliance unveiled "The Future We Dream," a vision document sharing a common interest among the Mopan and Q'eqchi' Maya people of Belize for a future in which they are committed to sustaining a reciprocal relationship with and stewardship of the land. In this context, this paper shares results from three communities bordering a forest reserve who were asked to identify important practices, which they considered "traditional" and "environmentally sustainable," as part of a collaborative NGO project to promote indigenous forest management. Through analysis of data collected alongside Indigenous Community Promoters (ICPs), it explores how these terms were defined and deployed to discuss healthy forests and healthy communities. The paper discusses how collaborative and community- led data collection addresses both the need to decolonize sustainability discourse and produce better data for better project outcomes (Maya, traditional ecological knowledge, forest management, environmental sustainability, indigenous land rights). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The slash-and-burn cultivation system is a millenarian practice still used in many countries today, with significant environmental impacts. However, identifying evidence of this agricultural method in soil records is challenging due to natural and human factors that can obscure or alter fire signals. This challenge is particularly evident in the Yucatán Peninsula, where the ancient Maya practiced slash-andburn agriculture in a dynamic tropical karst environment, making it difficult to pinpoint the origins and consequences of this practice. In this study, we use a recent agricultural burning in a karstic landscape in Chiapas as a model to understand alterations in soil properties. We then apply these insights to identify similar features at a Maya site on the Yucatán Peninsula, specifically at Coyote Quarry. For both cases, we conducted micromorphological analysis, soil physical-chemical characterization, thermogravimetry and differential scanning calorimetry analysis, and radiocarbon dating of mollusk shells, soil organic carbon, and charcoal fragments (the latter exclusively at Coyote Quarry). Our findings reveal significant effects on the soils from the Chiapas site post-burning, including changes in grain size distribution, pH, and total organic and inorganic carbon. These results were compared to those obtained from the Coyote Quarry soils and pedosediments. Key findings include micromorphological features, the presence of charcoal and other burned materials, and pyrogenic carbon identified through thermal analyses. The preservation of these burned features was facilitated by the typical karstic vertical soil erosion and redeposition as pedosediments in karstic depressions. The intrinsic association of the fire signals found in these karstic sinkholes and their radiocarbon dates enables us to link this evidence to the initiation of slash-and-burn agriculture by the Maya in the Yucatán Peninsula during the transition between the Archaic and Early Pre-Classic periods. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pre-Columbian food production in the Maya Lowlands was long characterized as reliant on extensive, slash-and-burn agriculture as the sole cultivation system possible in the region, given environmental limitations, with maize as the dominant crop. While aspects of this "swidden thesis" of Maya agriculture have been chipped away in recent years, there has been an underappreciation of the many forms of long-term capital investments in agriculture made by ancient Maya people. Here, we review the last three decades of research that has overturned the swidden thesis, focusing on long-term strategies. We demonstrate long-lasting agricultural investments by Maya people, in social capital including multigenerational land tenure, in cultivated capital including long-lived trees, and in landesque capital including soil amendments and landscape engineering projects, such as terracing and wetland modification. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Ancestral Maya engineered wetland fields and canals in floodplains for plant cultivation and water management. Canals and reservoirs, however, also provide aquatic resources to supplement agriculture. Maya created multi-trophic ecological aquaculture by modifying the waterscape to increase the amounts of foods and useful materials, such as fish, turtles, waterfowl, and reeds. While archaeological and ethnographic investigations across the Maya area explore aquatic constructions, technology, and foodstuffs, they have not focused on aquaculture. In the western Maya lowlands, including the site of Mensabak, Chiapas, Mexico, ancestral Maya modified floodplains around lakes and rivers for farming fish and aquatic resources near their settlements and fields. These extensive modifications for ecological aquaculture enhanced the productivity and resiliency of natural ecosystems. The domesticated waterscapes near the ritually important Mirador Mountain at Mensabak also followed pan-Mesoamerican beliefs in origin mountains that generated water, plants, and fish for humans. Importantly, Maya integrated subsistence is illuminated by research on domesticated landscapes and ecological aquaculture that examines a range of resources rather than just plants. Certainly across Mesoamerica, ecological aquaculture allowed people to intensify production of "farms" of aquatic species, particularly fish. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

