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Different types of social or cultural background, combined with a region or social status, go into the making of spoken or written discourse. One of the interesting spoken discourses to discuss is political interview. It often reveals the intention of political leaders’ way of speaking. While there are those who are subtle in their way of talking, there are also a few who do not, one of whom is the Philippines’ president, Rodrigo Roa Duterte. Known for his outspoken personality, he often states controversial things that influence his country and derive critics from various places. Using van Dijk’s (2004) framework, this study analyzes the macro and micro discursive strategies used by Duterte in delivering his views on other countries’ relations with the Philippines based on his most-watched English interview with Russia Today. The findings revealed that the macro strategies used by Duterte are positive self-presentation, negative other-presentation, and outside polarization. Meanwhile, the mostly micro discursive strategies used are implication, lexicalization, and example/illustration.

The paper deals with the matter investigating the nature of the aesthetic impact of the belles-lettres style being generated within the scope of great transfer from high Middle Ages to the start of Renaissance. In course of the analysis, some traditional ideas and terms adopted in the historical stylistics are used. The mentioned ideas turned up into being during the period of its discrimination from other disciplines of linguistic historical cycle. Acquired linguistic independence charged the ideas with the function of marking the borders between the historical stylistics and other disciplines mentioned. One of the markers of the type is the voluminous historism, i.e., co-relationship between stylistic phenomena and the context of their existing. Flexible borders of the latter regulated by targets and tasks of the proper research can be extended up to the certain type of culture. Importance of a special character gained by the medieval culture during the period of the international Gothic dominating when considered as a type of a context necessary for analysing the belles-lettres style generating corresponds to the importance of combining philological and non-philological kinds of practice and induced by the purpose to enrich the analysis as well as to increase the research output verification. It is suggested that the analysis of the elements of another semiotic nature presented by types and illustrations highly important for discursive strategies to influence the recipient should be thought of as an instance of a combination of the kind. One of the mighty instruments of the mentioned sort of the esthetic impact is the medieval illuminated book of the epoch of the international Gothic (XIV - XV centuries) dominating within the borders of European cultural space. Soft power, immanent to it, id est, some ability to modify emotional state of consciousness and behaviour of a recipient is characterised by semiotic attractionness and cognitive power, and embodies one of the type of strategies of the kind.

The article examines the trajectory of changes in the post-Soviet period in the ideological complex, which was called “Soviet ideology” in the “late” USSR. The theoretical and methodological frame work of the analysis consists of the theory of political regimes, as well as elements of the theory of ideologies and the theory of political discourse. The features and peculiarities of the “Soviet ideology” in the conditions of the “post-totalitarian” political regime in the “late” USSR, which led to its weakening and decline after the collapse of the Soviet regime, are investigated. Under the conditions of the post-Soviet political regime in Russia, the “Soviet ideology” disintegrated into an ideological component (the basis of the ideology of post-Soviet communist parties) and a political-cultural component (the pattern of post-Soviet political culture). Both components created a specific problem of relations with these phenomena for the ruling power. The study of the discourse of power on the subject of “Soviet ideology” (conducted mainly on the material of speeches and statements of the presidents of the Russian Federation) allowed us to identify three successive discursive strategies of such relations: the strategy of “struggle”, the strategy of “adaptation” and the strategy of “selective use”. The last of them was used in the 2010s in the conditions of consolidation of the authoritarian political regime. It made it possible to selective lyinclude the legacy of “Soviet ideology” in the ideological complex of the ruling regime, which is characterized by the use of not full-fledged political ideologies, but “identitarian narratives” that allow the inclusion of heterogeneous elements of ethno cultural, historical, religious, etc. traditions. Comparative studies also show that the orientation in the ideological sphere to such “identitarian narratives” is a characteristic trend of modern neo-autocracies.

