Search

Significance There has long been skepticism among both scientists and laypersons that male bisexual orientation exists. Skeptics have claimed that men who self-identify as bisexual are actually homosexual or heterosexual. (The existence of female bisexuality has been less controversial.) This controversy can be resolved using objective, genital responses of men to male and female erotic stimuli. We combined nearly all available data (from eight previous American, British, and Canadian studies) to form a dataset of more than 500 men, much larger than any previous individual study, and conducted rigorous statistical tests. Results provided compelling evidence that bisexual-identified men tend to show bisexual genital and subjective arousal patterns. Male sexual orientation is expressed on a continuum rather than dichotomously., The question whether some men have a bisexual orientation—that is, whether they are substantially sexually aroused and attracted to both sexes—has remained controversial among both scientists and laypersons. Skeptics believe that male sexual orientation can only be homosexual or heterosexual, and that bisexual identification reflects nonsexual concerns, such as a desire to deemphasize homosexuality. Although most bisexual-identified men report that they are attracted to both men and women, self-report data cannot refute these claims. Patterns of physiological (genital) arousal to male and female erotic stimuli can provide compelling evidence for male sexual orientation. (In contrast, most women provide similar physiological responses to male and female stimuli.) We investigated whether men who self-report bisexual feelings tend to produce bisexual arousal patterns. Prior studies of this issue have been small, used potentially invalid statistical tests, and produced inconsistent findings. We combined nearly all previously published data (from eight previous studies in the United States, United Kingdom, and Canada), yielding a sample of 474 to 588 men (depending on analysis). All participants were cisgender males. Highly robust results showed that bisexual-identified men’s genital and subjective arousal patterns were more bisexual than were those who identified as exclusively heterosexual or homosexual. These findings support the view that male sexual orientation contains a range, from heterosexuality, to bisexuality, to homosexuality.

To critically assess the prevalence, mental health, and heterogeneity of bisexual men and to highlight their inextricable linkage with each other When an inclusive definition of male bisexuality is used, prevalence rates increase from the standard 1 to 2% to a more accurate 10 to 20%. Previously documented physical, mental, and social health deficiencies of bisexual men are likely the result of sampling bias, disregard for sexual orientation domains, especially romantic dimensions, and failure to acknowledge bisexual subgroups (primary, concealed, transient, situational, sensation-seeking, clinical). These oversights, whether intended or not, have profound implications for healthcare providers. To accurately determine the prevalence, mental health, and heterogeneity of bisexual men, future research should investigate various sexual and romantic domains, assume a continuous rather than a categorical approach, acknowledge the diversity of bisexuality by considering types of bisexual men, and study the positive attributes of bisexual men.

Lesbian, gay, and bisexual (LGB) young people experience a variety of developmental trajectories that consist of milestones, the sequence and timing of which differ across individuals. They include early feelings of being different from peers, the onset of same-sex attraction, questioning one's sexuality, first same-sex sexual experience, recognition and self-labelling, disclosure to others, first romantic relationship, and self-acceptance. The invention of 'gay youth' during the 1970s and 1980s is briefly reviewed with an emphasis on the ways in which the portrait created by early research fails to capture the developmental trajectories of millennial young people. Although some young people struggle with mental health problems as they navigate these milestones, research documents the complexity, variety, and normative nature of the vast majority of LGB young people. A growing chorus of developmental, behavioural, and social scientists now emphasize that many contemporary young people forego sexual confusion, recognize the sex or gender to which they are attracted to and love, and believe they are as mentally healthy as heterosexual young people.

Sexual orientation is typically assumed to be independent of factors such as personality. Although this is probably accurate for heterosexual and homosexual orientations, personality may play a role in bisexuality. It was hypothesized that bisexuality is potentiated by personality traits that allow sexual behavior to occur independently of sexual response systems that are specifically “oriented” to male or female sexual stimuli. If so, such traits should be elevated in bisexual women and men. Because female sexual response is relatively independent of the sex of the partner it was also hypothesized that such relationships would be stronger for bisexual women than bisexual men. This was tested in two online studies. Study 1 ( N = 828) tested for elevated levels of two relevant personality traits; sexual sensation seeking and sexual excitability. Study 2 ( N = 655) assessed sexual curiosity, and tested whether the relationship between sexual curiosity and bisexuality was independent of the Big Five. Elevated levels of sexual sensation seeking and sexual curiosity were found for bisexual women and men; only bisexual women reported elevated levels of sexual excitability. The predicted sex difference was found for each trait, and sexual curiosity was elevated independently of the Big Five.