My research explores the relationship between metabolic health and the rise of capitalist food and labor systems, through interviews and long-term ethnographic research with Maya peoples of southern Belize. As work has been replaced with wage labor and farm foods with store-bought alternatives, diabetes has begun to affect Indigenous communities in Southern Belize. "Eating the money" earned by paid labor through consumption of commodity foods and accumulation of resources is seen to produce inequality and nutritional disease. The co-occurrence of diabetes with economic success represents the emergent and contradictory risks posed by integration into consumer capitalist economies. Concern over nutritional diseases like diabetes has led to reflexive critique of the deleterious health effects of modern food and labor relationships. Research participants' narratives emphasize the nutritional consequences of consumer culture as well as the challenges of balancing health and economic concerns in a rapidly changing world. By engaging Maya paradigms of health as embodiment with social scientific literature on political ecology and cultural studies of food systems, this article reveals that diabetes is endemic to the commodification of food and work. These findings demonstrate the integral role of commodification and consumption-oriented cultural practices to the global rise of nutrition-related diseases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the great city of Tikal, the ancient Maya placed and oriented their ceremonial architecture and monuments in accordance with cosmological principles. Its earliest ceremonial plaza, the Mundo Perdido, is one of the oldest pre‐Classic E‐Groups of the Petén, the astronomical utility of which has been a topic of debate by archeologists and archaeoastronomers alike over the past century. In 1988, Aveni and Hartung surveyed the great temples of Tikal and revealed the relationship between their astronomical and dynastic aspects. Yet, over the intervening decades breakthroughs in the decipherment of the Maya glyphs have greatly increased our understanding of Tikal's dynastic history while interpretations in the field of archaeoastronomy have become more rigorous. For instance, more recent surveys and interpretations by Ŝprajc (2021a, 2021b) have demonstrated the importance of the Maya ritual calendar in the placement and orientation of ceremonial public architecture. The aim of this paper is to reassess this earlier fieldwork in archaeoastronomy, provide recent corroborative measurements of the orientation of key buildings, and provide a cohesive summation of the cosmological principles found in the design and construction of the city of Tikal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The discovery of the Maya symbol representing the day on the shields of two warrior figurines, found in shaft tombs belonging to the Bolaños culture, provoked the search for a Maya presence within a mortuary context different from that used by this civilization, despite the enormous distance, geographically speaking, between the two cultures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the spatial distribution of the built environment in the 10th and 11th centuries a.d. in the periphery of Lamanai, a Precolumbian Maya site in northern Belize. Analysis of structures, labor investments, and ceramic distributions indicates that the periphery was characterized by a small, monumental core between Lamanai and Ka'kabish, known as Coco Chan, which radiated outwards, with smaller structures in the periphery. Ceramic assemblages and their distributions show that artifacts are concentrated near Coco Chan, which may indicate differences in access to materials in the periphery of Lamanai. The Gini Index, a method used to measure dispersion, shows that the settlement (i.e., area per structure) has a relatively high degree of economic equality as compared to other areas in the Maya world. The structures and ceramic assemblages in the periphery of Lamanai may help to explain its uninterrupted occupation history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental and agrarian changes are proceeding rapidly in southern Belize. Despite common recognition of these changes, little research has attempted to examine the class processes involved in social and environmental change. We trace how capitalism has transformed household reproduction over the past four decades, focusing on two key pathways by which these changes unfold: the commercialization of land use and the education of the labour force. Emerging class processes in the Maya communities undermine subsistence agriculture, generate inequality between households and genders, and magnify conflicts over land. These effects complicate struggles for communal land rights and class solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new Urban Viaducts at the Section 1 of the "Tren Maya" railway are located in southern Mexico, at the municipalities of Tenosique (State of Tabasco) and Candelaria and Escárcega (State of Campeche). The structural solution for the urban viaducts' deck is made of a reinforced concrete slab with a pair of "I" main steel girders. The girders have vertical bracing trusses, in order to reduce the distortion of the cross‐section, and a lower horizontal bracing truss, to close the torsional circuit. Steel diaphragms are located at the supports to transfer vertical and horizontals forces to the column. Viaducts consist of a succession of simply supported 40 m spans. The lengths of the viaducts are: 2920 m Tenosique, 990 m Candelaria and 1080 m Escárcega. The viaducts are located in a zone of high seismicity hazard, so the columns' design has been developed by a displacement‐capacity analysis. As a result, they consist of a single shaft on which rests a pier cap, both of reinforced concrete. This typology has been chosen because of the benefits of its construction process, which allows the execution of the spans to be independent. The steel structure of the deck also allows to reduce its mass, what helps to reduce the dimensions of the substructure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