The present contribution focuses on the discursive strategies used in the Polish online media when they appeal to the feeling of love of the fatherland. The current Polish public discourse on patriotism continues to be marked by historical events such as the three partitions of the country, the uprisings against the invaders, and the two world wars, and the national identity is often perceived through the prism of love for the fatherland. For this reason, in this article the author examines the discursive strategies currently used the Polish national media as well as the meanings that terms such as patriot, patriotism, and patriotic acquire. The corpus-based analysis draws on articles from online newspapers’ archives published by representative Polish media from right, left and liberal center political orientations (wSieci, Do Rzeczy, Krytyka Polityczna, Dziennik Trybuna, Kultura Liberalna and Liberté). La présente contribution porte sur les stratégies discursives présentes dans le discours des médias numériques qui font appel au sentiment de dévouement envers la patrie. Le discours public polonais reste en étroit rapport avec la mémoire historique de la nation, marquée par les trois partages du pays, par les soulèvements contre les envahisseurs et par les guerres mondiales. Tout cela a certainement influé sur la représentation de l’identité, souvent perçue à travers le prisme de l’amour pour la patrie. Pour cette raison, nous nous proposons d’examiner les stratégies discursives présentes dans le discours de la presse nationale d’actualité afin d’étudier l’emploi des termes « patriote », « patriotisme » et « patriotique » dans la presse polonaise. Nous nous appuierons sur un corpus d’articles publiés en ligne par des titres représentatifs de la presse numérique dont l’orientation politique est soit de droite, soit de gauche, soit de centre libéral (wSieci, Do Rzeczy, Krytyka Polityczna, Dziennik Trybuna, Kultura Liberalna et Liberté).

The reviewed work is the monograph written by M.S. Matytsina, the Associate Professor of Foreign Languages Department, Lipetsk State Technical University. In the book the author describes the development trends of the English immigration discourse in the scientific paradigm of critical research. The author focuses on establishing the relationship between discourse and society, and the connecting link in this interaction is cognitive structures, which are a subjective mental construct of participants in the communicative situation. The aim of the study is to analyze and systematize the existing knowledge about the problem of immigration in dynamically developing societies of Great Britain and the USA, assess the state of development of language processes that occur as a result of observed trends, and also identify the place and role of the language content of the discourse in social relations building. The study broadens and deepens the existing knowledge about various techniques of modern political rhetoric and discursive phenomena. The monograph is addressed to specialists in the field of discursive analysis, language theory, political linguistics, doctoral students, graduate students, applicants, teachers and students of institutes and departments of foreign languages.

Summary This study explores the discourse of Trump as a businessman and as a president regarding the topic of immigration. Data for this research were gathered from four speeches and four interviews delivered by Trump in the eighties-nineties and four speeches and four interviews after being elected president. The analysis focuses on the way Trump represents US (ingroup) versus THEM (outgroup) at the local semantic level through the use of pronouns and implicatures and, at the local form through the use of syntax, that is, the formal relationship between clauses and sentences. In particular, I want to shed light on the following research questions: (1) How does Donald Trump represent the topic of immigration as a businessman? (2) How does Donald Trump represent the topic of immigration as a president? On the basis of the results of this research, it can be concluded that the period in which the discourse was uttered seems to have a strong bearing on the discursive strategies employed by Trump. It should be also pointed out that nowadays, the linguistic analysis of Trump’s discourses area touchstone issue in political and social affairs. This paper contributes to this volume offering insights regarding the analysis of political discourse. More specifically, research on political discourse is considered as a branch within social science.

This study describes how parents in academia negotiate their professional identity in relation to dominant discourses of science as a calling. Based on in-depth interviews with men and women academics in a Dutch university, five discursive strategies are distilled that reconcile contradictory claims of academia and parenthood. Parents are conforming, suffering or fighting dominant discourses, are optimistic about or pragmatically arranging academia and parenthood. These discursive strategies illustrate agency of parents, simultaneously subscribing to dominant discourses and negotiating alternative stances. Furthermore, from focus groups with leaders we distilled how the material structure of different schools, reflected in the rules and procedures regulating standards to which institutions and individuals are held, sets limits to discursive strategies that academics adopt. We identify the constraints and room for agency and argue that agency can only lead to transformation when transcending individual awareness by moving towards collective action.