We reviewed empirical evidence regarding whether mostly heterosexual exists as a sexual orientation distinct from two adjacent groups on a sexual continuum—exclusively heterosexual and substantially bisexual. We addressed the question: Do mostly heterosexuals show a unique profile of sexual and romantic characteristics that distinguishes them as a separate sexual orientation group? We found sufficient data in four areas to support an affirmative answer. Individuals who acknowledged a mostly heterosexual orientation were distinct from adjacent sexual orientation groups in having a small degree of same-sex sexual and/or romantic attraction and, occasionally, same-sex behavior; constituted a substantial prevalence in the population; were relatively stable in their orientation over time; and reported that this sexual identity was subjectively meaningful to them. Findings suggested that self-identification as mostly heterosexual or an acknowledgment of slight same-sex sexuality increases during the teenage years, peaks around the early twenties (somewhat sooner for men than women), and remains relatively high during young adulthood. Limited evidence suggested that prevalence is lower among older participants. These findings have implications for our conceptualization of sexual orientation as a continuum, the nature of sex differences in sexuality, developmental changes in sexuality, biologically based assessments of sexual orientation, and an etiological theory of mostly heterosexuality.

This exploratory study assessed physiological, behavioral, and self-report measures of sexual and romantic indicators of sexual orientation identities among young men (mean age = 21.9 years) with predominant same-sex sexual and romantic interests: those who described themselves as bisexual leaning gay (n = 11), mostly gay (n = 17), and gay (n = 47). Although they were not significantly distinguishable based on physiological (pupil dilation) responses to nude stimuli, on behavioral and self-report measures a descending linear trend toward the less preferred sex (female) was significant regarding sexual attraction, fantasy, genital contact, infatuation, romantic relationship, sex appeal, and gazing time to the porn stimuli. Results supported a continuum of sexuality with distinct subgroups only for the self-report measure of sexual attraction. The other behavioral and self-report measures followed the same trend but did not significantly differ between the bisexual leaning gay and mostly gay groups, likely the result of small sample size. Results suggest that romantic indicators are as good as sexual measures in assessing sexual orientation and that a succession of logically following groups from bisexual leaning gay, mostly gay, to gay. Whether these three groups are discrete or overlapping needs further research.

Studies with volunteers in sexual arousal experiments suggest that women are, on average, physiologically sexually aroused to both male and female sexual stimuli. Lesbians are the exception because they tend to be more aroused to their preferred sex than the other sex, a pattern typically seen in men. A separate research line suggests that lesbians are, on average, more masculine than straight women in their nonsexual behaviors and characteristics. Hence, a common influence could affect the expression of male-typical sexual and nonsexual traits in some women. By integrating these research programs, we tested the hypothesis that male-typical sexual arousal of lesbians relates to their nonsexual masculinity. Moreover, the most masculine-behaving lesbians, in particular, could show the most male-typical sexual responses. Across combined data, Study 1 examined these patterns in women's genital arousal and self-reports of masculine and feminine behaviors. Study 2 examined these patterns with another measure of sexual arousal, pupil dilation to sexual stimuli, and with observer-rated masculinity-femininity in addition to self-reported masculinity-femininity. Although both studies confirmed that lesbians were more male-typical in their sexual arousal and nonsexual characteristics, on average, there were no indications that these 2 patterns were in any way connected. Thus, women's sexual responses and nonsexual traits might be masculinized by independent factors. (PsycINFO Database Record

This is a rebuttal of David M. Hall's review in which he misrepresents the contents of my book, The New Gay Teenager. Only the worst of his distortions are highlighted; this is not a point-by-point refutation. A restatement of the book's true themes concludes this response. Same-sex attracted youth can be healthy, resilient, proud, and ordinary adolescents and many choose to base their personal identity on aspects of their lives other than their sexuality.

Using 6-year longitudinal data from the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health (Add Health) and multiple measures of puberty as it occurs and of sexual orientation (romantic attraction, sexual identity), the present study attempted to replicate previous research which reported that homosexuals and heterosexuals differed in their age of pubertal onset. The study hypotheses were not confirmed for either males or females: on most pubertal measures, same-sex oriented groupings did not differ from heterosexuals. The only significant findings regarding homosexual males indicated that they were more likely to report having a later rather than an earlier onset of puberty, and the significant findings regarding homosexual females were contradictory--they tended to have an earlier onset of puberty. These findings are attributed to methodological improvements in the present study that reduced retrospective bias, used multiple indicators of sexual orientation and puberty timing, and assessed less eroticized measures of puberty.