El Tintal's occupation lasted from approximately 600 BCE through 900-1000 CE. During this millennium and a half the settlement underwent two significant cultural apogees: one in the Late Preclassic Period (350 BCE-200 CE) and the second in the Late Classic Period (550-800 CE). Results from recent investigations shed light on particular cultural manifestations for each period and their correspondence to regional traditions and sociopolitical contexts. For example, in Preclassic times emphasis was placed on large, volumetric constructions that defined the cultural and ceremonial landscapes, whereas in the Classic Period there was a notable increase in structure density and territorial extension of the settlement. Here, we summarize these results with the objective of providing a diachronic perspective on the archaeology of El Tintal, a site that has remained largely unknown. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Language revitalization efforts have been critiqued for creating and reproducing linguistic, epistemological, and pedagogical hierarchies that might run counter to a community's needs and interests. Drawing on a seven-year ethnographic and collaborative research with the Maya cultural promoters of the Caste War Museum in Tihosuco, Mexico, we describe the dynamics of our Maya language reclamation partnership focusing on the creation of bilingual comic books and summer workshops for children. These experiences show a slow but steady language reclamation approach based on the concern for younger generations to feel comfortable to claim their right to speak and learn Maya and on their fondness for Maya language and culture. We argue that the construction, negotiation, and assertion of linguistic and pedagogical authority among all participating actors is central to reclamation projects, and that these processes are impacted by outsider researchers-collaborators in ways that can support but also potentially harm these language efforts. This paper sheds light on the various tensions lived in long-term language reclamation projects, recognizing the need for outsider researchers to turn our reflexive gaze inwards and consider how we can bring to the fore practices we can celebrate as well as address and transform those that cause discomfort and uncertainty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It has been well over a decade since lidar-based research began in earnest in the Maya Lowlands of southern Mexico, Guatemala, Belize, and Honduras. Most investigations have an archaeological focus, with a few integrating studies of the ancient Maya with analyses of local ecology and land-use. A review of frequently cited publications reveals a lack of consistency in assessing the accuracy of archaeological feature classifications in lidar data with variables such as sensor type, class definitions, and ground-truthing methods differentially affecting assessment results across the Lowlands. In general, area-based ground-truthing approaches to classifications of full waveform lidar data present the most comprehensive accuracy assessments. New assessment data from the Buenavista Valley of north-central Guatemala are presented to compare against existing studies and to demonstrate how a geographic approach (a comprehensive, landscape-scale study of features over space and time) to classification error assessment can enhance understanding of classification accuracy. Results show that meaningful comparisons of archaeological features across lidar datasets cannot be considered reliable without more uniform and detailed presentations of accuracy assessment methods, analyses, and results. The article concludes with recommendations for how such collaborations might proceed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Paleoclimate research in the Maya region of Mesoamerica provides compelling evidence of drought during key periods of cultural transition in Maya society. These include the transition from the Preclassic to the Classic, and from Classic to the Postclassic. Previous research emphasized a causal relationship between drought and cultural change, or so-called "collapse" in the Maya region. Recent advances in the range and precision of climate-sensitive proxies and the development of new archives have enabled quantitative reconstructions of past hydroclimate, as well as providing evidence of high impact, short-duration events, such as tropical cyclones. Simultaneously, archaeological research has unearthed widespread evidence of technologies used by the Maya to exert control over water resources in urban, rural, and agricultural settings. Evidence suggests that many of these water features were in use for multiple generations, possibly centuries, and many were constructed during the Terminal Preclassic and Terminal Classic periods. We suggest that, given the availability of new archaeological and paleoclimate records, these data can be combined to identify the full complexity of Maya adaptation to hydroclimate variability to emphasize adaptation and resilience to both water scarcity and over-abundance (e.g., flooding). Such syntheses, which can offer lessons for present-day efforts to grapple with regional climate change, will benefit from additional studies in data-poor zones of the Maya region, as well as public archiving of paleoclimate and archaeological data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research in Southern Belize has produced a 1000-year record of coupled human and environmental relationships at the ancient Maya city Uxbenká. Located at the southeastern margin of the Maya Lowlands, this region has excellent agricultural land and some of the highest rainfall in the Maya region. Uxbenká was the founding political center in southern Belize after 100 BCE. After 850 years, Uxbenká experienced a long geopolitical disintegration ending in depopulation as part of broad regional collapse. We use kernel density and summed probability distributions of 167 high-precision AMS 14C dates to reconstruct relative changes in population and investments in the built environment throughout the growth