In recent years, government officials in Hungary, Poland and Austria have contested the authority of the EU in areas linked to core state powers, such as democracy and the rule of law and migrations. Analyzing the discursive strategies displayed by conservative and/or right-wing governments in these countries, the article shows how the old conflict line over sovereignty that has traditionally shaped the integration process–supranational vs domestic sovereignty–is being complemented by a new discourse which consists in disparaging EU ‘interference’ in the very name of European values and a common European identity, defined in opposition to multiculturalism and political liberalism. Pioneered by Viktor Orban, this discourse has been circulating among other Central European heads of government and incumbent parties’ officials in the wake of the refugee ‘crisis’, which opened up a discursive opportunity structure for its diffusion., SCOPUS: ar.j, info:eu-repo/semantics/published

Introduction. Introduction explores the political interview genre, which is an efficient way of affecting the audience as well as a tool of forming public opinion. Key strategies of political interview namely persuasive and evasive ones are given. Basic tactics helping in carrying out these strategies in political interview are outlined. Materials and methods. Materials and methods are explored in a corresponding paragraph of the paper. D. Trump, H. Clinton and E. Macron interviews transcripts in the English language are used as material for the research. Transcripts are studied within the frame of conceptual integration theory (cognitive metaphor and mental spaces study) and discourse analysis (linguistic and extra linguistic discourse features investigation). Results. Results of the research represent specific examples of studying persuasive and evasive strategies revealing corresponding tactics while drawing conceptual integration schemes (for persuasive strategy) and examining particular phrases from the interview taking into account political and social context (for evasive strategy). Discussion. Discussion is devoted to summarizing the investigation and reviewing the results. Among the persuasive tactics Ettiketirung and discreditation tactics prevail in the material studied. The most popular evasive tactics are mitigation, generalization, compliance with the journalist, admission of guilt. Cognitive metaphor is an effective way of implementing persuasive strategy while it is used rarely in carrying out evasive strategy. As far as psychological image of the politicians is concerned, H. Clinton and D. Trump tend to be using persuasive strategy, whereas E. Macron prefers to be evasive. Also, the French President often implements stable emotional state strategy. Conclusion. Conclusion contemplates the outlook of the research given. Further studying of persuasive, evasive and other discursive strategies is planned based on political interviews and political discourse in general.

Resumen En el 2007, el proyecto de la “Ley que regula el uso, preservación, desarrollo, recuperación, fomento y difusión de las lenguas originarias del Perú” generó una serie de debates y confrontaciones verbales dentro y fuera del parlamento. Entre ellos destacó el encuentro verbal de las excongresistas Martha Hildebrandt, opositora al proyecto, y María Sumire, defensora de la aprobación. Hildebrandt, lingüista de profesión, y Sumire, abogada de profesión y reconocida como indigenista, formularon discursos de autodefensa y de exclusión. El objetivo de este artículo es analizar los discursos de estas congresistas, los cuales determinaron la decisión política sobre quién tenía el derecho de opinar sobre política lingüística en Perú. Los discursos son estudiados desde el análisis crítico del discurso, con un enfoque en las estrategias léxicas y discursivas empleadas por las congresistas en sus declaraciones, pues estas revelan sus formas de pensar. Los resultados sugieren que, en ambos casos, aunque en uno más que en otro, se reproducen relaciones jerárquicas de poder y prácticas sociales discriminatorias. Resumo Em 2007, o projeto da “Lei que regula o uso, preservação, desenvolvimento, recuperação, promoção e difusão das línguas nativas do Peru” gerou uma série de debates e confrontos verbais dentro e fora do parlamento. Entre eles, destacou-se a reunião verbal das ex-congressistas Martha Hildebrandt, oponente do projeto, e Maria Sumire, defensora da aprovação. Hildebrandt, lingüista de profissão, e Sumire, advogada de profissão e reconhecida como indígena, fizeram discursos sobre autodefesa e exclusão. O objetivo deste artigo é analisar os discursos destas congressistas, que determinaram a decisão política de quem tinha o direito de opinar sobre a política lingüística no Peru. Os discursos são estudados a partir da análise crítica do discurso, com foco nas estratégias léxicas e discursivas empregadas pelas congressistas em suas declarações, pois elas revelam suas formas de pensar. Os resultados sugerem que, em ambos os casos, embora em um mais do que no outro, as relações hierárquicas de poder e as práticas sociais discriminatórias são reproduzidas. Abstract In 2007, the project of the “Law that regulates the use, preservation, development, recovery, promotion and diffusion of the native languages of Peru” generated a series of debates and verbal confrontations inside and outside the parliament; among them, the verbal meeting of the ex-congressmen Martha Hildebrandt, opponent of the project, and Maria Sumire, defender of the approval, stood out. Hildebrandt, a linguist by profession, and Sumire, a lawyer by profession and recognized as an indigenous person, gave speeches on self-defense and exclusion. The objective of this article is to analyze the speeches of these congresswomen, which determined the political decision of who had the right to give an opinion on language policy in Peru. The discourses are studied from the critical analysis of the discourse, with a focus on the lexical and discursive strategies employed by the congresswomen in their statements, because through these their ways of thinking are revealed. The results suggest that, in both cases, although in one more than in the other, hierarchical power relations and discriminatory social practices are reproduced.

