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Entre deux periodes de longue duree, le Moyen Âge de la medieval climatic anomaly (MCA) qui irait du viiie au xiiie siecle et la « grande divergence » de la global history qui s’ouvre en Europe a la fin du xve siecle, Bruce Campbell situe la « grande transition » qu’il analyse dans un livre essentiel parce qu’il formule une proposition ample et coherente, en appliquant une analyse eco-environnementale fondee sur l...

Studium Parisiense es una base de datos cuyo objetivo es el de identificar a todos los estudiantes y maestros de la Universidad de París. Aún por concluir, cuenta hoy con 20000 fichas. En base a estos datos, se ha intentado medir el impacto del sistema de colegios mayores en el París medieval. El resultado logrado apunta a una tendencia cronológica: el desarrollo del sistema de colegios mayores en el siglo XIV resulta ser una solución más eficaz para acoger a la creciente población académica que la creación de casas de canónigos agustinos (siglo XII) y la de conventos mendicantes (siglo XIII). Por otro lado, tanto en términos de reclutamiento internacional como de producción literaria, salvo la excepción de la Sorbona, los colegios mayores parisinos no dejaban de ser instituciones de segundo nivel. Sin embargo, estas instituciones, situadas en la ribera izquierda del Sena, proporcionaron mejores condiciones de estudio a la población estudiantil y ayudaron a disciplinarla. A finales del siglo XV, los colegios mayores parisinos lograron mejorar su reputación y atraer de nuevo estudiantes europeos.

CARTEL CONSTITUTION Alfonso X, Siete Partidas, BNE, Vitr. 4/6, fol. 106 (inicio de la Segunda Partida) Conference europeenne, Madrid, 16-18 janvier 2014 Coordination Francois FORONDA (Universite Paris I, LAMOP, Grupo Consolidado UCM 930369) Jean-Philippe GENET (Universite Paris I, LAMOP) Organisation Ecole des hautes etudes hispaniques et iberiques (Casa de Velazquez, Madrid) Programme Signs and States. Semiotics of the Modern State (European Research Council) Laboratoire de Medievistique oc...

How did the kings of England and France govern their kingdoms? This volume, the product of a ten-year international project, brings together specialists in late medieval England and France to explore the multiple mechanisms by which monarchs exercised their power in the final centuries of the Middle Ages. Collaborative chapters, mostly co-written by experts on each kingdom, cover topics ranging from courts, military networks and public finance; office, justice and the men of the church; to political representation, petitioning, cultural conceptions of political society; and the role of those excluded from formal involvement in politics. The result is a richly detailed and innovative comparison of the nature of government and political life, seen from the point of view of how the king ruled his kingdom, but bringing to bear the methods of social, cultural and economic history to understand the underlying armature of royal power.

Was tyranny a crucial political problem in late medieval England? To answer this question, we examine which political texts were most widely read at that time. It is then possible to survey these texts and this reveals the two main meanings of tyranny: the king becomes a tyrant when he is unfair or/and when he is a predator. This second meaning is related to the development of royal taxation. However, the tyrants who are usually described by English authors are those of the ancient times. Tyranny is generally close to cruelty, and rarely referred to in a political context. The immediate preoccupations of the members of the political society in 15th century England were centred upon the problems of disorder and of legitimacy.

In 1415 Henry V, king of England, invaded northern France. In the east, two new powers, Muscovy and, above all, the Ottoman Empire, were putting eastern Europe to the sword. The 'modern states' of western Christendom were characterised by the provision of substantial revenues derived from national taxation raised by consent. Dialogue, political intercourse between prince and subjects, was essential to the modern state. Both theory and practice needed adapting to the particular political society of each state on at least two levels. Epitomising power, witnessed by an attentive audience, they became complex rituals, given tangible expression as dramatic presentations overlaid with symbolism. Speeches, in particular sermons, could convey unequivocal declarations of political thought. Clerics and ecclesiastics who had completed their university studies in the faculty of arts had become acquainted with the political works of Antiquity. History, like politics, was being transformed by literature; the success of Jean Froissart's work in aristocratic and bourgeois circles is testimony of this.