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BACKGROUND Although anthropogenic climate change poses existential challenges for Indigenous communities in the Arctic, these challenges are not entirely unprecedented. Over many generations, Arctic peoples have developed a wide range of behavioral strategies to navigate environmental change and uncertainty, and these strategies provide a foundation for contemporary adaptation. AIMS In this article, we focus on mixed cash-subsistence economies and the social networks that underlie them in Alaska. The patterns of food production, labor exchange, and food sharing in subsistence-oriented communities throughout Alaska are driven by the productivity of keystone households who regularly harvest and share resources within and between communities. MATERIALS & METHODS Building on previous research suggesting the critical importance of these networks to community resilience, we use network analysis to investigate whether patterns in resource transfers between households are associated with subsistence harvest diversity-the diversity of species harvested by a household unit. We use exponential random graph models to describe the structure of a sharing network from Aniak, Alaska, and model the links between harvest productivity, harvest diversity, and household position in this network. RESULTS Our results indicate that both productivity and diversity are positively associated with network connections, and that productivity alone provides an incomplete model of network structure. DISCUSSION We suggest that subsistence harvest diversity may play a unique role in supporting adaptive capacity and resilience by maintaining the productivity of keystone households despite changing environments and sustaining social network structures that circulate resources throughout the community. Harvest diversity may also serve as a broad indicator of Indigenous ecological knowledge and a tangible representation of cultural practices, values, and worldviews that underlie subsistence in Alaska. CONCLUSION Greater attention to harvest diversity is important for understanding how subsistence networks adapt to environmental change and uncertainty linked to social and ecological dynamics of anthropogenic climate change.

Natural disaster recovery is multidimensional and takes time depending on vulnerabilities. Change occurs as households embedded within integrated social and environmental systems adapt or transform. We focus on the April/May 2015 Nepal earthquakes to understand rural natural disaster recovery. We conducted household surveys on critical earthquake impacts and recovery trajectories with 400 randomly selected households in four clusters of settlements in two districts with catastrophic impacts to all houses and infrastructure. To track rapid change in the short-term, we completed surveys at two intervals—approximately 9 months and 1.5 years. Using non-metric multidimensional scaling (NMDS) ordination, our analysis explores relationships among critical recovery indicators, households, and clusters of settlements. Disaster recovery for these rural mountain households and settlements was spatially and culturally heterogenous, context specific, and changing over time, for better and worse. First, households dependent on place-based agropastoral livelihoods had more challenges recovering compared to households with more diverse market-based livelihoods. Second, the experiences of households in displacement camps were distinct from non-displaced households. Third, accessibility was a determining factor in recovery but not consistently. Fourth, households in the planned dam inundation zone were stagnant waiting for relocation. We presented results to research participants and stakeholders 2.5 years after the earthquakes in a series of research return workshops, which linked the results of our quantitative analysis with study participant experiences and perspectives. Our research contributes to the disaster and development aid literature in four ways by: 1) providing a unique dataset with a random sample over two time intervals collected immediately following a natural disaster; 2) offering a methodology that documents and analyzes recovery as a multidimensional phenomenon; 3) empirically illustrating linear and non-linear disaster recovery dynamics; and 4) capturing the complexity of variation at the household and settlement levels while also identifying patterns that resonate on the ground.

China is home to nearly half of the world’s 50,000 large dams, which provide irrigation, flood protection, and hydroelectricity. Most of these projects involve substantial population displacement, which can disrupt social capital, the webs of interdependence and support that community members maintain with one another through relationships of trust and reciprocity. We use new empirical evidence to examine the association between dam-induced displacement and social capital in China and interpret our findings in the context of social–ecological resilience theory. Our focus is on agricultural households on the Upper Mekong River, where four large hydropower dams have been constructed over the past twenty years. Our broad finding is that resettlement is associated with diminished social capital, as measured by two key indicators: inter-household exchange of financial resources, and inter-household exchange of agricultural labor. These effects differ across the four dam sites in the study based on local economic conditions and changes in resettlement policy. We find that population resettlement is associated with markedly lower levels of agricultural labor exchange. In an economically under-developed setting, this reduces the depth and breadth of social support that agricultural households rely on to produce crops for subsistence and income. This in turn diminishes social–ecological resilience because social capital is a key factor that helps agricultural or resource-dependent communities manage risk and adapt to changes and stressors. We consider the policy implications of our findings in the context of scientific and industry efforts to minimize social harm, promote economic vitality, and improve the sustainability of hydropower as a form of renewable energy.

