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Over the past decade, the small state of Mongolia has emerged as an important player in Northeast Asia through its mediation efforts. Driven by a desire for regional and global influence and presti...

“The Unacknowledged War” is an inquiry into the phenomenon of Civil War revisionism, focusing on the tendency of white Americans to deny, against all available evidence, that the “war between the states” was waged over slavery. In doing so, the essay turns to Paul Laurence Dunbar’s grievously understudied 1901 novel The Fanatics, a historical fiction of the war years that focuses on the white North and argues that the Unionists who battled the Confederacy did so only because they wrongly believed that the war’s purpose had nothing to do with enslaved Black Americans. The essay also shows how Dunbar’s novel contributes to several fields of contemporary intellectual interest, among them Civil War studies, Afropessimist thought, and a cross-disciplinary investigation of negative epistemologies known as “ignorance studies.” Ultimately, the essay concludes that Civil War revisionism has yet to show signs of ebbing in American historical consciousness and that ignorance-oriented novels like Dunbar’s are indispensable partners for approaching this persistent problem.

In this study, the researcher has mentioned the writers and their major works in Elizabethan age (1558-1603). The researcher has mentioned almost nineteen writers and their famous works. By reading this research paper, any general reader can easily understand that who are the major writers of the age and what are their famous works. The language and method of presenting the data are very easy. The researcher also has mentioned the major contributions of this era’s writers. As we know that University Wits also fall in this era, thus the researcher has mentioned them and their works too. S. Dutta (2014) declared that The University Wits is a phrase used to title a group of late 16th-century English pamphleteers and playwrights who were studied at the universities Cambridge and Oxford. They appeared famous worldly writers. This era has reminisced for its richness of drama and poetry. This era ended in 1603. Elizabeth turns out to be one of the greatest prominent royals in English history, mainly after 1588, when the English beat the Spanish Armada which had been sent by Spain to reestablish Catholicism and defeat England. All the way through the Elizabethan age, English literature has changed from a shell into a delightful being with imagination, creativeness, and boundless stories. It was not about mystery or miracle plays and the poetry was not nearby religion and the principles addressed in the Church.

Introduction. Socio-philosophical studies of the patterns of conflict being in modern discourse need to be clarified from the point of ontology. The analysis of the conflict specifics of a closed society in an ideological perspective allows us to discover the ontological foundations of self-conflict. In order to empirically reinforce conflict research, the relationship of conflict and ideology should be considered on the basis of specific cases. North Korean sociocultural realities are among the most visible forms of a closed society in modern discourse and provide ample opportunity to comprehend the conflicting reality modeled by ideological tools of influencing the mass consciousness.Methodology and sources. Methodologically, the work is based on social and philosophical reflection based on direct observations in North Korea during a visit to Pyongyang in the autumn of 2016 and a content analysis of Russian literature acquired in North Korea (works by Kim Il Sung and Kim Jong Il, fundamental scientific works by North Korean scientists and periodicals of an ideological nature).Results and discussion. Ideology is understood as a variety of views and ideas transmitted to the subject with the goal of reorienting or keeping his perception in a certain mode of sociocultural reality. The subject's ideological programming in modern discourse claims to be a leader in the field of modeling sociocultural life in general and, in particular, the “conflict reality” cluster. The author analyzes the ideological foundations of North Korean conflict reality, laid down by the founder of the state, Kim Il Sung, and continued by his heir Kim Jong Il in the militarized Songun doctrine.Conclusion. On the base of study of the ideological aspects of conflict reality in the DPRK, it can be concluded that in a closed society, the ontological boundary between the real and the apparent in everyday life is eliminated. At the same time, a closed society with a paramilitary ideology meets the criteria for a successful development for a third world country, as embodied in globalist dogma.

Amid a lull in the Korean conflict of early 1952, Chinese officials launched a sensationalized propaganda campaign against purported American germ attacks in Korea and China. To boost enthusiasm for the war, the Chinese government sought to foment popular anxieties about the strange specter of American insects and diseases raining down from the skies. Officials quickly capitalized upon public outcries and mobilized them toward the aims of the state. Using dramatized fears of an American germ war, propagandists combined the government’s aims of increasing popular anti-Americanism, developing the Patriotic Hygiene Campaign, and rallying the country for total war. As this article argues, Chinese leaders honed imagery of a microbial American invasion to teach the public about science and educate them about the threats of germs and diseases. In this fusion of state propaganda and pedagogy, the citizenry was mobilized to performatively confront fictional American germ attacks in ways that entrenched a dogmatic anti-Americanism into the banal constructions of everyday life.

The demise of the Soviet Union in 1991 marked the end of a massive decades-long subsidizing of the DPRK economy. This by itself produced a major contraction in the DPRK-Russia bilateral relationship, from which it has not recovered, notwithstanding the 1999 Treaty and a brisk tempo of bilateral exchanges across a number of fields. Security and economics comprise the two most significant spheres of DPRK-Russia cooperation. Security issues, however, take precedence, as it is not until the Korean conflict ends, and with it much of the rationale for the DPRK’s self-imposed economic isolation, that the DPRK and Russia will be able to productively explore their joint potential.

This paper examined moral justification due to Juche's ideology in North Korea as the main reason for the survival of the authoritarian regime and caused violence. By using Moral Justification analysist from Psychology of peace and conflict, this paper explain how Juche Ideology affected to Violence, How intervention toward north Korean Conflict from international society, and possible scenario to implemented in North Korea. However, North Korean conflict not only affected their national issue, but also international level. High number of Human Right Violation in this country can be understood by psychological of peace and conflict studies.

