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The European Union׳s Integrated Maritime Policy (EU IMP) is being developed in the framework of a process that is reshaping maritime geographical scenarios and world geopolitics. This process is characterised by a change in States׳ territoriality resulting from their jurisdictional expansion. Over 60% of coastal States in the world possess territory with a more extensive maritime component than the terrestrial component which helps to reaffirm the fragmentation of maritime space and stresses the national vision of the oceans. Unlike the process of ocean space fragmentation that results from its nationalisation the EU Integrated Maritime Policy has a global and cooperative vision, which is particularly evident in the Atlantic Strategy. In this context, this article aims to: (i) provide a first estimate of the size and extent of the territorial changes resulting from jurisdictional claims available to date and their mapping; (ii) consider the case of the European Union as one of special significance with its express policy of maritime spatial projection. The conclusions point to a redefinition of the large territorial pieces of the global geopolitics puzzle and the emergence of a new Atlanticism associated with the EU׳s maritime policy.

There is broad agreement that marine spatial planning (MSP) should incorporate transboundary considerations, reflecting the cross-border nature of marine and coastal ecosystem dynamics and maritime resources and activities. This is recognised in the European Union's recent legislation on MSP, and experience in transboundary approaches is developing through official processes and pilot studies. However, differences between institutional systems, priorities and practices may not easily be overcome in transboundary initiatives. This requires a stronger focus on understanding the governance frameworks within which MSP operates and fostering interlinkages between them. This article discusses a European funded project in which emphasis was placed on joint-working in every aspect, based on principles of equity and mutual trust. This led to the development of inter-relations, not just of the geographies and maritime resources and activities of the marine areas concerned, but also of the systems of data management, governance and policy-making and of the participants involved as officials or stakeholders, including their means and cultures of exchange. It is suggested that transboundary initiatives in MSP would benefit by complementing current resource management-focused understandings with governance and policy-related perspectives, drawing on experience in other fields of territorial cooperation. Crown Copyright (C) 2016 Published by Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.

The coming into effect of the Directive 2008/56/EC (Marine Strategy Framework Directive (MSFD)) will induce European Union member States to create mechanisms for managing maritime space in order to comply with the goals set out in this binding legislation. This leads one to think that marine spatial planning in various countries in the EU will be directed at complying with the Directive's environmental goals, as is the case in Spain, rather than undertaking proactive planning for developing the maritime sectors. To put the case of Spain into perspective, a review is conducted of the initiatives taken, especially in Europe and the European Union, exploring the correlations between the main focuses of the maritime sectors and the planning systems. The analysis of the Spanish initiative demonstrates how the maritime economy model and geopolitical factors explain the planning options for the marine environment. In other respects, with the coming into effect of the MSFD, a dual institutional course for marine spatial planning seems to be opening up in the EU: Integrated Maritime Policy vs. the Marine Strategy Framework Directive.

This article sets out to explore the extent to which the maritime policies that have been formulated in recent years are public policies on a par with other State-level policies, or whether the geographical domain where they are applied makes them exceptional. Maritime policy and territorial structure are very closely related, and it can be seen that maritime policies are beginning to shift towards the domain of State internal affairs, necessitating the rethinking of the way powers are distributed between territorial bodies that have the legal power to be involved in the formulation of these policies and some instruments, such as marine spatial planning.

During the process by which the number of actors was increased manifold as a result of the development of civil society, the fisher community has lost prominence and importance, fading into the wide spectrum of interests with which it is competing to make its voice heard in decision-making bodies and in the media. This results in what could be termed the participation paradox—the greater the number of actors, the smaller the role each plays, and the lesser the importance of traditional sectors. Participation and devolution do not bear a linear relationship; greater devolution does not necessarily result in greater participation, a claim that has contributed to the processes of devolution being overvalued. Governance, as interaction between State, civil society and the market, paradoxically might not strengthen the most traditional of the interest groups.