and decline of the polity. Those data are compared to an annually resolved speleothem paleoclimate record from Yok Balum cave, located less than 3 km from Uxbenká's civic ceremonial core. With no Classic Period wetland fields or evidence for large-scale landscape investments in agricultural intensification, food production would have been rainfall dependent as was water availability for household use. Using a 30 m SRTM DEM, we compute flow accumulation and the upvalley extents of river networks while varying the input precipitation to reflect hypothesized changes in paleorainfall over time. Our data suggest that Uxbenká experienced rapid growth following a severe drought at 200 CE, as well as cycles of growth and contraction until just after 750 CE. We find that geopolitical disintegration in southern Belize was already underway when a severe drought began at 830 CE. That six-decade drought likely contributed to the abandonment of Uxbenká and limited geopolitical reorganization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Crabs, due to the fragility of their remains, are one of the scarcely recovered animal groups in archaeological contexts of the Maya lowlands. The best preserved are the marine decapods, which are often located in coastal sites. In Palenque, recent excavations at the Palace, an administrative political building of the local elite, allowed the discovery of more than a hundred freshwater crab claws, showing that this decapod, in addition to being consumed by the ancient Maya, played a relevant role within rituals related to constructive renovations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Polities require individuals who envision and materialize them; in turn, people's political identity as residents depends on them. The polity and the resident are self-evident only in hindsight, and we discuss their co-constitution. During subjectification, people create and submit to an authority. Our case study is the Early Classic (AD 350–600) emergence of Tamarindito in the south-central Maya Lowlands (modern Guatemala). The Petexbatun Regional Archaeological Project and the Tamarindito Archaeological Project have extensively studied this capital of the Foliated Scroll polity. Although its divine rulers present themselves as fully formed since time immemorial, we discuss how they built their authority through self-serving narratives. Tamarindito originates in the Early Classic, and in the late fourth or fifth century, rulers selected a 70 m high hill as seat. Plaza A's monumentality conceals a small-scale labor effort and a slowly growing polity. Only two non-elite households attached themselves to the royal court during the fifth and sixth centuries, suggesting that non-elites recognized the royal authority only slowly. The formation of the Foliated Scroll polity was an immanent process. Self-aggrandizing divine kings struggled to claim authority, and non-elites subjectified themselves over several centuries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper brings contemporary scholarship on youth migration, Indigeneity, race, and language into conversation with formative work on liminality and rites of passage. Drawing on six years' worth of participant observation and interviews with L1 Maya (primarily K'iche') speaking Guatemalan youth workers in Los Angeles, we theorize the transformations that characterize urban immigrant life for Indigenous Latinxs in the contemporary United States as a passage through the liminal state from separation to consummation. We first analyze participants' language behavior during the separation phase following migration, when youth sought to defend themselves from anti-Indigenous harm and discrimination through discourse practices such as cloaking or denying Maya proficiency, claiming to be Mexican or non-Indigenous Guatemalan, or avoiding speaking Spanish or K'iche' in public. Participants also employed techniques of bodily concealment that were believed to make them less racially identifiable in physical terms. As time went on, youth felt less of a need to defend themselves from stigmas attached to Indigeneity and Guatemalan identity and began to consider possibilities for expressing ethnic and linguistic pride in communal settings. This reflection was enabled by youth's growing embeddedness in Los Angeles's multicultural society along with coethnic small group settings that valorized Indigeneity and invited youth to compare their trajectories to those of other immigrant groups. We acknowledge the distinctive challenges that Indigenous youth encounter as immigrants to the US. However, our findings point beyond Indigenous Latinxs' post-migration experiences of shame, fear, and discrimination to possibilities for language maintenance and cultural pride in the context of long-term sobrevivencia, or survival, in diaspora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intensified social complexity emerged in some parts of the lowland Maya region during the Middle Preclassic period (800–300 BC). Though data for Middle Preclassic complexity remain very thin, states may have formed in the Mirador Basin and other areas that exhibit settlement hierarchy, evidence of centralized administration, and specialization. However, these developments have been obscured by a shift from a more cooperative to a more competitive system during the Late Preclassic period (300 BC–AD 200). Unilinear thought has confused this change in organization with a shift toward greater complexity. Such positions incorrectly assume that divine kingship and its accouterments are a baseline for complexity. Judging Middle Preclassic period complexity according to Classic period developments is dubious given the cooperative–competitive oscillations; the tendency in the Maya area for states to have been secondary with longstanding interactions among Chiapas, Pacific Coast, Isthmian, and the Gulf Coast areas; and internal innovations. New