This article, which focuses on selected plays by contemporary Congolese playwrights, has two objectives: the first of which is to illustrate how theatre production in the DRC in contemporary times has been devoted to highlighting various social and political conflicts within the society. The paper’s second objective is to examine the aesthetic and technical aspects of the plays under study, such as the use of allegory, metaphors, verbal invention, proverbs, enunciative heterogeneity, voice orchestration, and theatricality encoded in stage directions (didascalia). Through its critical analysis of dramaturgy and style, the paper reveals the manner in which the authors display a heightened sense of awareness about conflicts within their society by employing an agonistic mode in their plot construction. The paper also highlights how the plays have contributed greatly to the development of writing for performance in Africa in general, and in the Democratic Republic of Congo in particular. Keywords: Congo theatre, conflict, diegesis, discursive strategies, esthetical methods.

In this work, the Dutch critical thinker and the socio-cognitive researcher on discourse and power issues, Teun A. Van Dijk, gives us a critical analysis of power and its discursive strategies for domination. It exposes us some forms of abuse of speech on the part of power (such as the media) that end up provoking hate discrimination and rejection of the other.

In mathematics education, there is general agreement regarding the significance of mathematical literacy (also quantitative literacy or numeracy) for informed citizenship, which often requires evaluating the use of numbers in public policy discourse. We hold that such an evaluation must accommodate the necessarily fragile relation between the information that numbers are taken to carry and the policy decisions they are meant to support. In doing so, attention needs to be paid to differences inhowthat relation is formed. With this in mind, we investigated a public discourse that heavily relied on numbers in the context of introducing, maintaining, and easing the rules and regulations directed to contain the spread of the virus SARS-CoV-2 during the first epidemic wave of COVID-19 in Germany with its peak in early April 2020. We used a public-service broadcasting outlet as data. Our theoretical stance is affiliated with post-structuralist discourse theory. As an outcome, we identified four major related strategies of using numbers, which we namedrationalisation,contrast,associationandrecharging. In our view explicit attention to these strategies as well as identifying new ones can aid the task of furthering critical mathematical literacy.