This article considers the immigrant store owner as spectacle, signifier, and actor in Korean-Black relations in Los Angeles during the late twentieth century, arguing that the “Black-Korean conflict” was an historical and cultural phenomenon in which events and their representations built upon each other. Members of these groups sometimes resisted and interrogated the framework of interethnic conflict which was projected onto them, but also incorporated it into their outlooks and organizing strategies. The article also reflects upon efforts to address intergroup tensions and conflict against a backdrop of widespread racial injustice and economic inequality in Los Angeles and the United States.

The expectations for the role of civil society are growing due to an abysmal record of high-level political leadership in reaching an agreement and a sustainable peace process. How much impact can civil society have and what roles can it take in the peace process? This case study of South Korean civil society shows how the civil society was able to bridge the horizontal and vertical boundaries of the Korean conflict with the support of a global civil society, and created a hospitable public atmosphere for the peace process in the 1980s and 1990s. However, the space for the civil society to make a contribution in the Korean peace process required the interdependency of the roles of high-level and civil-society leadership in the interplay between the international and domestic political environments. The peacebuilding role of South Korean civil society demonstrates that the horizontal capacity of civil society alone cannot guarantee a breakthrough and sustainability in a peace process, but if it is ...

This chapter explores the broadly construed “last decade” of Elizabeth I’s reign and of the Tudor period as a whole, from the 1588 defeat of the Spanish Armada by, in the assessment of English contemporaries, a “protestant wind” and the triumphal reckonings of the realm’s strength and abilities that followed to the death of the queen in the early years of the 1600s. It demonstrates how prolonged war against a Catholic, Habsburg enemy empowered subjects, bolstered resolve, spread navigational knowledge, and produced a feeling of urgency to consolidate from within and grow from without, with new plots and participants, merging national and imperial means and ends throughout an expanding Atlantic world.

There has long been a debate about how South Korea should best manage the Korean peace and denuclearization process in order to resolve the Korean conflict. Previous research into South Korea’s strategy has focused mostly on comparing the progressive and conservative approaches, or on analyzing individual administrations. However, the first only helps to identify which of these broad approaches works better, not how either would best be applied, and the second does not allow for contrast in order to facilitate comparison. This dissertation compares the approaches to the peace and denuclearization process of two progressive administrations, Roh Moo-hyun and Moon Jae-in, thus providing a more nuanced insight into policies of engagement. Through qualitative analysis of a variety of sources it identifies three core differences in their approaches. Firstly, the terms on which Moon engaged with the DPRK were more conditional than those of Roh. Moon’s approach did provide the DPRK with better incentives to cooperate, but it also caused some frustration and loss of confidence for the DPRK later on. The second difference is that Moon has had a better working relationship with the US than Roh did. This is in part the result of Moon’s efforts to save US face and avoid actions that could lead the US to experience abandonment fear in the context of their alliance, both of which Roh was by comparison far less considerate of. These efforts gave Moon more influence over the US and better leverage over the DPRK through closer cooperation with the US. However, his decision to stand with the US on the issue of sanctions also led to a loss of momentum for inter-Korean relations in 2019. Lastly, more of the interactions between the ROK, US, and DPRK under Moon took place at the heads of state level compared to under Roh. This made developments under Moon more volatile, which was a disadvantage in some instances, particularly when a systematic, steady approach was needed. However, it also provided Moon with flexibility and direct influence over the development of the peace process, which in several instances enabled him to keep up momentum. This dissertation will discuss how these variations may have contributed to divergent results.

This article examines the border wall and the image of fortress England in Robert Greene’s Friar Bacon and Friar Bungay and early 1590s nationalist discourse. While Greene recognizes the need for an international outlook in geopolitics, Bacon’s wall speaks to contemporary interest in coastal fortifications and brass ordnance in the wake of the Spanish Armada. Greene lampoons the wall as magical thinking, but the play clings to metaphorical walls as more cost-effective symbols of national security and autonomy. The play’s awkward combination of pan-European sentiment and strident nationalism offers a prophetic commentary on post-Brexit Britain.

The name Joseph Smith, b. 23 December 1803, d. 27 June, 1844 invokes words like heretic, false prophet, con artist and fruitcake. No stranger to con artistry or the interior of a prisoner cell, Smith was arrested numerous times on legitimate charges, he also accomplished something no other Prophet did: developed the character and strategies for First Citizen of Humanity, Abraham Lincoln and helped start a War Between the States that enslaved men might be free. Though he never lived to see his Book of Mormon accomplish its ends, he, along with the Latter Day Saints were never given recognition, not even informally for this, humankind’s the most important task. The most important in human history. In this paper I detail important elements of Smith’s and his Church’s work and also illuminate his ties to Mr. Lincoln, and mourn the wayward Church of today. Perhaps revisiting Mister Smith’s Vision will reignite all of us and cause us to rise up and wage one more War against tyranny, weaponry, waste, abuse, neglect, and utter ignorance of our innate spiritual principals.

Language has been used as a tool of domination, conquest and colonization throughout history. This chapter reviews the types of language education programs that fit those categories and suggests that they fail to leverage the actual language practices of learners, called here translanguaging. The economic and military might of the Kingdom of England did not require the language named English to be protected by a prescriptive grammar or a language academy. In 1588 England defeated the Spanish armada, consolidating the might of British maritime power. The plan of the growing power was to acquire the many people and their riches in a territory over which the sun never set. As the powerful class of both the Spanish and British empires came into contact with Others who spoke differently, they legitimated only their own language practices, which were named Spanish in one case and English in the other, and these were carefully restricted.

In this paper, I develop a game-theoretic model to propose a desideratum for resolving the North Korean conflict, and promoting peace and security around the Korean peninsula. A political change in North Korea may be possible only with China's full support and cooperation with international sanctions against North Korea. The key to inducing China's cooperation is for the US to make a credible promise that respects Chinese security concerns in the northern part of the Korean peninsula in the event of political change.