data are needed to characterize early complexity in the Maya lowlands on its own terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thanks to many epigraphic references compiled in the last 35 years, there is a growing consensus among Mayanists that a hegemonic state existed in the Maya Lowlands during the Classic period headed by the Kaanu'l royal dynasty and based at Dzibanche and Calakmul. Many aspects of its organization are still poorly documented, however. Important questions that remain unanswered include how power was exerted and passed on within this political system in ways that might differ from those found in an average-sized Maya kingdom. In this article we present new archaeological and epigraphic data from Chochkitam, a little-known site in northeastern Peten, Guatemala. Although this was a center of average size, the epigraphic texts reveal its political standing as a royal city with important connections with the Kaanu'l and other regional powers at various significant junctures during the Classic period, including before, during, and after the Kaanu'l hegemony. These historical reconstructions, although fragmentary, provide important data to validate emerging hypotheses regarding how the Kaanu'l kings managed their domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cacao seeds, Theobroma cacao, provide the basis for a ceremonially important Mesoamerican food. Past efforts to identify cacao in ceramics focused on highly decorative vessel forms associated with elite ceremonial contexts, creating assumptions as to how cacao was distributed and who could access it. This study examines 54 archaeological ceramic sherds from El Pilar (Belize/Guatemala) of Late Classic (600 to 900 CE) residential and civic contexts representing a cross-section of ancient Maya inhabitants. Identification of cacao in ancient sherds has depended on the general presence of theobromine; we used the discrete presence of theophylline, a unique key biomarker for cacao in the region. Analysis was done by grinding off all outside surfaces to reduce contamination, pulverizing the inner clay matrix, extracting absorbed molecules, and concentrating the extractions. In order to obtain especially high selectivity and low limits of detection, our study utilized the technique of resonance-enhanced multiphoton ionization coupled with laser-desorption jet-cooling mass spectrometry. This technique isolates molecules in the cold gas phase where they can be selectively ionized through a resonant two-photon process. Of the sherds analyzed, 30 samples (56%) were found to contain significant amounts of theophylline and thus test positive for cacao. Importantly, cacao is present in all contexts, common to all Maya residents near and far from centers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the beginning of the 1580s, some Maya caciques of Yucatan sent to King Philip II a letter asking him the future bishop of the province to be Franciscan and a group of religious from the same Order to be sent to the peninsula in order to consolidate the evangelization of Native people. The letter was written in Yucatec maya and was translated into Castilian by the interpreter Juan Ruiz de la Vega. The record, which remains unpublished until today, completes the restricted corpus of sixteenth century texts written in Yucatec maya and, for that same reason, it has an exceptional historical value. The present article offers a linguistic and philological analysis of both the maya text and its translation. It aims at highlighting that the term "maya" was used in the letter to emphasize the native linguistic and cultural identity. We also demonstrate that the interpreter intended to minimize the expression of this revendication in its translation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, the value of hieroglyphic texts to Maya archaeology has become increasingly clear. Texts provide precise chronologies and insights into the Maya worldview. They also link artifacts to individual agents and social categories and help us to understand the roles and interactions of historical individuals. Historical texts engage with other archaeological datasets in specific ways, suggesting comparative interpretations of events in the past. Even though the Maya script remains incompletely deciphered, linguistic variation within the script offers a way to explore ethno-linguistic diversity among the ancient Maya. Cultural diversity can also be explored through examination of formal aspects of the script from the perspective of paleography and graphemics in general, both of which provide evidence of scribal interactions and script evolution. Digital technologies are particularly valuable for visualizing and encoding texts with relation to time, space, and other archaeological datasets and, when combined with a social networks perspective, can be used to map other dimensions of sociocultural diversity in the Maya world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Many Maya archaeological areas are not comprehensively or systematically mapped because ruins, often hidden under tropical forest canopy in rugged terrain, can take decades to locate, identify, and map. Recent years have seen an explosion of lidar data collection, and machine learning provides a way to exploit these lidar data, making feature analyses more efficient and consistently executed. At present, there are a limited number of small, area-specific models that exist for the Maya area, the largest of which covers 230 km2. Here we present the foundation for a broadscale, multi-area-based convolutional neural network (CNN) object detection model that uses airborne laser scanning data, or lidar, for archaeological feature detection across 615 km2 of the Maya area, as well as preliminary results from an additional 885 km2 test area. This sets the path for a model that will enable researchers to map archaeological areas across the