The 2004 enlargement of the European Union (EU), as well as the further enlargements planned from 2007 onwards (Romania, Bulgaria, Croatia and Turkey), entail changes of a geo-political nature that not only imply an increase in size (a rise in the number of States, new boundaries), but, more especially, also involve a shift in the EU's maritime status, with its projection towards the Atlantic now being checked by a swing towards continental Europe and its inland seas. In view of the new political map being drawn up, two questions beg to be asked: to what extent is Europe's maritime condition being strengthened; and, does the new maritime Europe constitute an opportunity, or does it aggravate the already-existing problems and threats?

Modern Spanish marine policy originates from the last part of the 19th Century. “Navalist Ideology” was the theoretical platform which led to the structuring of the modern maritime sector in a way that has remained in force to the present day. Any future Spanish marine policy should be firmly placed on strong, new foundations, and create a new vision of the oceans focussed on new fields of interest, including marine science and technology, as well as the environment, as a means of diverting the aim of public policy from the traditional maritime sector.

12 páginas, 4 figuras, 4 tablas, The Mediterranean region is of fundamental importance to Europe given its strategic position. The responsibility for its overall ecosystem integrity is shared by European Union Member States (EU-MS) and other Mediterranean countries. A juxtaposition of overlapping governance instruments occurred recently in the region, with the implementation of both the Marine Strategy Framework Directive (MSFD) for EU-MS and the Ecosystem Approach Strategy (ECAP) for all Mediterranean countries, including EU-MS. Both MSFD and ECAP are structured around vision-driven processes to achieve Good Environmental Status and a Healthy Environment, respectively. These processes have clear ecosystem-based, integrated policy objectives to guarantee the preservation and integrity of Mediterranean marine ecosystem goods and services. However, adoption of these instruments, especially those related to the new EUMS directives on marine policy, could result in a governance gap in addition to the well-known economic gap between the EU and the non-EU political blocs. We identify two complementary requirements for effective implementation of both MSFD and ECAP that could work together to reduce this gap, to ensure a better alignment between MSFD and ECAP and better planning for stakeholder engagement. These are key issues for the future success of these instruments in a Mediterranean region where discrepancies between societal and ecological objectives may pose a challenge to these processes., We acknowledge the KnowSeas project (grant number 226675) for supporting this work, the KnowSeas internal reviewers for improving the paper, and those anonymous referees for their meaningful comments. Special thanks to Michael Angelids for his invaluable comments on the earliest draft manuscript concerning the United Nations Environment Programme Mediterranean Action Plan vision.

The paper describes an alternative management system for Spain's highly diverse fishing industry, involving a high degree of territorial decentralisation and the devolution of management responsibilities to professional organisations. Although such a system would fit well with the prevailing structures of a regionalised state with the Autonomous Communities assuming administrative responsibility for a wide range of regulatory functions, a number of problems are identified, including the possible loss of cohesion for Spain's fishing industry on the international scene and potential resistances to change from within the administrative system and the existing professional organisations alike.

This paper examines regional government competences in relation to their maritime space and management resources. The inherently oceanic character of insular regions has had an influence on self-governing which is now clearly oriented towards the sea environment on which they depend for development. At the same time, their insularity sets limitations on them and places them in an unadvantageous position in relation to other non-insular regions. The tendency to deepen their political autonomy, emphasizing the maritime dimension of their territory, results in greater claims for competences to manage the ocean, as well as in the emergence of tensions between central government and regional government.

This paper revolves around the role that food-from-the-sea plays in European maritime security. It aims to illustrate the links between food, fisheries, and maritime security by considering these as coexisting attributes of security in general and of maritime (in)security, in particular. The article analyzes three dimensions of this issue: the links between food security, maritime security and maritime policy; the principles that inspire the Common Fisheries Policy and their implications for the food system; and the complexity involved in the trade relations between European markets (EU) and non European suppliers (the case of Cape Verde). The relevant conclusions that can be established are i) the EU's food security policy shows little sign of changing the course of its fisheries policy objectives; ii) The different dimensions of the relationship between fisheries and food security should not be neglected. In fact, from a local perspective, the concept of food sovereignty could be applied to some of the European Union's coastal territories. Therefore, European decision-makers should not ignore the fact that subsistence fisheries are still a strategy in some European coastal areas, where access to maritime resources is the key to their economies.