To answer the question “Who's gay?”—and its logical follow-up, “Does it matter?”—researchers usually define homosexuality with reference to one of three components or expressions of sexual orientation: sexual/romantic attraction or arousal, sexual behavior, and sexual identity. Yet, the three components are imperfectly correlated and inconsistently predictive of each other, resulting in dissimilar conclusions regarding the number and nature of homosexual populations. Depending on which component is assessed, the prevalence rate of homosexuality in the general population ranges from 1 to 21%. When investigators define the homosexual population based on same-sex behavior or identity, they enhance the possibility of finding a biological basis for homosexuality and a compromised mental health (suicidality).

The study examined mental health outcomes for samesex attracted youth with a Christian background based on their differential internalization of attitudes toward homosexuality and gay issues that are socialized by most major Christian denominations. Data from 339 young men and 56 young women ages 13–25 who participated in the OutProud/Oasis Internet Survey of Queer and Questioning Youth were analyzed. In comparison to those who reported “no conflict” between their religious and sexual identities, youth who did not adopt a lesbian/gay/bisexual identity and believed change in sexual orientation is possible had higher internalized homophobia. Those who left Christianity and had difficulty believing God loves them had both higher internalized homophobia and poorer mental health. Responses from youth who resolved or ignored the conflict were not significantly different from those who experienced no conflict.

To adequately understand the diversity of child and adolescent homoeroticism, a differential developmental trajectories perspective is proposed that integrates recent research about the development of sexual orientation, sexual behavior, and sexual identity. Only the latter two can be altered therapeutically. Biologic theories of homosexuality are reviewed. Homoerotic youth are shown to be similar and dissimilar to heterosexual youth; more variability occurs within than among sexual orientation groups. Contemporary homoerotic youth recognize their sexuality, self-label, and accept their sexuality at earlier ages than previous generations and many are rejecting traditional identity labels. Clinical recommendations offer ways to assess sexual orientation and help patients to achieve acceptance of their sexuality.

Researchers disagree on how to assess adolescent sexual orientation. The relative importance of various dimensions (e.g. attraction, relationships, behavior, self-labeling) is unknown, which calls into question the validity of studies assessing adolescent sexual orientation. To address this issue, 50 male and female adolescents of varied sexual orientations participated in focus groups and interviews. Two types of sexual attraction-one a physiologic reaction and the other a cognitive response-were central to adolescent sexual orientation. Participants did not perceive sexual behavior and self-identification as necessarily relevant. Preliminary items to measure sexual attraction were developed based on these adolescents' perceptions.

Commenting on Savin-Williams, Cohen, Joyner, and Rieger (2010), Meyer (2010) dismissed their analytic approach as erroneous and submitted a lengthy defense of his minority-stress hypothesis. We reject Meyer’s refutation on several accounts, the primary one being that the study was not designed or presented as a‘‘test’’of his position. Despite considerable limitations with the minority-stress hypothesis—chief among them is insufficient, empirically validated research demonstrating the direct causal mechanism by which societal stigma is translated into negative mental health effects—we referenced it because of its intuitive, heuristic appeal and assumed truth that frequently results in its evocation as an explanation for mental health discrepancies among sexual orientation groups. It is regrettable that Meyer interpreted our call for scientific curiosity as a frontal attack on his hypothesized mechanism. In the spirit of scholarly inquiry, we believe it is justifiable—when based on empirical research—to offer alternative explanations to perceived truths when explaining complex behaviors. In this light, we interpreted the data from a possibly biologically mediated perspective rather than from the sociological-based minority-stress position.

Two questions were addressed regarding suicide attempts among sexual-minority youths: Who should be classified as a sexual minority, and what constitutes a suicide attempt? Results from 2 studies indicated that sexual-minority youths, broadly defined in terms of sexual orientation and recruitment venue, were slightly more likely than heterosexual youths to report a suicide attempt. To afford a more accurate assessment of suicide attempts, a detailed measure distinguished true from false attempts. This method eliminated over half of suicide attempt reports among sexual minorities because they were false attempts-ideation rather than a concrete act to end life. Furthermore, many true attempts were not life threatening, suggesting that the reports were attempts to communicate the hardships of lives or to identify with a gay community. Language: en

This article summarizes findings from two ongoing studies charting the development of 167 adolescent and young adult sexual-minority women. Resultsdocument considerable variation in the quality, relative distribution, and context of women's same-sex and other-sex attractions. Furthermore, contrary to conventional wisdom, the timing of a woman's first same-sex attractions is not systematically related to subsequent features of sexual identity development. Rather, the quality and context of a woman'searly attractions and behavior is more important. We argue that variability in sexual-minority and heterosexual women's development is best explained by interactions between personal characteristics and environmental contexts, and we urge future studies of the sexual-minority life course to include women with same-sex attractions that do not identify as lesbian or bisexual.