entire Maya Lowland area in weeks or months instead of decades. Notably, we find that a model trained on multiple areas with significantly different topographies produces better results for all areas as compared to a model trained on a single area. The broadscale model here presented produced an F1 score of 0.80. Results also include many potential new structure detections, including detections on lidar at an archaeological area that has not yet been comprehensively ground-surveyed and is located in an entirely different country in the Maya Lowlands from where the model was trained on. This model represents an attempt at a broadscale machine learning approach for archaeological feature mapping in the Maya area and demonstrates how big data can be integrated into traditional archaeological workflows. Lidar has already shown much greater ancient Maya infrastructure throughout the Maya world and elsewhere in the tropics, and this study using machine learning with lidar is showing even greater Maya infrastructure through vast areas of the Maya tropical forest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For the past twenty-five years, Belize's Toledo District has been the theatre for one of the world's most recognised indigenous rights cases as the Toledo Maya have sought tangible recognition of their customary rights over their ancestral lands. It has been a battle fought through both domestic and regional courts, gaining notoriety for the first domestic invocation of the United Nations Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples within the legal judgement. However, recent events have reminded that this contested land, one naturally dominated by Maya narratives in recent decades, is home to two indigenous peoples. This piece adopts the indigenous lens to the Toledo Garifuna—the Afro-indigenous people who settled in Toledo following their exile from St Vincent. Despite receiving significant scholarly attention in Belize and beyond, the Garifuna role (or lack of) in the Maya land rights case is conspicuous by its absence in academic discourse. After outlining both peoples' shared indigenous history in Toledo, the focus turns to discussing the reasons why the Garifuna did not join the Maya in their legal challenge, before finally considering the surge in Garifuna advocacy in recent years, one that must be welcomed with both hope and caution. Durante los últimos veinticinco años, el distrito de Toledo en Belice ha sido escenario de uno de los casos de derechos indígenas más reconocidos del mundo, ya que los mayas de Toledo han buscado el reconocimiento tangible de sus derechos consuetudinarios sobre sus tierras ancestrales. Ha sido una batalla librada a través de tribunales nacionales y regionales, ganando notoriedad particular por la primera invocación nacional de la Declaración de las Naciones Unidas sobre los Derechos de los Pueblos Indígenas dentro del juicio legal. Sin embargo, los acontecimientos recientes han recordado que esta tierra en disputa, naturalmente dominada por las narrativas mayas en las últimas décadas, es el hogar de dos pueblos indígenas. Este artículo adopta la perspectiva indígena de los toledanos garífunas—el pueblo afroindígena que se asentó en Toledo tras su exilio de San Vicente. A pesar de recibir una atención académica significativa en Belice y más allá, el rol garífuna (o la falta de este) en el caso de los derechos territoriales de los mayas, ha sido poco atendido desde la academia. Después de esbozar la historia indígena compartida de ambos pueblos en Toledo, este artículo se enfoca en discutir las razones por las que los garífunas no se unieron a los mayas en su desafío legal, antes de considerar finalmente el aumento en la defensa de los garífunas en los últimos años, algo que debe ser bienvenido con esperanza y, a su vez, con cautela. Au cours des vingt-cinq dernières années, le district de Toledo au Belize a été le théâtre de l'un des cas de droits autochtones les plus reconnus au monde, les Mayas de Toledo ayant demandé une reconnaissance tangible de leurs droits coutumiers sur leurs terres ancestrales. Ce fut une bataille menée devant les tribunaux nationaux et régionaux, qui a acquis une notoriété particulière pour la première invocation nationale de la Déclaration des Nations Unies sur les droits des peuples autochtones dans le cadre du jugement juridique. Cependant, les événements récents ont rappelé que cette terre contestée, naturellement dominée par les récits mayas au cours des dernières décennies, abrite deux peuples autochtones. Cette pièce adopte l'optique indigène des Toledo Garifuna—les Afro-indigènes qui se sont installés à Tolède après leur exil de Saint-Vincent. Bien qu'il ait reçu une attention scientifique importante au Belize et au-delà, le rôle (ou l'absence de rôle) des Garifuna dans l'affaire des droits fonciers mayas est remarquable par son absence dans le discours académique. Après avoir décrit l'histoire indigène commune des deux peuples à Tolède, l'accent est mis sur la discussion des raisons pour lesquelles les Garifuna n'ont pas rejoint les Mayas dans leur contestation judiciaire, avant d'envisager enfin la montée en puissance du plaidoyer des Garifuna ces dernières années, qui doit être saluée par les deux. espoir et prudence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In most cultures, but particularly among Indigenous communities of the Americas, children help extensively with household work. However, less is known about the role of maternal ethnotheories as cultural organizers of the family environment and children's helping. We explored Maya maternal ethnotheories about children's learning to help in two villages. Mothers reported that children learn by observing and pitching in because they have the will and interest and want to help. Mothers help children by orchestrating the setting, supporting their initiative, but learning must be initiated by children. Results support