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Over the past decades, neo-Zionist discourse has gain prominence in Israel. This approach, which gives preference to the definition of Israel as a Jewish state over its definition as a democracy, is a specific version authoritarian populism. This paper explores how educational discourses, policies and curricular changes are being shaped by right-wing populist organization and politicians to strengthen New-Zionism, while delegitimising liberal-democratic values. The paper draws on three examples. The first focuses on the campaign to ban the activist groups 'Breaking the Silence' -- a group of army veteran who collect testimonies on Israel's misconducts in the occupied territories -- from entering schools. The second example is the case of 'Im Tirtzu', a right-wing organization, and their campaign against left-wing influences in the academy. A third example focuses on the changes to the compulsory civic curriculum -- an example to the ways in which education is used to perpetuate a particular notion of Jewish nationalism. These cases help reveal the reactions of academic institutions to such actions, and the partial acceptance they have gained in recent years. They also show how the boundaries of the political were redrawn and the role education policy and institutions play in delegitimizing left-wing critique.

This article comprehensively analyzes Israel's experience in the legal regulation of cybersecurity and explores its potential adaptation for Ukraine. Israel is a leading cybersecurity nation due to its integrated approach to cyber protection. The paper examines key legislative acts and organizational measures implemented in Israel, such as establishing specialized cyber units like TEHILA and the Israel National Cyber Directorate (INCD), and coordination centers that facilitate cohesive efforts between governmental and private organizations. The article highlights the significance of incorporating cybersecurity mechanisms into Israel's national defense strategy and the active involvement of the private sector, including numerous tech companies and startups, in safeguarding information infrastructure. The crucial role of international cooperation, particularly with the EU and the USA, in developing an effective cyber strategy is also discussed, emphasizing its relevance for Ukraine amidst the ongoing conflict with Russia. Additionally, the article delves into the continuous improvement of cybersecurity technologies and the professional development of specialists in this field. It highlights the importance of a holistic approach encompassing technological advancements and strategic planning. The paper also emphasizes the need for interagency coordination and the collaboration with international partners to elevate the overall cybersecurity posture. Key aspects of adapting Israeli approaches to Ukrainian realities are outlined, including the necessity of establishing specialized bodies, developing a national cybersecurity strategy, and engaging the private sector in cybersecurity efforts. By integrating Israel's best practices, Ukraine can significantly bolster its cyber defense capabilities, enhancing its ability to respond to cyber threats more effectively and protecting its critical infrastructures. Furthermore, the study addresses legal regulation issues, including both the regulatory framework and practical aspects of implementing cybersecurity measures at national and local levels. Continuous monitoring and evaluation of the effectiveness of these measures are essential to identify and ne utralize potential threats timely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a comparative study of Israel and Singapore to understand the national security policies of geographically smaller states. These states are militarily powerful, geographically small, and in close proximity with much larger potential adversaries. These states are also different in terms of their relationship with that much larger state as well as their independence narratives. Israel remains in a state of conflict with Iran through Syria and through terrorist groups like Hamas and Hezbollah. Israel was created through war. On the other hand, Singapore has a complicated relationship with Malaysia based on suspicious cooperation. Malaysia also allowed Singapore independence given differences in the voting behavior of Singaporeans. Both states share a military strategy of preemption or prevention. Since these states are geographically small, striking first may offer Israel and Singapore a better chance at avoiding annihilation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article I explore some of the limitations of violence, in particular focusing on how it can possibly be undermined by dialogical action. Firstly, I argue that, although violence is at times justified by some people, its disrespectful use against innocent others, makes it illegitimate and therefore un-dialogical. Secondly, the use of violence is considered by some as circumstantial and restricted to the achievement of short-term goals. However, I argue that such action would lead to more violence and therefore should at all times be abandoned and conditions be established which are more favourable for dialogical action. Thirdly, violence ought to be prevented through the practice of responsible (respectful) action--action which takes into account non-instrumentality, impartiality and deliberation.