The present investigation explored gender differences in sexual identity development—first same-sex attractions, self-labeling, same-sex sexual contact, and disclosure—among 164 sexual-minority young adults. Based on interviews, results indicated the value of assessing gender differences in the context, timing, spacing, and sequencing of sexual identity milestones. Adolescent males had an earlier onset of all milestones except disclosure. The context for sexual identity milestones were likely to be emotionally oriented for young women and sexually oriented for young men. The gap from first same-sex attractions (8–9 years of age) to first disclosure (around 18 years) averaged 10 years for both sexes. Young women followed label-first developmental trajectories; men were more likely to pursue sex before identifying themselves as gay. In terms of achieving sexual identity milestones, gender mattered, but it was not everything.

Developmental psychologists generally have ignored the processes by which sexual-minority adolescents come to recognize themselves as gay, lesbian, or bisexual and to disclose that information to others. One of the most critical events for sexual-minority adolescents is disclosing their sexual identity to family members. In this article, empirical research is addressed that documents the percentage of youths who disclose to their families, the time during the "coming-out" process that youths disclose to family members, and the manner in which disclosure occurs. Mother-father differences are explored, and, when applicable, data on disclosure to siblings and extended family members are reviewed. The implications of these findings for youths, parents, and the family system are summarized and future research needs are suggested.

Conflicting evidence exists regarding whether bisexual-identified men are sexually aroused to both men and women. We hypothesized that a distinct characteristic, level of curiosity about sexually diverse acts, distinguishes bisexual-identified men with and without bisexual arousal. Study 1 assessed men's (n=277) sexual arousal via pupil dilation to male and female sexual stimuli. Bisexual men were, on average, higher in their sexual curiosity than other men. Despite this general difference, only bisexual-identified men with elevated sexual curiosity showed bisexual arousal. Those lower in curiosity had responses resembling those of homosexual men. Study 2 assessed men's (n=72) sexual arousal via genital responses and replicated findings of Study 1. Study 3 provided information on the validity on our measure of sexual curiosity by relating it to general curiosity and sexual sensation seeking (n=83). Based on their sexual arousal and personality, at least two groups of men identify as bisexual.

Eighty-three gay and bisexual male youths (17-23 years old) completed questionnaires and a structured interview. Pubertal maturation was associated with self-reported age of first orgasm and ho mosexual activity and frequency of orgasms during junior high school. Unrelated were age of first same-sex attractions, sexual orientation, age of first heterosexual activity, frequency of orgasms dur ing high school, number of lifetime male and female sex partners, reactions to puberty, and self esteem. Early and on-time maturers rarely varied from each other on the assessed domains. Youths did not differ in self-esteem level from heterosexual male youths. Gay and bisexual male youths share with heterosexual male youths a similar developmental trajectory in regard to pubertal maturation and self-esteem

Recent research suggests profound sex and sexual orientation differences in sexual response. These results, however, are based on measures of genital arousal, which have potential limitations such as volunteer bias and differential measures for the sexes. The present study introduces a measure less affected by these limitations. We assessed the pupil dilation of 325 men and women of various sexual orientations to male and female erotic stimuli. Results supported hypotheses. In general, self-reported sexual orientation corresponded with pupil dilation to men and women. Among men, substantial dilation to both sexes was most common in bisexual-identified men. In contrast, among women, substantial dilation to both sexes was most common in heterosexual-identified women. Possible reasons for these differences are discussed. Because the measure of pupil dilation is less invasive than previous measures of sexual response, it allows for studying diverse age and cultural populations, usually not included in sexuality research.