the view of a Yucatec Maya theory of learning and highlight the relevance of studying maternal ethnotheories. As cultural models, ethnotheories guide the organization of the developmental niche, affording children's learning by observing and pitching in and supporting the emergence of their will and interest. Their study may contribute to further acknowledging and supporting cultural diversity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of História Unisinos is the property of Universidade do Vale do Rio dos Sinos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper aims to present and acoustically analyze a Late Classic Maya Period double flute with a previously unreported organological configuration. This aerophone features a complex airduct assembly, spheroidal chambers, and exit tubes inserted into the tripod figurine of a standing toad. Computational analyses of the acoustic signal recorded throughout the experimental playing of the flute reveal that the instrument maker purposely designed the sonic artifact to emulate the iterative croak of the depicted anuran. Furthermore, the symbolic impact of the interpreter's gesture is emically studied and correlated with anuran-related Maya iconographic, epigraphic, lexicographic, archaeological, and ethnographic data. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Zaculeu is a site in the Maya highlands of Guatemala known for an aggressive reconstruction project sponsored by the United Fruit Company in the mid-twentieth century. Although archaeologists recovered a substantial collection of artifacts during their excavations, most of the pieces are stored in repositories in Guatemala City, far from where they were found. A small exhibition room in Zaculeu offers a modest sample of what archaeologists recovered. Taking Zaculeu as a case study, this article offers a brief reflection on importance of the history of national archaeological collections and the return to the place where they were found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Espanola de Antropologia Americana is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study investigates the shifting meanings and practices inscribed on the Main Plaza at the ancient Maya city of Tenam Puente. Plazas are fundamental features of ancient Mesoamerican cities that were important sites for civic activities such as mass spectacles, ceremonies, private rituals, feasting. More recently, certain plazas have also been documented as permanent or periodic marketplaces. New radiocarbon dates and stratigraphic test excavations provide evidence for several important transformations in the built landscape of Tenam Puente's Main Plaza, including renovations to the site's principal ballcourt, a large filling and resurfacing event, and a significant addition to the plaza's volume for the purpose of building a semi-enclosed marketplace plaza. These results provide insight into the evolving nature of public space at the site, from a focus on private rituals and dynastic rule, to an emphasis on mass spectacle, commercial activity, and civic engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the indigenous population in Mexico increased their access to higher education. From an analytical perspective on social inequalities, this article approaches the educational trajectories of Maya or Mayan origin youths who have accessed at the university in Yucatan. It shows how a restricted access to the structure of opportunities based on social origin and a precarious school environment translates into the perpetuation of educational disadvantageous conditions up to the university level. However, it is also identified that in these environments, the interaction with social agents is a key factor in favoring a change of direction towards more favorable educational contexts. It also identifies a privileged sector of young people from families who have experienced processes of social mobility, that makes their educational trajectories a more stable path with less obstacles. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To analyze the genetic origin, relationships, structure, and admixture in Mayan Native American groups from Guatemala and Mexico based on 15 autosomal short tandem repeats (STRs) loci commonly used in human identification (HID). Methods: We genotyped 513 unrelated Mayan samples from Guatemala based on 15 STR loci (AmpFlSTR® Identifiler kit). Moreover, we included 4408 genotypes previously reported, as following: Mayas from Guatemala and Mexico (n = 1666) and from Latin American, European, and African (n = 2742) populations. Forensic parameters, genetic distances, admixture, and population structure were assessed. Results: Forensic parameters of the 15 STRs in different Mayan groups from Guatemala were reported. Low (Fst = 0.78%; p = 0.000) and non‐significant differentiation (Fst = 1.8%; p = 0.108) were observed in Mayas from Guatemala and Mexico, respectively. The relative homogeneity observed among Mayan groups supported theories of extensive pre‐Columbian gene flow and trade throughout the Mayan Empire. The distribution of the three Native American ancestries among these Mayan groups did not support the presumable Guatemalan origin of Tojolabal and Lacandon people (South, Mexico). The nonsignificant differentiation between Ladinos and Mayas suggests a relative panmixia in Guatemala. Mestizos from southeastern Mexico and Guatemala constitute a core of Native American ancestry in Latin America related to the Mayan Empire in Central America. Conclusions: The higher European admixture and homogeneity in Mexican Mayas of the Yucatan Peninsula suggest more intensive post‐Columbian gene flow in this region than in Guatemalan Mayas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The peoples of southern Mesoamerica, including the Classic period Maya, are often claimed to exhibit a distinct type of spatial organization relative to contemporary