This paper stems from curiosity as to whether there are differences in the outcomes or abilities of militaries to function effectively when females are included. Notions of high-stakes warfare, the physiology of both genders, tradition, and a culture built upon hypermasculine ideals deserve consideration within the context of both 21st-century feminist thought and overall fighting aptitude. In the pages that follow, the militaries of the United States, Israel, and Sweden are examined to 1) determine what women specifically contribute within a military setting, and 2) argue that integration aligns with priorities of both feminism and national security. Specifically, I assert that optimized incorporation of women into American military roles will produce more cohesive, robust, and capable forces that ultimately better promote national security. Further, I argue that this progressive integration is essential to dissolving the outdated, gendered assumption that to include women is to shift the primary focus of a military from a necessary protective institution into a social experiment doomed to collapse. If women are successfully integrated and able to improve the overall outcomes of military operations, then there is reason to believe such inclusion is both necessary for security purposes and aligning nations with modern demands for gender equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes Israel's changing understanding of its geostrategic posture from its establishment in 1948 to the current era. It starts by reviewing traditional Israeli geostrategic ideas and their implementation, mostly, as reflected in the nation's national security doctrine. The paper then investigates the effect of Israel's territorial expansion after 1967 on Israeli ideas about geostrategy. Finally, the paper shows how changing global, regional, and technological variables in the last two decades have transformed how Israeli elites understand their geostrategic realities and how they allocate resources in response to these changing conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The EU's normative promotion is a keystone in the arch of its Foreign and Security Policy, reflected in establishing a "ring of friends" in its neighbourhood. However, the EU's normative impact in these countries is often hindered by domestic constraints. Conversely, deeper socialisation through persuasion and "learning" may advance towards the promotion of EU norms better. By tracing the "learning" component of the EU's external perceptions in its Eastern (Ukraine) and Southern (Israel and Palestine) neighbourhoods, this paper elaborates upon the receptiveness of EU norms. Considering the specific attention that the ENP draws towards the support of civil society, this paper focuses on "learning" narratives of EU norms among civil society elites in Ukraine, Israel and Palestine as the key targets of EU assistance – with a particular focus on various conceptualisations of learning in the learning process. Notwithstanding perceptions of the EU as a normative power, we find that the learning processes remain too complex to be captured within a single theoretical framework. Whereas communicative rationality implies learning about each other's identities through rational arguing, our analysis demonstrates that identity performance is one of the most emotive and crucial factors in perceptions of learning. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main issue this paper deals with is the status of the Palestinian minority in Israel (Referred to in the literature using different terms: ‘Palestinians in Israel’, ‘Arabs in Israel’, ‘Arab citizens of Israel’, ‘the Palestinian minority’ and ‘Palestinians inside 1948’.) as part of what Israel considers its national security. It will examine the centrality of Israel’s Jewish character, as a component of Israeli national security, representing a model for the expansion of that which is encompassed by the concept of national security. Within this context, the minority’s presence and demands for equality poses a threat to the national security of Israel and of the Jewish majority. This concept and trend has gained traction in recent years with the ascension to power of the right wing and the ‘rising threats’ to Israel following the Arab Spring events. Majority forces within and outside the Knesset have attempted to consolidate Israel’s Jewish character by passing laws and formulating policies that identify its Jewish character as a red line – a key plank of national security. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Bingol University Journal of Economics & Administrative Science is the property of Bingol University Journal of Economics & Administrative Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Due to the "global terrorism project", some States have adopted offensive counterterrorism measures which, though within national strategies on security and defense, contemplate the use of military power and the use of lethal force against non-state actors - individuals, groups or terrorist organizations - beyond their national borders. Reformulating the security paradigm has led, in these cases, to policies against terrorism. This is the case of targeted killing - the killing of selected targets - by the USA and Israel. Targeted killing actions - using essentially but not only drones - in Pakistan and Yemen by the American administration, a well as the Israeli response to Palestinian terrorism, are under heated debate in terms of their efficiency and legality. Thus, this paper aims to not only provide an analytical framework on this theme but also analyze the scope and impact of these counter terrorist strategies by the two countries [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper attempts to offer an alternative analysis to the predominantly positivist-rationalist approaches exhibited by most studies of Israel's policies towards the Palestinians. Rather than focusing on realist estimations of power and the national interest as dictating the foreign and defence policies of Israel since its establishment, this paper draws attention to the causes of these manifestations. Using a constructivist methodology, it examines the way in which historical, cultural and religious processes have created a unique Israeli collective identity that can be defined by a dual construct of exceptionalism and siege mentality. Recognizing the centrality of these constructs in political, public and educational discourses is thus imperative not only for a better understanding of Israel's approach to security, but also for creating conducive steps towards reconciliation between Israel and her neighbours. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Background: While there has been increasing global recognition and impetus for action to transform food systems towards greater food security, sustainability and better health outcomes, Israel has only recently begun to focus on the diverse challenges of its food system and its potential for transformation. Methods: An expert opinion survey (n = 50) on Israel's food system was conducted as part of a larger study on the systemic features of Israel's food system transition to understand its policy gaps and find strategies towards a healthy and sustainable food system. The survey ranks the relevance and importance of food system challenges and policy preferences. Policy implications are then examined by identifying potential priorities, gaps and dissensus. Results: The survey finds that there is a majority agreement (76%) that Israel's food policies are lacking or severely lacking. Respondents relate strongly to both concepts of nutritional security (90% think that access to nutritious food is relevant or highly relevant) and national food security (more than 80% perceive food security as part of national security). Respondents overwhelmingly recognize the benefits of Israeli agriculture with 60–90% agreeing or strongly agreeing that it benefits food security, economic value and national identity. Top-ranked problems include overall systemic problems such as the lack of national goals, strategic planning, and integrated policymaking across ministries, and specific ones such as food waste, costly farming inputs, and food affordability. The most preferred policy actions include establishing a national strategy for food and agriculture, making food affordable for vulnerable households, and incentivising sustainable farming methods. The key policy gaps include the lack of resilience in agriculture and the food system, insufficient data and knowledge for policy action, inadequate attention to the regulation of the food industry for better health and inadequate food policy attention for minority groups. Conclusions: Building on this study's findings, further policy research and implementation areas to be covered include government responsibility for universal food security, strategic systemic policies for food systems, prevention and preparedness for future crises, and promoting resilience. The way forward may best be through an inter-ministerial committee with the responsibility, budgets, mandate and executive authority to plan data-driven policies for a sustainable food system for Israel's future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The national security realm poses great challenges to senior military officers and civilian officials. These leaders oftentimes attend designated Joint Professional Military Education (JPME) institutions as a prerequisite for their futrue appointments. The article examines how these colleges and universities instill in their graduates the intellectual capacity to effectively engage and solve macro-level and acute strategic challenges as well as employ critical thinking skills to ensure intellectual agility and flexibility. The article compares the Israel National Defense College (INDC) and the National Defense University (NDU) to identify the differences and similarities between the two institutions and explain what it says about the Israeli and the American strategic culture and approach to the future of national security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Relations / Uluslararasi Iliskiler is the property of International Relations Council and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the determinants of budgetary implementation in multiparty parliamentary democracies. In such government systems, the likelihood of bureaucracies’ budgetary implementation increases when pro-spending parties take over welfare ministries. This happens since the parties’ electoral interests and bureaucrats’ organizational incentives coincide and aim at budgetary implementation. Likelihood of implementation decreases as the policy gap between the sides increases or when both politicians and bureaucrats have pro-market policy positions. When politicians and bureaucrats have different positions regarding implementation, budget implementation depends on politicians’ ability to monitor the bureaucracy. This ability increases when political parties have a strong bargaining power in a stable coalition. Other factors affecting implementation include stagnation in government budgetary spending, as well as macro-economic and national security concerns. These claims are validated using accounting reports of the Israeli government’s budget implementation from the years 2004 to 2008. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can there be any contradiction between militarism and security? This paper explores the implications of a derivative of cultural militarism in Israel – the panic set off by military casualties – and shows that it undermines the value of security and, in the process, prevents the army from providing civilians with security. Recent research into military policy and doctrine and conduct cites the phenomenon of phobia over losses, with accompanying moral panic, as a product of strategic culture. This approach contains a noteworthy paradox: military campaigns, whether proactive or defensive responses, tend to prioritize safeguarding soldiers' lives over those of the civilians they are committed to protect. This orientation has penetrated Israel's highest political and military echelons and reveals a remarkable reversal of values among the Israeli elite, that traditionally promoted heroism and sacrifice in the line of duty. An emergent strategic ‘counter-culture’ has appeared, seeking to liberate the current military policy from this paradox. In either paradigm, the article indicates culture rather than geostrategic interests as the key determining factor in forming military policy and conduct. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper examines the practice of naming events, actions, places and people in the Palestine - Israel conflict. It explores the way colonialism and the national project deploy transformations in naming to construct places and identities and craft widespread imaginaries about these places. Names form part of cultural systems that structure and nuance the way we imagine and understand the world. They embody ideological significance and moral attributes and can be consciously mobilised for various projects of power. Words and names reference a moral grammar that underwrites and reproduces power. As such, our analytical approaches to lexicons must be embedded in historical, political and cultural frameworks. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Javnost-The Public is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A conference paper about the status of state education funding of Israel is presented. It offers information on the importance of education on the country's infrastructure, cohesiveness, competitiveness and national security. Moreover, it cites the proposed budget of the Ministry of Education for preschool, secondary, primary as well as preschool for 2013.

How does secrecy shape narratives of militarized hegemonic masculinity? This article assesses a gap at the intersection between theories of masculinities and organizational secrecy. Supported by 15 interviews with current and former male workers of a covert section of an Israeli national security organization, it argues that secrecy is experienced as both an external hurdle and a central component to the way that men internalize masculinity. Unable to access social capital outside the security organization, the respondents of the study construct a social field inside it through which they can assert their masculinity. They do so by conceptualizing their jobs, themselves, and the organization through a prism of sacrificial warriorhood, and actively incorporate secrecy's constraints into a narrative of "super-men". This study thus examines secrecy in the context of a militarized environment, showing the experience of masculinity and a perceived lack of power-access among members of a dominant group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Mu’tah Lil-Buḥūth wad-Dirāsāt: Humanities & Social Sciences Series is the property of Mutah University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article examines the means by which Israel has sought to fulfill the contradictory goals involved with maintaining contacts with emigrants while simultaneously sustaining a national mission that asserts Jews can only achieve fulfilment, security, and self-determination by residing in their own country. It describes three successive approaches by which Israel and the larger global Jewish community have addressed the challenges associated with Israeli emigration. These are condemnation, pragmatic acceptance, and the assent of the Israeli American Council. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On 23 July 1968, The Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine hijacked El Al flight 426 en route from Italy to Israel and diverted it to Algeria. Scholars largely agree this act marked an important milestone in modern international terrorism and especially in the advent of air terrorism. Yet to date, no one has studied in depth the events as they unfolded in different world capitals, along with their implications for national and global security and politics. Based on previously untapped archival material, this article will focus on how the hijacking of El Al flight 426 modeled a new era of plane hijackings by, for example, setting a standard that hostages of a hijacked plane could be exchanged for prisoners. It will also demonstrate how some elements of this event did not repeat themselves in future hijackings, such as the demand made by the Algerians to hold onto the Israeli plane, arguing it was an instrument of war. In all, this article will exhibit how elements from the 23 July 1968 hijacking served to signify a shift in international air terrorism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since October 2020 there is a new actor in Israel's maritime space and energy sector after the Chevron Corporation acquired Noble Energy. This article examines the first year under the headings: financial aspects, regional politics, the UAE and the Abraham Accords, the EastMed natural gas pipeline, security aspects, Chevron and local companies and scandals and environmental aspects. The analysis determines the historical significances and projects ways forward, for a win–win outcome for Chevron and Israel. Chevron has ability to make the EastMed pipeline happen may also have positive ramifications for regional politics. Israel as a regulator will not permit Chevron to gain a larger stake of the gas fields, or even increase prices to the IEC and so to consumers. Israel will aim to ensure that Chevron will not cut corners that could result in labour issues, health and safety dangers, and environmental catastrophe. The Israel Navy has procured four new warships, to meet the gas fields' direct security needs, permitting a Brown Water doctrine shift while enabling enhanced power projection capability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Urban Studies (Sage Publications, Ltd.) is the property of Sage Publications, Ltd. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the issues affecting military relations and security cooperation between Israel and Turkey. Topics discussed include the installation of foundations for improved military relations beginning in the 1990s and the efforts of both governments to enhance national security. The shift in the foreign policy paradigm of Turkey and the ongoing conflict between Israel and the Palestinians are then mentioned.