The years after World War II represent the origins of the Cold War era. This chapter argues that the study of Cold War diplomacy from the interpreter’s viewpoint can provide valuable insights into this period. It explores how interpreters at US and Soviet meetings managed their agency in making foreign policy and in adjusting their work to the different functions of diplomacy. It reviews several case studies which reflect different forms of diplomacy, strategically implemented with the help of diplomat interpreters: summitry diplomacy, public diplomacy, and military negotiations during the Korean conflict. We conclude with some examples that summarize the importance of personal factors in the understanding of international relations in general and in the early Cold War in particular.

“After five years of its independence from Japan, North Korea invaded South Korea on 25 June 1950. With China’s intervention, the Korean War became a brutal war between great powers in the Cold War era. Hence, the Korean War both brought about the division of the Korean peninsula as well as created a geopolitical power issue between the United States and China (Moon, 2018: 266)”.

This chapter examines the ups and downs of high-level negotiations in the Korean peace process. The statements and agreements made during high-level negotiations, such as the July 4 Communique of 1972; the 1991 Basic Agreement; the June 15 Joint Declaration; the October 4 Joint Declaration; the September 19 Joint statement and the February 13 Agreement, were never fully implemented. To understand obstructions to the implementation of those agreements, this chapter analyses the state parties in the Korean conflict with reference to the concepts of peacebuilding gap theory. This chapter discusses the need to build a platform where diverse actors from multiple levels of society participate and cooperate.

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Contents: Introduction. Part I Technology: The early provision of artillery armament on Mediterranean war galleys, John F. Guilmartin, Jr 'Many may peruse us': ribbands, moulds and models in the dockyards', Richard Barker The Dreadnought revolution of Tudor England, Geoffrey Parker In pursuit of the frigate, 1603-40, Andrew Thrush. Part II Policy and Administration: The evolution of the Ottoman seaborne empire in the age of oceanic discoveries, 1453-1525, Andrew C. Hess Economic aspects of the construction of warships in Venice in the 16th century, Ruggiero Romano Maturing of naval administration 1556-64, Tom Glasgow, Jr Spanish Armada guns, I.A.A. Thompson Armadas in an age of scarce resources: struggling to maintain the fleet in 17th-century Spain, David Goodman Prelude to power: the crisis of 1649 and the foundation of English naval power, James S. Wheeler. Part III Tactics in Battle: The development of broadside gunnery, 1450-1650, N.A.M. Rodger The action between Pater and Oquendo, 12 September, 1631, C.R. Boxer The 'military revolution' afloat: the era of the Anglo-Dutch wars and the transition to modern warfare at sea, M.A.J. Palmer The introduction of the single line ahead as a battle formation by the Dutch 1665-66, R.E.J. Weber. Part IV Strategy and Operations: The overrated adversary: Rhodes and Ottoman naval power, Palmira Brummett Herring Wars: the Habsburg Netherlands and the struggle for control of the North Sea, ca. 1520-60, James D. Tracy The recovery of St Andrews Castle in 1547: French naval policy and diplomacy in the British Isles, Elizabeth Bonner The Thirty Years' War in the Mediterranean, R.C. Anderson The Thirty Years' War in the Mediterranean, part II, R.C. Anderson The Straits of Hormuz fleets: Omani-Portuguese naval rivalry and encounters, c. 1660-80, Glenn J. Ames. Part V Trade Warfare and Privateering: The organization and effects of Flemish privateering in the 17th century, R. Baetens The Spanish Dunkirker

A major source of contention fueling “Black–Korean conflict” is the claim put forth by many African Americans that Korean immigrants receive special support from banks and the American government to open their businesses. In response, scholars argue that this claim is a myth, that Koreans are disadvantaged in terms of access to resources from banks and government institutions, and that they must therefore rely on co-ethnic resources. Yet the preoccupation with co-ethnic support has resulted in minimal attention toward the industries of Korean banking and US government small-business development, both of which have grown since the first wave of post-1965 Korean immigrant entrepreneurship. Drawing from interviews with Korean bankers and representatives of resource partners of the Small Business Administration and the Minority Business Development Agency, this article shows how Korean banks and US government agencies promote Korean immigrant small business. Emphasizing the transnational opportunities that Korean banks provide, Korean-focused programs offered by government resource partners, and collaborations between banks and government agencies, this study explores how the typification of Korean immigrants as simultaneously insulated, underserved, and deserving informs institutional efforts to connect with Korean communities. To this end, the article considers how government agencies work to promote both intra-ethnic and interracial networking among Koreans, to facilitate financial literacy, and to diversify Korean banks’ clientele.

This article reviews the 2014 book co-edited by Donald W. Boose, Jr. and James I. Matray, The Ashgate Research Companion to the Korean War. The essay evaluates the book in relation to the historiography of the Korean conflict, outlines areas where future research needs to be carried out, reflects on methodological issues related to the field of military history, and, with reference to Michael Hunt and Steven Levine’s book, Arc of Empire, discusses the Korean War as part of broader histories of empire.

The Cardinal and Archbishop of Naples Ascanio Filomarino was one of the main protagonists of the so-called "revolt of Masaniello". Historians have emphasized above all his role of mediator during the first ten and most celebrated days of the revolt, that were characterized by the presence of the pescivendolo at the head of the rebels. The article proposes to show that the Archbishop of Naples was much more than a simple mediator between the warring parties, because he played a key role and openly took position in the course of the revolt. In particular, the attention will be focused on the period between October 1647 and April 1648, when Filomarino had to confront two illustrious characters: Don Juan of Austria, sent from Madrid to the command of the Spanish Armada, and the French noble Henri II of Guise, one of the many leaders who tried to impose themselves as head of the revolt after the death of Masaniello.