Sexual identity is the name and meaning individuals assign to themselves based on the most salient sexual aspects of their life – such as sexual attractions, fantasies, desires, and behaviors. Sexual identities usually fall within existing social categories, such as straight, bisexual, or lesbian/gay, and are historically and culturally specific. Youth in today’s cohort have expanded the list of sexual identities, moving beyond traditional notions of a gay, bisexual, or heterosexual orientation to include gender identity and partner characteristics. Social scientists from a variety of disciplines have proposed models of sexual identity. In this chapter, the most frequently cited and tested sexual identity model, Cass’s homosexual identity formation model, is evaluated. An alternative perspective, differential developmental trajectories, has recently been proposed that focuses on developmental milestones that contribute to a sexual identity. Besides recognizing the inherent uniqueness of every life, this perspective proposes that in many developmental processes, sexual-minority youth are similar to all other adolescents of their sex, ethnicity, class, and cohort. Also discussed are the possibility of a “straight sexual identity” and two major problems with sexual identity models – the instability of sexual identity over time and its occasional inconsistency with sexual behavior and attraction. The distinctive aspects of growing up lesbian or gay have greatly diminished as the current cohort of youth has increasingly accepted sexual diversity as normative, acceptable, and even desirable. Thus, the demise of sexual identity is forecast as youth of all sexualities are refusing and resisting sexual identity labels.

Scientific information regarding normative patterns of young men's sexual behavior is insufficient, especially regarding the impact of sex of partner. We explored the age at which 255 young adult men achieved several milestones (e.g., first kiss, manual-genital contact, intercourse) as well as the sequence of milestone achievement and stability in sex-of-partner preferences as a function of sex-of-partner experiences. Mean ages of milestone achievement were consistent with the extant empirical literature. Men with only female partners were younger at first kiss and first relationship, and older at first intercourse than men with only male partners; they also reported an almost universal sequence of milestone achievement and little change in sex-of-partner preferences. Most men with male partners reported increased preference for male partners over time. Men with partners of both sexes tended to demonstrate patterns consistent with the relevant sex-of-partner group. Findings suggested a common male sexual trajectory and sex-of-partner dependent trajectories.

It is not my intent to critique individual contributions in this special issue but to assess scholarly progress since the last special issue devoted to sexual orientation in Developmental Psychology (Patterson, 1995). Because not all steps forward can be catalogued in this limited forum, I focus on several long-standing challenges faced by developmental scientists as they investigate same-sex sexuality: recruitment and definition of same-sex populations, developmental diversity of same-sex oriented individuals, and "clinical traps" created by early research on same-sex populations.

Analyses of three waves (6 years) of the National Longitudinal Survey of Adolescent Health data explored the prevalence and stability of sexual orientation and whether these two parameters varied by biologic sex, sexual orien- tation component (romantic attraction, sexual behavior, sex- ual identity), and degree of component. Prevalence rates for nonheterosexuality varied between 1 and 15% and depended on biologic sex (higher among females), sexual orientation component (highest for romantic attraction), degree of com- ponent (highest if "mostly heterosexual" was included with identity), and the interaction of these (highest for nonhetero- sexual identity among females). Although kappa statistics testing for temporal stability across waves were significant, they failed to reach acceptable levels of agreement and could be largely attributable to the stability of opposite-sex rather than same-sex attraction and behavior. Migration over time among sexual orientation components was in both direc- tions, from opposite-sex attraction and behavior to same-sex attraction and behavior and vice versa. To assess sexual ori- entation, investigators should measure multiple components over time or abandon the general notion of sexual orientation and measure only those components relevant for the research question.

The purpose of this study was to provide data addressing Diamond's (this issue) 4 problem areas in sexual orientation research by comparing gay, bisexual, and questioning male youth who report attempting suicide with those who do not. Secondary analyses were conducted with 2 datasets, 1 with a gay support group (n = 51) and the other with online youth (n = 681). Reported suicide attempts ranged from 39% among support-group youth, to 25% among Internet gay support group youth, to 9% among Internet non-support group youth. Sexual orientation, behavior, and identity did not predict suicidal attempt status, but suicide attempters experienced higher levels of both generic life stressors (low self-esteem, substance use, victimization) and gay-related stressors, particularly those directly related to visible (femininity) and behavioral (gay sex) aspects of their sexual identity. Support-group attendance was related to higher levels of suicidality and life stressors, as well as certain resiliency factors. Results suggest that there exists a minority of sexual-minority youth who are at risk but that it would be inappropriate to characterize the entire population as such.

The decision whether to disclose same-sex attractions to parents was explored through in-depth interviews with 164 young women and men. Participants were more likely to disclose to mothers than fathers, usually around age 19 years and in a face-to-face encounter. Mothers were told before fathers, largely because mothers asked or because youth wanted to share their life with them; fathers were told by someone other than their child or by the youth because it was time. The reason participants did not disclose to mothers was because it was not the right developmental time; the reason they did not disclose to fathers was because they were not close to them. Sons, more than daughters, feared the negative reactions of parents, who generally reacted in the same manner--supportive or slightly negative. Relationships with parents since disclosure generally had not changed or had improved. Sex of parent mattered more than sex of child on most domains.

