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Introduction Iran is a multiethnic society; hence it is significant how much various ethnicities receive their share of power as well as their share of economic, political and other sources, which can explain their sense of identity and collective identities such as a sense of belonging to Iran and Iranian nationality. Additionally, religious and cultural factors can strengthen or weaken this national solidarity. In this study, the theories concerning activation and highlighting ethnic divisions are utilized to explore ethnic groups sense of belonging to Iran. A combination of three theories with more sociological aspect is used: modernization theories, the theory of internal colonialism and the theory of relative deprivation. Materials & Methods This study is a documentary research, based on available data. In other words, the present study is a secondary analysis of data by adopting a comparative approach to compare certain variables and indices between ethnic groups. This study is based on the data obtained from the Fifth Wave of the World Values (WVS). A sample of 2667 Iranian subjects aged over 16 years old was collected. However, due to small size, Turkmen, Gilaks and Armenian ethnicities were removed from the analysis. Discussion of Results & Conclusions The data analysis showed that the economic situation is closely associated with ethnic or national identities. A good economic situation brings along a stronger sense of national identity. However, a good economic situation is not directly related to ethnic identity, and with the rise of economic status, ethnic identity is not enhanced. In contrast, a weaker and lower economic situation brings along a higher sense of ethnic identity while it leads to a weaker sense of national identity. The analysis shows that more than 81 percent of the people with close percentages are willing to participate in a possible war against the country and fight to defend it. Overall, this shows a high degree of belonging to Iran. However, less than half of the Kurds tend to do so. In the same way, Sunni Kurds and Shiite Arabs trust the government less than other ethnic groups. However, two ethnic groups of Sunni Balochs and Sunni Fars have shown a higher degree of confidence compared with other ethnic groups. The data shows that Iranian identity is multidimensional and there is no opposition between national and ethnic identities. This can be especially shown in social and cultural issues. The only contrast is in political issues, which do not disturb all ethnicities, but Arabs and Kurds. The research shows that Turks, Kurds, Lors and other ethnicities are proud of their Iranian nationality. In fact, the results suggest that 97.4 percent of ethnicities know themselves as the citizen of Iran. This is different when it comes to Shiite Arabs and Sunni Kurds. They are less proud of Iranian identity. From this results, it can be concluded that the policy of ethnic assimilation and integration may not be possible. Therefore, considering the economic situation of ethnic groups, efforts to eliminate feelings of social, political, cultural, and educational inequalities and respecting different ethnic identifies can greatly reduce the challenges of national identity. Avoiding political and ideological biases, caring for citizenship rights according to the Constitution and giving everyone a role to play in power can make them have a stronger sense of national identity. Recent developments in the Middle East as well as the issues of globalization and spread of informal media, especially cyberspace, has made it necessary to think about the issues related to national identity, ethnic identity and the relationship between them. Therefore, it is necessary to reconsider all theoretical and analytical projects in this field and offer new formulation of identity beyond theories of modernization to come up with theories that focus on the effect of modernization on ethnic identity.

In his text the author showed the results of his fieldwork in Turkey, in the western Kurdistan. In his research, conducted on the border of the perspectives of anthropology and political science, he decided to compare the situation of the Kurdish people, the largest stateless ethnic group in Istanbul and Diyarbakir and the way in which they build their ethnic and national identity living in different places and in different environments. The author investigated how the Kurds preserve their ethnic customs and how they define their contemporary ethnic condition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]