To estimate the absolute wealth of households using data from demographic and health surveys.We developed a new metric, the absolute wealth estimate, based on the rank of each surveyed household according to its material assets and the assumed shape of the distribution of wealth among surveyed households. Using data from 156 demographic and health surveys in 66 countries, we calculated absolute wealth estimates for households. We validated the method by comparing the proportion of households defined as poor using our estimates with published World Bank poverty headcounts. We also compared the accuracy of absolute versus relative wealth estimates for the prediction of anthropometric measures.The median absolute wealth estimates of 1,403,186 households were 2056 international dollars per capita (interquartile range: 723-6103). The proportion of poor households based on absolute wealth estimates were strongly correlated with World Bank estimates of populations living on less than 2.00 United States dollars per capita per day (R(2) = 0.84). Absolute wealth estimates were better predictors of anthropometric measures than relative wealth indexes.Absolute wealth estimates provide new opportunities for comparative research to assess the effects of economic resources on health and human capital, as well as the long-term health consequences of economic change and inequality.Estimer la richesse absolue des ménages à l'aide de données provenant d'enquêtes démographiques et sanitaires.Nous avons développé un nouvel indicateur, l'estimation de la richesse absolue, à partir du classement de chaque ménage interrogé en fonction de ses biens matériels et du mode supposé de répartition des richesses entre les différents ménages interrogés. À l'aide de données provenant de 156 enquêtes démographiques et sanitaires menées dans 66 pays, nous avons produit des estimations de la richesse absolue des ménages. Nous avons validé la méthode en comparant la proportion des ménages définis comme pauvres dans nos estimations aux taux de pauvreté publiés par la Banque mondiale. Nous avons également comparé l'exactitude des estimations de la richesse absolue par rapport aux estimations de la richesse relative en vue de la prévision de mesures anthropométriques.Les estimations moyennes de la richesse absolue de 1.403.186 ménages indiquaient 2056 dollars internationaux par personne (intervalle interquartile: 723–6103). Une forte corrélation a été établie entre la proportion des ménages pauvres d'après les estimations de la richesse absolue et l'estimation du nombre de personnes vivant avec moins de 2,00 dollars des États-Unis par personne et par jour (R2 = 0,84) fournie par la Banque mondiale. Les estimations de la richesse absolue se sont révélées de meilleurs indicateurs des mesures anthropométriques que les indices de richesse relative.Les estimations de la richesse absolue offrent de nouvelles possibilités de recherche comparative pour évaluer les effets des ressources économiques sur le capital santé et humain, ainsi que les conséquences à long terme des changements et inégalités économiques sur la santé.Estimar la riqueza absoluta de los hogares utilizando los datos de encuestas demográficas y de salud.Se ha elaborado un nuevo sistema métrico, la estimación de la riqueza absoluta, basado en el rango de cada hogar encuestado en función de sus bienes materiales y la supuesta forma de distribución de la riqueza entre los hogares encuestados. Con los datos de 156 encuestas demográficas y de salud de 66 países, se ha hecho un cálculo de las estimaciones de la riqueza absoluta de los hogares. Se ha validado la metodología comparando la proporción de hogares definidos como pobres según nuestras estimaciones con los informes sobre pobreza publicados por el Banco Mundial. También se ha comparado la precisión de las estimaciones de riqueza absoluta frente a la riqueza relativa para las predicciones de medidas antropométricas.Las estimaciones medias de la riqueza absoluta de 1.403.186 hogares eran 2.056 dólares internacionales per cápita (rango intercuartílico: 723–6.103). La proporción de hogares pobres según las estimaciones de la riqueza absoluta estaba estrechamente relacionada con las estimaciones del Banco Mundial de la población que vive con menos de 2,00 dólares estadounidenses per cápita al día (Las estimaciones de la riqueza absoluta proporcionan nuevas oportunidades a la investigación comparativa para evaluar los efectos de los recursos económicos en la salud y el capital humano, así como las consecuencias para la salud a largo plazo del cambio económico y la desigualdad.