This article addresses attempts by polemical authors to shape public reactions to news imported into England from the Continent before and after the attack of the Spanish Armada. Focusing on an English propaganda pamphlet as a case study for the applicability of Habermas’s Public Sphere model in the sixteenth century, it investigates how related polemical pamphlets produced by both the Hapsburg and Tudor monarchies attempted to teach skeptical reading practices. By depicting a specifically national reading of Armada news, William Cecil, Lord Burghley, acknowledged that reading the news could generate a dissenus among the population that affected national security.

In the aftermath of America's Civil War, national lawmakers who chronicled the fall of slavery described the North as a terrain of states whose representatives assembled in Congress, as evidenced in Henry Wilson's The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America (1872–77) and Alexander Stephens's A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (1868–70). Beginning in the early 1900s, scholars who helped establish the field of American constitutional history redescribed the national government as the voice of the Northern people and the foe of the states, as evidenced in Henry Wilson's The Rise and Fall of the Slave Power in America (1872–1877) and Alexander Stephens's A Constitutional View of the Late War Between the States (1868–1870), a first generation of scholars writing during the Progressive Era redescribed the national government as the voice of the Northern people and the foe of the states, as evidenced in William A. Dunning's Essays on the Civil War and Reconstruction (1898), John W. Burgess's The Civil War and the Constitution (1901–1906), and James G. Randall's Constitutional Problems Under Lincoln (1926). Although a second generation of scholars uncovered traces of the lawmakers' perspective of states, new efforts in the wake of the civil rights movement to understand the internal workings of political parties and the contributions of ordinary Americans kept the study of national lawmakers and their states on the margins of inquiry, as evidenced in leading revisionist histories of Reconstruction, including Harold Hyman's A More Perfect Union: The Impact of the Civil War and Reconstruction on the Constitution (1973), Michael Les Benedict's A Compromise of Principle: Congressional Republicans and Reconstruction, 1863–1869 (1974a), and Eric Foner's Reconstruction: An Unfinished Revolution (1988). Today, the terrain of Northern states remains in the backdrop, as illustrated in recent studies featuring the wartime national government, including James Oakes's Freedom National: The Destruction of Slavery in the United States, 1861–1865 (2012) and Mark E. Neely, Jr.'s Lincoln and the Triumph of the Nation: Constitutional Conflict in the American Civil War (2011), as well as studies of the mechanisms of constitutional change during Reconstruction, including relevant sections of Bruce Ackerman's We the People II: Transformations (1998) and Akhil Reed Amar's America's Constitution: A Biography (2005). This review essay argues that incorporating the states back into this century‐old framework will open new lines of inquiry and provide a more complete account of federalism's role in the fall of slavery. In particular, a return to the archives suggests that in the uncertain context of mid‐nineteenth‐century America, slavery's leading opponents in Congress saw the Constitution's federal logic not simply as an obstacle, but as a crucial tool with which to mobilize collective action and accommodate wartime opposition at a time when no one could say for sure what would remain of the United States.

The L.A. riots, which happened during three days from April 29 to May 1, 1992, are viewed as the most deadly and destructive riots in American history. Depicted in blaring front-page headlines and violent pictures on television, this urban upheaval received epic exposure in many countries. In Korea, it was especially shocking due to the viewpoint that highlighted the conflict between Korean and African Americans. This paper aims to review the black?Korean conflict during the 1992 L.A. riots in a Korean movie, Western Avenue. It is a film that narrates the despair of Korean Americans in the context of the L.A. riots, while placing American ideologies on trial. It is the only feature-length film to portray the story of Korean Americans in the L.A. riots. This paper examines some of the factors that resulted from the 1992 L.A. riots before the discussion of Western Avenue. Then, the paper analyzes the story of the Korean American in the film, focusing on how this film deals with the black?Korean conflict during the 1992 L.A. riots.

The Korean Conflict of Laws Act recently incorporated much of the European Union`s recent revision in "EC Convention on the Law Applicable to Contractual Obligations (Rome 1980)"(hereinafter Rome Convention). With the revision of Rome Convention applied to contractual obligations,"Regulation (EC) No 593/2008 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 17 June 2008 on the law applicable to contractual obligations (Rome I)"(hereinafter Rome I) has taken effect on December 2009. Before the effectivation of Rome I, "Regulation (EC) No 864/2007 of the European Parliament and of the Council of 11 July 2007 on the law applicable to non-contractual obligations (Rome II)"(hereinafter Rome II) has come into effect on January 2009. This means the revision of certain rules and its practical implications need an in-depth study on governing law rules under Rome I which provides newly effected governing laws applicable to contractual obligations. Moreover, uniform choice of law rules on non-contractual obligations needs to focus especially on marine insurance contract. Where policy assignment and subrogation causes, how to decide the governing law which will be applied to the insurer as a third party? This article attempts to analyze emerging legal issues in legal regimes determining choice of law, especially those in international marine insurance contracts. This will help Korean practitioners to be dialed in legal affairs under English Law as the governing law in their contracts.

The Korean War started several years after the World War II had ended and no recognition of the threat or preparation was made for this possibility. The military and its medical service had been downsized after World War II and had to quickly ramp up to meet the surprise attack. The war provided the laboratory for trials and experimentation with the new technological developments of the era. The Korean conflict led to numerous advances in medical systems and patient care. The Mobile Army Surgical Hospital came of age, and was instrumental in saving many lives. Helicopters saw their first regular use as flying ambulances to take the injured to definitive care in a timely fashion. The national blood banking program was rapidly geared up and new techniques such as plastic bags for collection and delivery resulted. Body armor was developed that would allow mobility while offering protection and was widely used for the first time. Each of these systems improvements saved the lives of soldiers in combat and were soon to be used in the civilian sector to save and improve lives around the world.