UIDB/05021/2020 UIDP/05021/2020 Partidos populistas têm obtido sucesso eleitoral na Europa ultrapassando parti-dos que dominaram o sistema partidário nas últimas décadas. As explicações para o sucesso destes partidos têm-se centrado essencialmente nas desigualdades eco-nómicas entre países, na insegurança e no aumento da imigração e do número de refugiados. A importância do populismo não pode ser hoje ignorada. Em Portugal, o sistema partidário tem-se mantido estável com dois partidos hegemónicos ao centro (Partido Socialista e Partido Social Democrata) alternando entre si no poder, com ou sem coligações com partidos mais pequenos à direita ou com acordos à es-querda, estes últimos na legislatura de 2016-2019. As eleições legislativas de 2019 vieram contudo provocar um “abanão” na estabilidade do sistema com a entrada no Parlamento de três novas formações políticas e o enfraquecimento dos dois parti-dos situados à direita do espectro parlamentar. Com base nas abordagens conceptuais do populismo este artigo procura mani-festações desse fenómeno no discurso político do líder do novo partido parlamentar Chega, tal como representado na imprensa e na televisão, em três acontecimentos que obtiveram grande mediatização. Concomitantemente, a análise procura perce-ber até que ponto os media podem funcionar como catalisadores ou inibidores de causas e sentimentos populistas. A análise de discurso e a análise de conteúdo são os principais instrumentos de análise utilizados.Populist parties have achieved electoral success in Europe overtaking parties that have dominated the party system in recent decades. The explanations for the success of these parties have centered essentially on economic inequalities between coun-tries, insecurity and an increase in immigration and in the number of refugees. The importance of populism cannot be ignored today. In Portugal, the party system has remained stable with two hegemonic parties at the center (Socialist Party and Social Democratic Party) alternating between them in power, with or without coalitions with smaller parties on the right or with agreements on the left, the latter in the 2016-2019 legislature. The 2019 legislative elections, however, caused a “shake-up” in the stabil-222 | MEDIA&JORNALISMOity of the system with the entry into Parliament of three new political formations and the weakening of the two parties located to the right of the parliamentary spectrum. Based on conceptual approaches to populism, this article seeks manifestations of this phenomenon in the political discourse of the líder of the new parliamentary party Chega, as represented in the press and on television, on the occasion of three events that achieved great media coverage. The analysis seeks to understand the extent to which the media can act as catalysts or inhibitors of populist causes and feelings. Discourse analysis and content analysis are the main analysis tools used. publishersversion published

The study adopts a critical discourse analysis approach to Chiang Kai-shek's (CKS) internal nationalist propaganda and authoritarian discourse practices, investigating his New Year and National Day speeches in the 1950s. Authoritarian characteristics are evident in strategies such as legitimation, reification, or myth-making, in the antagonist categorisation of Self versus Other, in Self-glorification and the idolisation of the dead, in the hegemonic creation of commonality and unity, and in the metaphorical conceptualisation of reality. Patterns of idolising the dead serve to impose and legitimise CKS's worldview among his citizens. Another pattern is CKS's invention of imaginary compatriots within the “enslaved China” waiting for the best time to overthrow the “bandits”' rule. Reference to these imaginary agents indirectly presents to his audience a false but better impression of the Self, and a dimmer view of the communist bandits. A third pattern is CKS's metaphorical use of language, such as references to communist China as a puppet regime of Russia.

Using a discourse analytical method, this paper explores how Sweden and Swedish national identity are expressed in the yearbooks from the Swedish Tourist Association, and if there have been any changes in the discursive constructions during 127 years of publications. The results indicate changing discursive strategies during the period. Around 1900, a homogeneous national identity was constructed through ideas about a common essence and culture. In the following decades, perpetuation strategies justified the identity by referring to a common history. A shift occurred around 2000, with transformation and deconstruction strategies that questioned the established ideas about Sweden and Swedishness.