Developmental scientists should seriously reconsider traditional empirical and theoretical paradigms that narrowly define sexual-minority adolescents in terms of those who adopt a culturally defined sexual identity label. A broader consideration of youth populations who have same-sex desires but who might not necessarily identify as gay, lesbian or bisexual, lead one to a very different understanding of sexual-minority youths than is apparent in most published studies. First, they are in most regards just like all other adolescents with similar developmental needs and concerns. Second, they are not a homogeneous group but vary among themselves in predictable ways. Third, this expanded definition allows us to conclude that same-sex attraction per se does not lead to pathology or to problematic behavior such as drug abuse, suicide, prostitution or HIV infection. Indeed, researchers and clinicians should focus on the resiliency that often characterizes sexual-minority youths.

A forgotten, largely invisible minority in twentieth-century society is the gay adolescent. This condition is changing fairly rapidly, primarily in urban and collegiate areas, as increasing numbers of youth are claiming a sexual identity other than the heterosexual one traditionally assumed and desired by society and its agents. These gay and lesbian adolescents must, however, confront a hostile audience which disbelieves that one can be homosexual during adolescence. The premise of this chapter is that the psychosocial stresses that result from this denial may have profound medical consequences in the current reality of the AIDS epidemic.

Parental Reactions to Their Child's Disclosure of a Gay/Lesbian Identity* Ritch C. Savin-Williams** and Eric M. Dube Popular culture writers have proposed a developmental sequence of stages that parents face upon first learning of their child's homosexuality. Empirical investigations of these purported "mourning and loss" stages are few and generally cast doubt on the inevitability and normative sequencing of parental reactions. We present this empirical evidence, suggest a research agenda, and discuss the implications of the research findings for mental health caregivers and practitioners. Key Words: adolescence, homosexuality, parent-child relationships, parent development. Personal narratives, popular advice-giving tracts, and "self- help" books composed by and for parents often present the act of disclosure by youths of their gay/lesbian identity as necessarily creating a crisis within the family. This literature promotes the view that as a result of this disclosure, irrevocable damage is done to the child-parent relationship. MacDonald (1983) noted that healthy family relationships under such circumstances are "uncommon" and that trauma must necessarily beset families with a sexual-minority youth. When youths disclose their sexual orientation a type of parent "coming-out" process is initiated "whereby parents are given the opportunity to restructure expectations and goals for the future life course of their children" (Boxer, Cook, & Herdt, 1991, p. 86; see also Coleman & Remafedi, 1989). Once confronted with the reality of their child's sexual orientation, parents have been described by mental health professionals as reacting with symptoms of grief and mourning, progressing through a series of stages similar to those described by Kubler-Ross (1969) after the shock of discovering one's own impending death: denial, anger, bargaining, depression, and acceptance. Although this view is a very popular conceptualization of parental reactions, used by parent support groups to help parents understand their feelings, little empirical research has been conducted that directly bears on these mourning stages. In previous publications, developmental issues confronting sexual-minority youths in terms of deciding whether, when, how, and why to disclose to parents (Savin-Williams, in press a; Savin-Williams & Diamond, in press) and the parent-youth relationship (Savin-Williams, in press b) are reviewed. In this article the focus is redirected from youths and placed onto parents. First, attention is given to the purported developmental stages that characterize parental reactions to the disclosure news. Second, empirical research that addresses these stages is then reviewed. We conclude with a discussion on future research needs regarding the youth-parent relationship, both before and after disclosure, and implications for those who care for the mental health of heterosexual parents with gay children.1 A Developmental Model of Parental Reactions Although parents often react in a less than ideal fashion after learning of their child's same-sex attractions, limited research indicates that most eventually arrive at tolerance or acceptance of their son's or daughter's sexual orientation. This process is not an easy one and a period of uncertainty, disruption, and, in more tempestuous cases, chaos is often created within the family. Various writers have proposed paradigms by which parents evolve through a series of stages from initial shock to eventual acceptance of their child; many of these share considerable overlap in structure and content (Anderson, 1987; Bernstein, 1990; Borhek, 1993; Bozett & Sussman, 1989; Brown, 1988; DeVine, 1984; Martin, 1982; Myers, 1982; Pearlman, 1992; Robinson, Walters, & Steen, 1989; Strommen, 1989; Tremble, Schneider, & Appathurai, 1989; Wirth, 1978). These proposed models follow the delineation of stages originally proposed by Kubler-Ross (1969) that characterize individuals facing imminent death. …