The Spanish Armada and the battle of Lepanto loom large in a remarkable period of international history shaped to a considerable extent by the deployment of sea power. Yet between 1581 and 1583, France also conducted a large-scale naval operation at great distance. A series of expeditions to the Azores reached a climax with the defeat in battle of a French fleet of sixty ships off the island of São Miguel in July 1582. Acting under the authority of Catherine de Medici and in the name of her rival legal claim to the Portuguese throne, the commander Philippe Strozzi had not only led the most ambitious oceanic operation in French history up to that date and a bid to extend France's overseas empire but a serious challenge to Philip II's union of the Iberian crowns. Yet this was more than just a puzzling anomaly in France's foreign policy. It was also an act of royal authority and the pursuit of reputation and status by the queen mother that was entirely consistent with the domestic priorities of the crown in the context of the Wars of Religion.

During 2009‐2011, Chinese writings on South Korea and the his tory of the Korean nation grew more somber in tone. They widened the national identity gap at the same time the gap was being widened with the United States and Japan. Views of succes sive periods grew more negative. Chinese authors wrote that Ko reans should look back with gratitude rather than resentment at having been China’s neighbor in premodern times. They sided with North Korea and Roh Moo-hyun in their stress on insufficient South Korean vigilance in dealing with collaborators and the legacy of Japan’s occupation. Mainstream Chinese coverage of the Korean War ignores who invaded and why in order to emphasize the US entry into the war as an imperialist aggressor and China’s just in volvement. The legacy of the anticommunism of the Cold War era is deemed to persist after both the democratization of South Korea and the normalization with China that followed. Thus, history per vades Chinese writings on South Korea. North Korea fares much better by comparison. Key words: Korea-China relations, Korean War, China‐North Korea relations, historical memory. HISTORY MAY OFTEN SEEM TO BE AN ARCANE SUBJECT FOR CONTEMPORARY statecraft, but in East Asia it has enduring impact. Although most at tention has centered on Japan ’s record of aggression and colonialism, coupled with its revisionist recollections that have aroused alarm in China and South Korea, another clash of historical memories was emerging by 2004 with no less inflammatory potential. It burst onto the scene as if it were limited to a disagreement over whether to cat egorize the ancient state of Koguryo as part of China or Korea (Gries 2005; Chung 2009; Jin 2011), but China ’s challenge to Korean iden tity is much more far-reaching. Indeed, as shown by a proliferation of Chinese articles on history between 2009 and 2011, criticisms range across the historical spectrum and heavily implicate the United States.

Did your pupils know that children as young as 12 fought in the battle against the Spanish Armada? Fire their imaginations with fascinating facts about this event.

Spain hath no refuge for a Portingale.-Thomas Kyd, The Spanish Tragedy (c. 1587) (4.4.217)Exurge, domine, et vindica causam tuam.1-Standard of the Spanish Armada, 1588As we are Englishmen, so we are men,And I am Stukeley so resolved in allTo follow rule, honor, and empery . . .-George Peele, The Battle of Alcazar (c. 1589) (2.2.27-29)For all of the ink spilled by early modern writers on the Iberian unification of 1580, the significance of Philip II's ascension to the throne of Portugal rarely registers in discussions of the period's literature and culture. Perhaps because our modern academic disciplines were constituted during an era that embraced the idea of the nation as the lens through which history ought to be viewed-with generations of institutional commitments reinforcing what Roland Greene has dubbed "an almost superstitious obeisance to the category of the national" (26)-scholars have often projected the assumptions of their various national histories onto a world in which these perspectives were much less privileged. If specialists in English culture think at all about the reorganization of the geopolitical map generated by the Iberian union, it is generally in relation to the Spanish Armada, the enterprise made possible by the consolidation. Somewhat less frequently, Portugal's "Spanish" or "Babylonian" captivity (Nowell 135-49; Birmingham 2) is seen as an unfortunate hiatus after which the Portuguese nation could resume its long tradition of self-determination.The fact is that the crisis surrounding the Iberian succession profoundly affected European dynastic culture, and so it is not surprising that its shockwaves would ripple through the world of the Elizabethan theater. Thomas Kyd's Spanish Tragedy may have been the first English play to register the unification of the crowns, but it does so in a manner more "literary" than "literal" (Griffin, "Ethos" 193). In act 1, Kyd's Castilian King puts it chiastically: "Now, lordings, fall to. Spain is Portugal,/ And Portugal is Spain" (1.4.132-33). Three other extant plays also examine significant aspects of the crisis: George Peele's Battle of Alcazar (1588-89) takes a more factual route while also intercalating, as its title page advertises, "the death of Captaine Stukeley"; the anonymous Famous History of Captain Thomas Stukeley (printed in 1605, though dating from 1596 or earlier) heightens the English connection by shifting the point of view from the genesis of the Moroccan conflict to the adventures of the Catholic renegade himself.2 And The First Part of Hieronimo, printed in 1605, though probably performed as early as 1592, recasts elements of The Spanish Tragedy as a comedy of Portuguese patriotism (Griffin, "Nationalism").3Taken as a group, these "Portingale plays" throw into relief an important, yet often overlooked feature of the early modern context from which Europe's nation-states eventually emerged. Although literary critics and historians have often located the stirrings of modern nationhood in the early modern period, it was not inevitable that polities such as England, France, the Netherlands, Portugal, or Spain would adopt the borders, traditions, or even languages familiar to later centuries. And although these emerging states appear to have been moving toward the goal of distinct geographical and institutional consolidation, we can also observe that in the shorter run they were navigating substantial incorporative counter-currents. Its inclinations toward nationhood notwithstanding, early modernity evidences a persistent tendency to form "composite states" (Elliott 50) or "multiple monarchies" (Koenigsberger 11), political units marked by the inclusion of "more than one country under the sovereignty of one ruler" (Elliott 50). These international movements, which "sustained cross-border relationships, patterns of exchange, affiliations and social formations spanning nation-states" (Vertovec 2), encouraged early modern subjects to think beyond local affinities in terms much like those we have come to associate with transnationalism. …