This article aims to compare the representations of the October Revolution within the official discourse from the break with Soviet mythology to the most recent period of the 2000s, seeking for a certain continuity with the Soviet period. Indeed, the concept of revolution, with references to the events and figures of the revolutionary period, seems to have been revived by the contemporary Russian political discourse well before the “color revolutions” in the post-Soviet space. These upheavals, which have reduced the distance between the concepts of soft power and hard power, raise the concerns of the Russian leadership and incite it to look for instruments of self-legitimation in the historical memory, in particular in that of the revolutions of 1917. The representations of the revolutionary momentum in the discourse of the contemporary Russian leadership are based on the doxa inherited from perestroika. However, some elements of this doxa are used to defend the evolutionary paradigm that forms the basis of the legitimacy of power. Starting from the myth of the revolution deconstructed by the reformers of perestroika, this study shows how contemporary Russian leaders succeed in inscribing various constitutive elements of new depictions of revolution in their strategies of self- representation and argumentation. The questions raised in this article focus on the place of the representations of revolution in the rhetorical and discursive tactics of self- legitimization and the delegitimization of the Other., Depuis la perestroïka, les représentations de la Révolution russe de 1917 ont subi des changements profonds, renversant le mythe révolutionnaire soviétique. Les dirigeants politiques russes des années 2000 font un usage sélectif de ces représentations transformées dans leurs stratégies discursives. Cet article interroge la façon dont la révolution est traitée dans l’espace communicatif du Kremlin, après la rupture avec la mythologie soviétique et au moment de la recherche d’une certaine continuité avec l’époque soviétique. En effet, le concept de révolution, avec des références aux événements et figures du moment révolutionnaire, est réactualisé dans le discours politique russe contemporain dès avant les « révolutions de couleur » dans l’espace postsoviétique. Ces bouleversements réduisant la distance entre l’usage du soft power et du hard power inquiètent le pouvoir russe et l’incitent à chercher des instruments d’autolégitimation dans la mémoire historique, en particulier dans celle des révolutions de 1917. Les représentations du moment révolutionnaire dans le discours du pouvoir russe contemporain s’appuient sur la doxa héritée de l’époque de la perestroïka. Cependant, certains éléments de cette doxa sont utilisés pour défendre le paradigme évolutionniste qui constitue le fondement de la légitimité du pouvoir. Cette étude montre ainsi comment les dirigeants russes contemporains parviennent à inscrire dans leurs stratégies d’autoreprésentation et d’argumentation les divers éléments constitutifs des nouvelles représentations de la révolution. L’article interroge la place des représentations de la révolution dans les procédés rhétoriques et discursifs de légitimation de Soi et de délégitimation de l’Autre.

Este artigo analisa as estrategias discursivas de Benedita da Silva e Celso Pitta nas campanhas as prefeituras do Rio de Janeiro e de Sao Paulo, nas eleicoes de 1992 e 1996. O trabalho traz uma reflexao sobre qual e a influencia que a cor e/ou a identidade racial dos candidatos exercem na definicao das estrategias discursivas dos politicos negros e de seus adversarios nas campanhas. A pesquisa valeu-se da analise de conteudo e de discurso de uma ampla base de dados composta pelas propagandas do HGPE, cobertura jornalistica, documentos, depoimentos dos candidatos e dos seus consultores de marketing , conforme expressos em suas biografias, memorias e entrevistas. Trata-se de um trabalho que investiga como o marketing gerencia os desafios de adequar a imagem do(a) candidato(a) negro(a) as aspiracoes do eleitorado na sociedade brasileira. Palavras-chave : candidatos negros; estrategias discursivas; campanhas eleitorais; desracializar; corridas birracial Abstract This article analyzes the discursive strategies of Benedita da Silva and Celso Pitta’s campaigns in the municipalities of Rio de Janeiro and Sao Paulo, in both the 1992 and 1996 elections. This paper presents a reflection on the influence that color and/or racial identity of candidates have in defining the discursive strategies of black politicians and their opponents in political campaigns. The research drew on the content analysis and discourse of a comprehensive database consisting of advertisements of the HGPE, news coverage, documents, candidates’ statements and their marketing consultants, as expressed in their biographies, memoirs and interviews. The paper further investigates what kind of marketing strategies are employed to manage the challenges of adjusting black candidate's public image in order to meet the aspirations of the voters in Brazilian society. Keywords : black candidates; discursive strategies; electoral campaigns; de-racialize; biracial electoral races.