Few topics in sexology elicit such a diversity of opinions and emotions as the question of etiology of homosexuality. Views frequently carry with them implicit or explicit messages concerning the psychologic health of this sexual orientation. Theories of sexual development usually portray adolescence as a critical time in the life course because of changes in: 1) anatomy and physiology; 2) psychologic functioning: the reawakening, renewal, and reliving of previously established sexual relations and drives; and/or 3) social conditions: an increased exposure and adherence to societal messages concerning appropriate and inappropriate social and sexual behaviors and relationships. This paper provides a brief overview of several major theories--evolutionary biology, psychoanalysis, and social processes--as they relate to the development of sexual orientation. In addition, an ethologic perspective that synthesizes various etiologic theories, as they relate to homosexuality during adolescence, is briefly reviewed. In these discussions, the issue of whether homosexuality is a normal or abnormal developmental state during adolescence is also addressed.

Three methods of assessing dominance and altruism in adolescents were compared: self-reports, observation of behavior, and peer rankings. Results indicate that the behavior observation and peer assessment methods are congruent in portraying which adolescents were the most and least dominant and altruistic. While the self-report measure of social responsibility is significantly related to the behavioral assessment of altruism, there is little relationship between these two methods of assessing dominance. An ethological approach to studying human behavior fulfills one aspect of what personality theorists report is urgently needed in the field of personality research: observation of behavior in natural settings.

An ethological perspective is presented as an alternative to traditional developmental approaches to adolescence. From an evolutionary point of view, the onset of reproductive capability during adolescence marks the significance of this time during the life course. Thus, the apparent anomaly of male and female youth "preferring" not to engage in heterosexual activities that have the potential to maximize genetic fitness but to participate in homosexual activities that do not have the same adaptive repercussion poses a challenge for an ethological perspective to interpret. To better understand an ethological perspective, basic ethological principles are applied to the emergence and expression of homosexuality during adolescence. First, evidence bearing on the genetic etiological under-pinnings of homosexuality within humans is reviewed through an examination of (a) behavioral genetic studies and (b) hormonal research. Next, adaptive considerations are presented, in particular the prevalence of homosexual behavior among various animal species and human societies, as well as evolutionary pressures that maintain a stable level of homosexuality in the human population. Balanced polymorphism and kin selection are reviewed as answers to the ultimate or functional question. Finally, the "naturalness" of adolescent homosexuality as an outcome of an ethological perspective is proposed. Homosexuality is thus presented as a sexual orientation that is not so much a matter of choice but of biological necessity.

An individual cannot touch, smell, taste, hear, or see self-esteem. The self is not a "natural" phenomenon and is thus not accessible to the same kinds of scientific inquiry and measurement as are natural psychological constructs that are observable (e.g., human motor behavior). Self-esteem is nonsensical-cannot be measured through sensory data collection-and hence imaginary (Berlow, personal communication); as a result, an individual's self-esteem must be inferred, either by an individual's report of his/her sense of self (experienced self) or by others reporting the individual's self-esteem (presented self). But the social science community has too readily accepted an individual's personal self-report of self-esteem as natural fact. The guiding, and unquestioned assumption has been that the individual alone has access to the self. Who are we as outsiders to question this source of data? Few self-esteem researchers have used "others" to infer self-esteem-and thus they have relatively little knowledge of the validity of their self-report data (Wells & Marwell, 1976).

Based on a population of 317 gay and lesbian youths, the current investigation explores the appropriateness of a reflected appraisals perspective in predicting the degree to which parental attitudes, as perceived by youth, affects their self-esteem and comfortableness being gay. A lesbian was most comfortable with her sexual orientation if she also reported that her parents accepted her homosexuality; these variables did not, however, predict her level of self-esteem. Among the gay males, parental acceptance predicted comfortable being gay if the parents were also perceived as important components of a youth's self-worth; a male most comfortable with his sexual orientation had the highest level of self-esteem. Results are discussed in terms of: (a) sex of parent, (b) sex-role development, (c) comparisons of gays and lesbians, and (d) research on gay and lesbian youth.

Naturally occurring prosocial and dominance behaviors were observed via multiple methods in four groups of adolescents. Individuals varied considerably in their frequency of prosocial and dominance behaviors, regardless of the method employed. These interindividual differences were maintained across situations and over time. The data are consistent with a trait conceptualization of dominance and prosocial behavior. The strength of the present findings suggest that personality researchers need to employ research strategies which extensively observe individuals in the contexts in which they live.