Tracing the various playtexts of Sir Thomas Moore, a play of the 1590s written partly by Shakespeare, reveals differing perspectives on the cause and significance of Evil May Day and thus serves as a litmus test on its various cultural meanings and a history of cultural change. Under a strongly Protestant regime, the Catholic Thomas More is seen heroically as an authority who puts down protest and uprisings, a champion of peace. From another viewpoint, he is the humanist interested in social justice. After the threat of the Spanish Armada, however, attention turned to the rioters as alien workers displacing natives ones. To make More more acceptable, he was turned into a man of wit and of theatricality, his Catholicism parodied. Together, such varied responses suggest the rich complexity of a play which deserves to be better known.

This article examines the image of Queen Elizabeth I (reg. 1558-1603) in Moroccan writings, focusing specifically on the period between 1588, the English victory over the Spanish Armada, and 1596, the English attack (with Moroccan logistical assistance) on Cadiz. Contrary to what some historians have claimed about Arab-Islamic ignorance of, and indifference to, Western Europe in the early modern period, the writings of Abd al-Aziz al-Fishtali (1549-1621), the Moroccan scribe in the royal court of Marrakesh during the reign of Mulay Ahmad al-Mansur (reg. 1578-1603), provide valuable information about English political and naval activity in the last decade of the 16th century. The letters of al-Fishtali include the only contemporary description of the English Queen by a non-European writer.

The number of women in the military has been increasing steadily over the past 30 years and their roles are expanding. By 2016 women will be eligible to serve in all military positions including previously limited combat roles (U.S. Government Accountability Office, 2015 ). To join the military, women need to be at least 17 years of age, have no more than two dependents, have successfully completed education and aptitude tests, and meet physical, mental, and moral standards. Military women serve around the globe and with each assignment, deployment, and conflict, they are introduced to opportunities and risks. When individuals complete discharge documents and separate from the military, they transition to Veteran status and are thus eligible to receive VA health care services and other benefits based on their service, disabilities, and financial need. Today, more than 2 million of the almost 22 million U.S. Veterans are women who have earned America’s gratitude and respect for their military contributions. Included are the 400,000 women serving during the World War II era, the 120,000 serving during the Korean conflict and the 265,000 who volunteered to serve during the Vietnam era (America’s Women Veterans, 2012; Women in Military Service, 2015). Their early military roles were in nursing, technical, mechanical, communication, clerical, and service positions. The absolute number of women Veterans older than 65 years is expected to grow rapidly in the next 10 years. Figure 1 shows the projected 10% increase in all women Veterans from 2014 to 2025 and the striking 83% increase in women Veterans older than 65 years (from 332,000 women Veterans in 2014 to more than 608,000 in 2025) (U.S. Department of Veterans Affairs, National Center for Veterans Analysis and Statistics, 2014).

Thomas Hobbes was born prematurely on April 5, 1588, when his mother heard of the coming invasion of the Spanish Armada. His father, also named Thomas Hobbes, was the vicar of Westport in Gloucestershire, England. After being involved in a fight with another clergyman outside his own church, the elder Thomas Hobbes was forced to flee to London, England, leaving his wife, two boys, and a girl behind.

In July of 1588, the English navy defeated the Spanish Armada, and Elizabeth I (1533-1603) entered the glorious final years of her reign. Recent stage presentations included Tamburlain the Great by Christopher Marlowe (1564-1593). The early works of John Lyly (1554-1606) and Edmund Spenser (1552-1599) and the fiction of Robert Greene (1560-1592) were in the bookstalls around St. Paul's Cathedral. And Sir Philip Sidney (1554-1586) had already written his last sonnet sequences, which were still awaiting publication. The Stationers' Company had only been established, and at least twenty five printing houses were turning out scores of books annually in print runs of 1,250 to 1,500 copies.1 In the decade or so leading up to 1588, London printing houses were also bringing out books providing information about the distant lands of Asia, which throughout the first three quarters of the sixteenth century had been the provenance of the seafaring Portuguese and Spaniards. And, for the first time in English history there was interest in a great and distant Asian empire that was now being called China. Some of the publications about this newly-recognized land were English translations of Portuguese and Spanish material. For example, in 1577, Richard Willes' "Certain reports of China, learned through the Portugals there imprisoned" appeared in his History ofTrauayle in the West and East Indies and other countreys lying eyther way towards the fruitfull and ryche Moluccas, a translation from an Italian version of a Portuguese text. Two years later John Frampton published his translation from the Spanish called A discourse of the nauigation which the Portugales doe make to the Realmes and Prouinces of the East partes of the worlde, and of the knowledge that growes by them of the great thinges which are in the Dominions of China. Written by Barnardine of Esca