Der Aufsatz setzt sich zum Ziel, verbales und nonverbales aggressives Verhalten am Beispiel politischer Fernsehdiskussionen zu untersuchen. Einer genauen Analyse werden Ausschnitte aus der Sendung Maybrit Illner unterzogen. Berücksichtigt werden dabei prosodische Eigenschaften der Äußerungen sowie Mimik, Gestik und Körperhaltung des Sprechers bzw. des Hörers und auf der verbalen Ebene – Konversationsstrategien, Illokutionstyp und Anredeverhalten sowie morphologische, syntaktische und semantische Besonderheiten. Dem analytischen Teil geht eine kurze terminologische Einführung voraus. The aim of this paper is to investigate verbal and non-verbal aggressive behaviour on the basis of political TV debates such as Maybrit Illner. The analysis includes prosodic aspects of a statement, facial expressions, gestures and body language of both the speaker and hearer as well as conversational strategies, illocution, forms of address and characteristic morphological, syntactic and semantic means. The analytical part is preceded by a short terminological introduction. Celem pracy jest zbadanie werbalnego i niewerbalnego agresywnego zachowania na przykładzie telewizyjnych dyskusji politycznych. Analizie poddano fragmenty programu Maybrit Illner. Uwzględnione zostały przy tym prozodyczne cechy wypowiedzi oraz mimika, gestykulacja i mowa ciała mówcy i słuchacza, a na płaszczyźnie językowej – strategie konwersacyjne, typ illokucyjny, formy adresatywne oraz szczególne środki morfologiczne, składniowe i semantyczne. Część analityczną poprzedza krótkie wprowadzenie terminologiczne.

In natural resource management facilitation literature, little attention is paid to sensitive issues in multi-stakeholder interaction and learning. This article aims to fill this gap. It discusses the variety of discursive strategies used by stakeholders to address sensitive issues with regard to fishery management in Benin, in three different settings: individual interviews, homogeneous groups' discussions, and a heterogeneous group meeting. Issues that proved sensitive were discussed openly in the interviews or homogeneous groups' discussions, but not at all, or only indirectly, in the heterogeneous group meeting. With indirect discursive strategies, two out of the seven sensitive issues were put on the discussions' agenda. We conclude that the other issues were too sensitive among others because of historically grown interdependency between interventionists and fishers. We suggest that dealing with sensitive issues is an important dimension of the facilitation of interactive learning processes and provide methodological guidelines to detect and address such issues.

The analysis of journalistic discourse and its social embeddedness has known significant advances in the last two decades, especially due to the emergence and development of Critical Discourse Analysis. However, three important aspects remain under-researched: the time plane in discourse analysis, the discursive strategies of social actors, and the extra- and supra-textual effects of mediated discourse. Firstly, understanding the biography of public matters requires a longitudinal examination of mediated texts and their social contexts but most forms of analysis of journalistic discourse do not account for the time sequence of texts and its implications. Secondly, as the media representation of social issues is, to a large extent, a function of the discursive construction of events, problems and positions by social actors, the discursive strategies that they employ in a variety of arenas and channels ‘‘before’’ and ‘‘after’’ journalistic texts need to be examined. Thirdly, the fact that many of the modes of operation of discourse are extra- or supra-textual calls for a consideration of various social processes ‘‘outside’’ the text. This paper aims to produce a theoretical and methodological contribution to the integration of these issues in discourse analysis by proposing a framework that combines a textual dimension with a contextual one, COMPETE: POCI-01-0145-FEDER-007560