Two cabin groups (N=5 and 6) of 14- to 17-year-old males were observed during a five-week camping session. Recorded were all instances of dyadic dominance behaviors occurring between group members in three behavior settings. Various group sociometric exercises and life history data were also available. Similar to previously studied early adolescent groups, the current middle and late adolescents formed a group dominance hierarchy that remained relatively stable during the camp session and in the behavior settings. In marked contrast to early adolescents, however, physical variables such as pubertal maturation, athletic ability, and physical fitness no longer predicted relative ranking among group members. Rather, individual variations in intelligence, creativity, crafts skill, cabin spirit, peer popularity, and camp experience predicted the group structure. Physical means of expressing dominance status were rare among the older adolescents.

The significance of the parents for the coming out process and for the self-evaluation of 317 gay and lesbian youths between the ages of 14 and 23 years was assessed in the current study. Responses from a 10-page questionnaire are analyzed, and these findings are discussed in the context of sex differences for both adolescents and parents, the importance of the parents for the self-esteem of gay and lesbian youth, and limitations of the current investigation.

The present series of studies explores the relationship between two conceptions of self-esteem: the self as experienced by the individual and the self as presented to others. Traditional measures of self-esteem are employed, and two new methods of assessing self-esteem in adolescents are introduced: an observational measure of self-esteem behavior (presented self) and a repeated self-report measure (experienced self). The presented self (observed behavior and peer ratings) and the experienced self (Rosenberg, Lerner, and a new method, paging devices) measures were consistent within themselves in assessing self-esteem. The presented self and the experienced self were not, however, significantly related to each other. We propose a moderator variable (“defensiveness”) to explain these discrepancies, and suggest that the observation of adolescent behavior provides a more accurate assessment of self-esteem than self-report measures.

Self-esteem is postulated to be a function of social class in accordance with four theoretical principles-reflected appraisals, self-perception, social comparison, and psychological centrality. It is argued that the ascribed nature of social class among young adolescents makes it a weak determinant of their self-esteem, but that with increasing age socioeconomic position becomes more meaningful and thus more consequential for self-esteem. Data are presented which reveal a stronger association between social class and self-esteem among eighth graders than among fifth graders. One salient characteristic, academic skills, is found to be a strong predictor of early adolescent self-attitudes. Last, levels of self-esteem increase consistently from the fifth to the eighth grade, indicating a developmental trend toward greater self-acceptance.

This research challenges the traditional conception of adolescence as a time of stress and instability in self-concept. Using multiple measures of self-concept with a longitudinal sample, three components of self-concept are distinguished: the experienced self, the presented self, and self-feelings Feelings about the self are relatively stable from moment to moment and from year to year. There are apparently three routes through the adolescent years: stable, baseline, and oscillating. For most study participants, level of self-esteem increased gradually and only slightly from 7th to 10th grade. This study is unique because of its methodology (longitudinal and multiple measures) and its counter-traditional characterization of adolescence.

The relationship between self-esteem and pubertal maturation is examined based on results of the first two years of a six-year naturalistic longitudinal study of the ecology of self-esteem during adolescence. A random sample of 40 seventh-grade adolescents of both sexes from all socioeconomic classes was selected from a local junior high school. Four measures of pubertal maturation level were obtained for participants during each year of the study. Self-esteem was assessed by means of a repeated measures self-report technique. Each adolescent carried a “beeper” paging device and responded in writing to “beeps” that occurred on a random schedule eight times daily. Males were significantly higher in self-esteem than females. The developmental pattern for the relationship between self-esteem and pubertal maturation differed between boys and girls. Three ecological contextual variables were explored: setting, activity, and participants. Physical setting was significantly associated with level of self-esteem. Activities and participants present were not significantly predictive of self-esteem. Results are discussed in terms of the onset and timing of pubertal maturation and its influence on self-esteem.

The five girls in Cabin Five experienced few major problems during their five weeks together. Cabin authority and power were primarily invested in one girl who indirectly asserted herself during the first week of camp, and then effectively withdrew from active participation in group power struggles until the last days of camp when her authority was challenged. In the interim, more assertive and overt dominance acts pervaded cabin life, especially directed against a vulnerable, submissive girl. Power status was recognized and stabilized at the poles, top and bottom, and three girls fluctuated within the middle ranks of dominance status. The cabin counselor, CH, wrote after the camp session: “While there were problems every day, we managed to survive the five weeks; others were not so lucky.”