I was the State Archeologist in Kansas for 34 years, 1960-1994. It was good, and I was doing something I liked in a place I liked. I am a native Kansan, born in Wichita. However, my family moved to Lincoln, Nebraska, when I was 10. These circumstances in no small way influenced my career. My major education, therefore, was in Lincoln public schools and the University of Nebraska. I enrolled at the university with a major in geology, but after two years I tired of college and set out to seek my fortune, returning to Kansas to work for a seismograph company that performed oil exploration in the central and western parts of the state. I began my job as a shooter's helper, preparing dynamite charges, but that did not seem to have much future. I changed to a surveyor trainee, learning the use of the alidade for mapping. The Korean Conflict was in progress, and I was soon drafted into the Army. After basic training, I attended a signal school course for six months and trained as a radio repairman. The war ended while I was still in signal school. I was stationed at a small Army airfield at Ft Eustis, Virginia, until December 1954. In August 1954 I married Mary Anne Schlegel, my fiancee, in Lincoln. We now have two children, David and Linda, and four grandchildren. Returning to Lincoln, it was back to the university, a wiser and more focused student. The geology majors, whom I had met five years before, were still there as graduate students. There were no jobs. Earlier, I had taken one course in anthropology and liked it. I then chose anthropology as my major with geology as a second major. The latter would prove very useful in evaluating geomorphology and identifying lithic materials. In 1957 I was the only student to sign up for the archaeology field school. This was a very fortunate event in my life. It was arranged that I would go out with the Nebraska State Historical Society's field crew on its first season at the Early Archaic Logan Creek site. Marvin Kivett was the archaeologist and became my mentor. As his foreman the next summer, I helped excavate a historic Iowa village site on the Platte River, and later I did highway survey on 1-80. I graduated in January 1959 with a B.A. and was given a position of Graduate Assistant in the Anthropology Department. That summer I was the field supervisor for the department's field school and directed limited excavations at the Sterns Creek and Logan Creek sites. However, our major effort was at the Lynch site, a late Middle Ceramic village in northeastern Nebraska. I was grateful to have my wife Mary Anne as our camp cook that season and three more to come. This Lynch site work was to gain data and specimens for my Master's thesis on the Anoka focus. I received by M.A. in 1962 (Witty 1962a). I was finishing my credit hours for the M.A. degree in the spring of 1960 when Kivett told me of the newly created position for an archaeologist at the Kansas State Historical Society in To' peka. I applied and with Kivett's recommendation was hired and moved one more time to Kansas. The Kansas State Historical Society was the first Kansas institution whose staff carried out fieldwork to record archaeological sites in the state. As early as 1880 Franklin Adams, the Society's secretary, mapped the Kanza Blue Earth Village (1800-1830) and recorded information on Hard Chief's Village (1830-1847) for the Society's manuscript collection. A number of classic articles, dealing with Native American cultures as well as archaeology, were published, namely those by S. W. Williston and H. T. Martin on early archaeological finds in western Kansas, by J. R.

This study aimed to provide preliminary evidence for, and explore potential antecedents and correlates of, a phenomenon observed in aging combat veterans termed late-onset stress symptomatology (LOSS). LOSS is a hypothesized phenomenon among older veterans who (a) experienced highly stressful combat events in early adulthood; (b) functioned successfully throughout their lives, with no chronic stress-related disorders; but (c) begin to register increased combat-related thoughts, feelings, reminiscences, memories, or symptoms commensurate with the changes and challenges of aging, sometimes decades after their combat experiences. Using a qualitative focus group methodology with 47 World War II, Korean Conflict, and Vietnam War veterans, the authors obtained preliminary evidence for the presence of LOSS as defined, identified some of its features, revealed some normative late-life stressors that may precipitate LOSS, and uncovered potential intrapersonal risk and resilience factors for LOSS. The authors present illustrative quotations from the group discussions and discuss the implications and future directions of this research.

A well-known painting owned by the Worshipful Society of Apothecaries of London,Elizabeth I and the Spanish Armada, has long presumed to have been made in around 1588. By examining both internal and contextual evidence, however, this paper establishes that the work instead dates from during the reign of James I. It unpicks the multiple layers of events that are depicted simultaneously within the image, and suggests some of the diverse influences operating on the unidentified artist(s) and unknown patron. Finally, it examines the new purposes for which the work was to be appropriated in the mid-nineteenth century at the time of its presentation to the Apothecaries.

(2004). ANATOMY OF DEFEAT: THE TESTIMONY OF JUAN MARTINEZ DE RECALDE AND DON ALONSO MARTINEZ DE LEYVA ON THE FAILURE OF THE SPANISH ARMADA IN 1588. The Mariner's Mirror: Vol. 90, No. 3, pp. 314-347.