تقدير حجم الثروة المطلق للأسرّ باستخدام بيانات مأخوذة من مسوح ديموغرافية وصحية.لقد قمنا بتطوير مقياس جديد، وهو تقدير حجم الثروة المطلق، استنادًا إلى ترتيب كل أسرة شملها المسح وفقًا لممتلكاتها المادية والشكل المفترض لتوزيع الثروة بين الأسر التي شملها المسح. باستخدام بيانات ناتجة عن 156 مسحًا من المسوح الديموغرافية والصحية في 66 بلدًا، قمنا بحساب تقديرات حجم الثورة المطلق للأسرّ. وقمنا بتوثيق مصداقية الطريقة من خلال مقارنة نسبة الأسرّ التي تم تحديدها كأسرّ فقيرة من خلال تقديراتنا وباستخدام المؤشرات العددية للفقر المنشورة من البنك الدولي. وقمنا أيضًا بمقارنة تقديرات دقة حجم الثروة المطلق في مقابل حجم الثروة النسبي للتنبؤ بالمقاييس الأنثروبومترية.بلغت تقديرات متوسط حجم الثروة المطلق لـ 1,403,186 أسرة هو 2,056 دولارًا دولية للفرد الواحد (المدى الربيعي: 723–6103). ارتبطت نسبة الأسر الفقيرة استنادًا إلى تقديرات حجم الثروة المطلق ارتباطًا قويًا بتقديرات البنك الدولي للسكان الذين يعيشون بأقل من دولارين أمريكيين للفرد الواحد يوميًا (توفر تقديرات حجم الثروة المطلق فرصًا جديدة ليقوم البحث المقارن بتقييم تأثيرات الموارد الاقتصادية على الصحة ورأس المال البشري، بالإضافة إلى العواقب الصحية طويلة الأمد للتغيير وعدم المساواة من الناحية الاقتصادية.旨在通过来自人口与健康调查中的数据估算家庭的绝对财富。.我们依据调查家庭的有形资产和假定的财富分配形态对各个调查家庭进行排名，并据此制定出一项新的指标，即绝对财富估值。通过从 66 个国家中开展的 156 项人口与健康调查中采集数据，我们计算出家庭的绝对财富估值。通过对比界定为贫困的家庭的比例，我们验证了该方法，在使用我们的估值时结合了已公布的世界银行贫困员工人数。我们还针对人体测量的预测对比了绝对和相对财富估值的精确性。.1 403 186 个家庭的绝对财富估算中值为人均 2056 国际元（四分位差：723–6103）。依据绝对财富估值确定的贫困家庭比例与世界银行针对每天人均生活费用低于 2.00 美元 (绝对财富估值为对比性研究创造了新机遇，便于我们评估经济资源对健康和人力资本的影响，以及经济变化和不平等问题产生的长期健康后果。.Оценить абсолютное благосостояние семей с использованием данных демографических опросов и опросов о состоянии здоровья.Нами была разработана новая система показателей — оценка абсолютного благосостояния — на основе категории каждой из опрашиваемых семей в соответствии с их материальными ресурсами и предполагаемым характером распределения благосостояния среди опрашиваемых семей. Оценка абсолютного благосостояния семей была рассчитана на основе данных 156 демографических опросов и опросов о состоянии здоровья в 66 странах. Валидация метода проводилась путем сравнения доли семей, охарактеризованных как бедные с использованием нашей оценки, с данными опубликованных отчетов Всемирного банка о численности бедного населения. Кроме того, сравнивалась точность оценок абсолютного и относительного благосостояния для прогнозирования антропометрических показателей.Медианная абсолютная оценка благосостояния в результате исследования 1 403 186 семей составила 2056 международных долларов на человека (межквартильный диапазон: 723–6103). Доля бедных семей, по данным оценки абсолютного благосостояния, сильно коррелировала с оценками Всемирного банка относительно количества населения, живущего менее чем на 2,00 доллара США в день на человека (Абсолютные оценки благосостояния открывают новые возможности для сравнительных исследований, оценивающих воздействие экономических ресурсов на здоровье и человеческий капитал, а также воздействие, которое экономические перемены и неравенство оказывают на здоровье населения в долгосрочной перспективе.

Economic game experiments have become a prominent method among social scientists developing and testing theories of cooperation. These games provide a valuable opportunity to generate measures of cooperation that can be compared from one place to the next, yet challenges remain in how to interpret cross-cultural differences in these experiments and connect them to cooperation in naturally occurring contexts. I address these challenges by examining framing effects in public goods games (PGGs) with salmon fishers and reindeer herders in Kamchatka, Russia. Combining standard versions of the game with versions that refer to post-Soviet institutions coordinating fishing and herding, I show that (1) average contributions in the PGG in Kamchatka are substantially higher than reported elsewhere and (2) framing the PGG alters the relationship between contributions and expectations, shifting strategies away from unconditional generosity and toward conditional cooperation. My analysis, by synthesizing quantitative a...