urban systems. Here, we use the settlement scaling framework and properties of settlements recorded in systematic, full-coverage surveys to examine ways in which southern Mesoamerican settlement systems were both similar to and different from contemporary systems. We find that the population-area relationship in these settlements differs greatly from that reported for other agrarian settlement systems, but that more typical patterns emerge when one considers a site epicenter as the relevant social interaction area, and the population administered from a given center as the relevant interacting population. Our results imply that southern Mesoamerican populations mixed socially at a slower temporal rhythm than is typical of contemporary systems. Residential locations reflected the need to balance energetic and transport costs of farming with lower-frequency costs of commuting to central places. Nevertheless, increasing returns in activities such as civic construction were still realized through lower-frequency social mixing. These findings suggest that the primary difference between low-density urbanism and contemporary urban systems lies in the spatial and temporal rhythms of social mixing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Lloyd Stephens and Frederick Catherwood's travel accounts celebrating ancient Maya sculpture and architecture set the stage for the emphasis of the Maya as the pinnacle of cultural development in Mexico and Central America and for the appropriation of Maya prehistory as the foundation of modern national histories and identities. In the twentieth century, these discourses intensified into two interconnected hegemonic narratives - one in syntheses of precolumbian history by North American archaeologists and the other in national histories produced in Central America - that privileged the Maya as a source of history, legitimacy, and identity. This paper explores these narratives as they occur in Honduras through three distinct but interrelated lenses: academic discourse on Honduran archaeology; the conceptualization and development of a Honduran national identity; and the engagement of descendant groups with this constructed heritage. Considered together, these perspectives illuminate the complex cultural and political foundation(s) of memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Large-scale Lidar surveys have revitalized interest in regional settlement studies in the Maya Lowlands. Remotely identified features in Lidar imagery must be verified on the ground, with results of ground-truthing studies forming the basis of reliable, comparative databases for understanding ancient Maya land use and modification. The El Pilar Project integrates data generated by established survey methods with Lidar imagery to construct more complete pictures of settlement distribution, landscape modification, and human-environment interactions. This paper describes the results of Lidar-guided survey at El Pilar along with the protocol our project developed to systematize data collection and increase the efficiency of survey. The methods we describe have proven effective for investigating Maya settlement patterns at the site scale and locating features difficult to discern in Lidar imagery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Tierra Blanca Joven (TBJ) eruption from Ilopango volcano deposited thick ash over much of El Salvador when it was inhabited by the Maya, and rendered all areas within at least 80 km of the volcano uninhabitable for years to decades after the eruption. Nonetheless, the more widespread environmental and climatic impacts of this large eruption are not well known because the eruption magnitude and date are not well constrained. In this multifaceted study we have resolved the date of the eruption to 431 ± 2 CE by identifying the ash layer in a well-dated, highresolution Greenland ice-core record that is >7,000 km from Ilopango; and calculated that between 37 and 82 km³ of magma was dispersed from an eruption coignimbrite column that rose to ∼45 km by modeling the deposit thickness using state-of-the-art tephra dispersal methods. Sulfate records from an array of ice cores suggest stratosphericinjection of 14 ± 2 Tg S associated with the TBJ eruption, exceeding those of the historic eruption of Pinatubo in 1991. Based on these estimates it is likely that the TBJ eruption produced a cooling of around 0.5 °C for a few years after the eruption. The modeled dispersal and higher sulfate concentrations recorded in Antarctic ice cores imply that the cooling would have been more pronounced in the Southern Hemisphere. The new date confirms the eruption occurred within the Early Classic phase when Maya expanded across Central America. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Excavations in northeastern Belize have generated one of the more detailed regional databases of Middle Preclassic (1000–350 b.c.) settlement in the Maya Lowlands, providing the basis for developmental models of later Maya civilization. Modest Classic period architecture permitted extensive exposures of early occupations at several sites, but contemporaneous settlements at large, later centers remain poorly understood, despite the insights they may offer into emergent social complexity and political hierarchy. We review extant and unpublished data from Lamanai and Altun Ha, two large centers in northeastern Belize during Classic times, to compare aspects of Middle Preclassic settlement, architecture, and burial practices and to evaluate how this evidence relates to existing models of early Maya community development. Comparisons between these sites and among other Middle Preclassic settlements beyond northeastern Belize suggest a more nuanced approach to understanding developing social complexity in the Maya Lowlands, which acknowledges regional similarities and variability, is warranted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]