Within national and religious groups, as with individuals, ambivalent mentalities sometimes exist, which can threaten a sense of wholeness and lead to shifting alliances-and strange bedfellows-in terms of political and religious affinities. This can clearly be seen by analyzing the multifaceted movement known as the Reformation, both in its broad sweep and in particular aspects such as the Armada campaign. The historiography of the Reformation has focused over time on theological, intellectual, political, and social aspects of this complex phenomenon. Debates have raged over definitions, periodization, terminology, and a host of related issues. Yet, not enough attention has been paid to the reality of the conflicting and often ambivalent loyalties and mentalities of the Reformation era. A particularly interesting area of inquiry is the Spanish Empire in Europe-in terms of its constituent members, its allies, and its enemies-especially in the context of the titanic struggle of the Spanish Armada. More specifically, the strongly Catholic convictions of the Portuguese, Italians, and Flemings who lived under Spanish rule, at times seriously conflicted with desires for greater autonomy or independence. This ambivalence can be seen in the range of attitudes and perceptions surrounding the Armada and its aftermath. The Spanish defeat could have set in motion a vigorous reaction against Spanish hegemony in Europe. A major reason that this did not happen was the religious factor. The Armada, although launched for a combination of reasons, sailed under the aura of a religious crusade. The religious mentalities of the period come into sharp and fascinating focus when viewed through this lens. This is true not only of Catholics, both within and outside of the Spanish Empire, but of Protestants as well. Not only the "facts" of the Armada campaign, but, perhaps even more so, the rumors, hopes, and fears of Catholic and Protestant Europe concerning its outcome, tell us a great deal about the depth of religious feelings in the late sixteenth century. For many on the Catholic side, a political desire to see Spain defeated, or at least weakened, was often superseded by a religious desire to see the Catholic cause triumph. Realpolitik often gave way to religious fervor. Among many Protestants, as well, when religious and political goals clashed, religious convictions often took precedence. By examining a wide range of sources-Catholic, Protestant, and Muslim-we can gain valuable insights into the complexity of cultural, national, and religious motivations in the early modern European and Mediterranean worlds. Thus, for example, why was Catholic support for the Armada generally so strong, support that, outside of Spain at least, was by no means a given, based on a host of political and economic rivalries? And, among the Protestants and Turks, how and why did religious convictions sometimes reinforce and sometimes transcend traditional alliances? This essay suggests that by looking at an "old" event-the Spanish Armada-in a new light, by analyzing not only the realities, but also the rumors and hopes for divine intervention surrounding it, an intriguing portrait emerges of both the complexity and vitality of early modern religious mentalities. In particular, as we shall see, many people in both Catholic and Protestant Europe awaited news of the Armada campaign "in the confident hope of a miracle."1 In the 1580's there were a number of problems facing Philip II of Spain, especially the ongoing revolt in the Netherlands. But the seemingly vast resources at Philip's disposal, together with a conviction that he was God's special agent in the protection and propagation of the Catholic faith, suggested that time and Providence were on his side. At the same time, a principal irritant to Philip and Spain was, increasingly, England, and its pragmatic Protestant ruler, Elizabeth I. On several fronts, tensions that had been developing between England and Spain were heating up by the 1580's. …

The American-North Korean conflict on nuclear weapons has been making headlines for a long time. The potential of both countries is unquestionable and has an enormous influence on the entire world. The nuclear dispute between the United States and the DPRK began with the Korean War in 1950s and has been growing since. North Korea has strengthen its nuclear capability and is threatening the United States, the territory of Guam island, and the entire human nation. The regime is the only country which has tested nuclear weapons in the 21st century. The American government has been raising the sanctions against Pyongyang and China has been trying to invite both sides for negotiations and to ease the worsening tensions on the peninsula. Washington puts a lot of hopes into Beijing being able to handle the threats from North Korea, but Chinese claim they do not have enough leverage to hamper Kim Jong Un’s regime. North Koreans, living under the constant control from the regime and propaganda, are separated from their families and the rest of the world. The Winter Olympics, which will be held by South Korea in February, 2018, gave both Koreas a chance to talk and to participate in the event together again, and maybe it is a possibility for the two sides to negotiate further agreements.

At the close of the sixteenth century, Spain and England were bitter religious and political rivals. When Felipe II and Elizabeth I died in 1598 and 1603, respectively, diplomatic relations between the two powers took a turn for the better, but at the level of popular culture Spain remained permanently vilified in the eyes of most Englishmen. This phenomenon is one aspect of the leyenda negra , the English roots of which are found in events such as Henry VIII's break with Rome, the translation of Las Casas's Brevisima relacion , the reign of "Bloody Mary," and the failed invasion of the Spanish Armada. This article continues work on the comedia started by Donald Cruickshank, partly in an effort to redress an imbalance of studies on the image of Spaniards in England and the neglected image of the English in Spain. Although Spanish encounters with peoples of the New World have been closely examined, considerably less attention has been given to the question of European others in Spain. With this in mind, I look at Lope de Vega's English characters and settings in ten comedias written between 1598 and 1612, searching for evidence of a Spanish response to the Black Legend. Did Lope vilify in kind and, if not, why not? (RSS)

Recent critics have emphasized the centrality of the discourse of religion and politics in the Victorian era and, following Linda Colley’s Britons, the importance of the Protestant providential narrative—that God directs his nation, and protects it from its enemies—in forming England’s national identity.1 In linking theology with politics, nineteenth-century English Protestants saw evidence of God’s continuing present-day support for the Protestant constitution, which earlier had been responsible for the historic defeats of Roman Catholicism—the rout of the Spanish Armada, the defusing of the Gunpowder Plot—and which now contributed to the period’s well-documented anti-Catholic feelings. This essay focuses on the providential poetry of Algernon Swinburne and Gerard Manley Hopkins within the context of Victorian England’s religious politics.

THAT something remarkable was happening in England in the quarter millennium separating the late sixteenth century from the early nineteenth is plain. In Elizabeth I's reign the Spanish Armada was perceived as a grave threat: the English ships were scarcely a match for the Spanish, and the weather played a major part in the deliverance of the nation. By the later eighteenth century the Royal Navy was unchallenged by the naval forces of any other single country, and during the generation of war which followed the French revolution, it proved capable of controlling the seas in the face of the combined naval forces mustered by Napoleon in an attempt to break the British oceanic stranglehold. Growing naval dominance was a symbol of a far more pervasive phenomenon. In the later sixteenth century England was not a leading European power and could exercise little influence over events at a distance from its shores. The Napoleonic wars showed that, even when faced by a coalition of countries occupying the bulk of Europe west of Russia and led by one of the greatest of military commanders, Britain possessed the depth of resources to weather a very long war, enabling her to outlast her challenger and secure a victory. The combination of a large and assertive Navy and dominant financial and commercial strength meant that, in the early decades of the nineteenth century, Britain was able to impose her will over large tracts of every continent. But her dominance did not grow out of the barrel of a gun. It derived chiefly from exceptional economic success: it grew out of the corn sack, the cotton mill, and the coal mine.