Este ensayo examina dos novelas y una biografía publicadas a mediados de los noventa que construyen imágenes de Eva Perón a partir de textos de la época y de la sucesivas recreaciones que se han hecho desde entonces. Aunque utilizan las mismas fuentes y hasta las mismas anécdotas, estos relatos ofrecen retratos considerablemente diferentes y no sólo por razones ideológicas. En una época como la actual, en la que el cientista social o el novelista tienen conciencia de que no pueden hablar por el otro, y menos en el caso de un personaje histórico sobre el que se ha construido una mitología, la modalidad narrativa adquiere especial importancia. Mientras en un caso se destruye toda pretensión de recuperar la verdad (Santa Evita), los otros dos relatos confían en la posibilidad de proponer nuevas interpretaciones. Estas representaciones evocan también consideraciones de género, es decir, revelan una conciencia de que se representa a una mujer que transgredió los cánones de su época logrando transformarse en líder de un movimiento político. Si bien es cierto que la intimidad de Eva continúa siendo elusiva, los tres relatos nos permiten entender desde nuestro tiempo la vida de una mujer que se definió a sí misma y cuyas decisiones tuvieron consecuencias realesThis essay examines two novels and a biography published in the mid-90s that construct images of Eva Perón originating in texts of her own time and in successive recreations that have been done since then. Although the same sources and even the same anecdotes are recalled, these narratives offer considerably different portraits, and not just for ideological reasons. In an age such as ours, in which the social scientist and the novelist realize that they cannot speak for the other, and much less in the case of a historical figure who has become a myth, the discursive modality adopted acquires special significance. While in one case, that of Santa Evita, there is no illusion of recovering the true story, in the other two narratives there is a hint that new interpretations may be posited. These representations evoke also gender considerations, for they reveal an awareness that the character being represented is a woman who transgressed the notions of what it meant to be a woman, transforming herself into the leader of a political movement. Even if it is true that Eva's persona continues to be elusive, the three narratives allow us to understand from our own times the life of a woman who was able to define herself, and whose decisions had real consequences

In this analysis we have chosen a recent French talk show to illustrate how communication is turned into some new kind of "ideology"nowadays: in other words, you have to communicate if you consider yourself a citizen of today's world. The main characteristic of issue-centered talk shows being the destabilization of the implicit rules and participation framework, we observe how the so-called democratic right to express ourselves is (mis)used by the talk show host to secure the dynamics of the show. In order to reveal the host's manipulations, we have examined the verbal interactions between host and guests on the following issues: topic choice, turn-taking mechanisms and identity construction of the talk show's guests. In the perspective that this kind of talk show presents itself as a public space where direct democracy can be exercised, the analysis of the discursive strategies of the talk show host reveals the impact of a mediatic participation framework. Para a presente análise escolhemos um "talk show" francês recente para ilustrar como a comunicação se transforma em um novo tipo de ideologia: em outras palavras, você deve se comunicar se você se considera um cidadão do mundo de hoje. Sendo a principal característica do talk show a desestabilização das regras implícitas e o framework de participação, observamos como o tal direito democrático de expressão é interpretado pelo apresentador para manter a dinâmica do programa. Para revelar suas manipulações, examinamos as interações verbais entre apresentador e convidados nos seguintes temas: escolha do tópico, mecanismos de tomada de turno e construção de identidade dos convidados. É nessa perspectiva que este tipo de programa se apresenta como um espaço público onde a democracia direta pode ser exercitada; a análise das estratégias discursivas do apresentador do talk show revela o impacto de um framework de participação mediada.

Le soulèvement et la Déclaration de guerre zapatistes du 1er janvier 1994 au Mexique ont bénéficié d’une couverture internationale presque immédiate. Les communiqués qui ont suivi, signés pour la plupart par le Sous-commandant Marcos, porte-parole de l’Armée zapatiste de libération nationale, sont devenus l’emblème d’un nouveau discours et d’une nouvelle forme de l’agir politique. La rapidité avec laquelle ceux-ci ont été traduits en plusieurs langues a contribué à l’internationalisation d’un discours, ainsi qu’à la montée d’un mouvement considéré comme pionnier dans la lutte contre la mondialisation. Moyennant l’analyse des stratégies sous-jacentes aux diverses traductions françaises et anglaises des communiqués zapatistes, cet article cherche à définir la place qu’occupe la traduction, abordée tant du point de vue de sa pratique que de son sens métaphorique, au sein de l’agir et du parler zapatistes., The Zapatista uprising and its war declaration of January 1, 1994 in Mexico, received an almost immediate international press coverage. The Zapatista communiqués, most of them signed by Subcomandante Marcos, spokesperson of the Zapatista National Liberation Army, became emblematic of a new discourse and a new form of political action. The great rate at which these communiqués were translated into many languages contributed to internationalize a discourse and a movement deemed pioneer in the struggle against globalization. By analysing the strategies underlying the various French and English translations of the Zapatista communiqués, this article attempts to define the role played by translation in the Zapatista action and discourse.