This article examines relations between the Republic of Korea (South Korea) and the State of Israel from the establishment of diplomatic relations in 1962 to 2020. It analyses the internal and external factors influencing their foreign and security policies as well as mutual misunderstandings and the attendant problems, notably the failure to sign a free trade agreement till 2020. Despite these difficulties, and the geostrategic complexity of the Middle East, especially the Persian Gulf, that influences Seoul's interests in the region and its relations with Israel, the bilateral relationship will further improve once the free trade agreement is ratified by both states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the political-military implications of the roles played by Lt. Gen. (Res.) Shaul Mofaz who served as the IDF chief of staff and, almost immediately upon retirement was appointed Israel's minister of defence. There were problems not only in Mofaz's sudden transition from military to civilian office, but also in the way that he functioned both in his military role and subsequent civilian position. The two stages in Mofaz's public career are only the latest examples of the complex nature of Israel's civil-military relations, where formalized rules of procedure are absent. They also reflect the attempts of each echelon, the civil and military, to force the other's hand (although it is universally accepted that the army is subordinate to the political leadership). The power struggle is the result of two parallel processes: the army's growing influence in government decision-making on security matters, and the government's waning ability to limit the senior command's influence on security decisions. The main causes of this situation can be traced to the long and arduous process that brought the army to a pre-eminent position on national security issues. Paradoxically, the military's powerful leverage that now appears to threaten the political system is the result of the government's abandonment of the frontlines to the army's responsibility in the first place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the discourse of Israeli academics, policy makers, and environmental activists regarding the environmental implications of population growth in Israel. While there are compelling reasons that population growth should be a prominent topic for local environmental research and discussion, it is rarely considered in environmental campaigns or in the academic literature. I attribute this to the embeddedness of the Israeli environmental community within wider Israeli society. National ideologies and religiosity, coupled with immediate security and social concerns, bound what is considered "sanctioned" discourse regarding population growth, prescribing the rules of academic engagement for this controversial topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: Invasive security practices create resentment, especially when targeting minority groups. Many studies of homeland security as well as of general policing practices, emphasized the harm such security checks produce; however, they could not tell us what effect avoiding these practices had on perceptions of trust. Methods: Our study follows a security screening reform in Israel's Ben-Gurion international airport, a reform that was done to eliminate a specific practice which we found, in a previous study, to cause significant emotional harm. Employing a quasi-experimental design, we tested the effect that avoiding that specific harmful component had on perception of trust among Israeli citizens of Arab ethnicity. Results: We found that eliminating that harmful component of the security screening was highly effective in improving the feelings of Israeli citizens of Arab ethnicity. Conclusion: We found that limited trust and perceptions of unfair treatment are not inevitable feelings among minorities, even in stressful situations such as airport security screening, as they predominantly depend not on background characteristics, but rather on the characteristics of the direct treatment they receive. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the latter half of the 1940s, senior U.S. national security officials opposed Zionist aspirations for an independent state and sought to keep the Truman administration from actively facilitating that effort. Even though President Harry Truman himself expressed strong public backing for the new state of Israel, the reality, as recognized at the time by Israel's leaders and by prominent U.S. liberal political leaders and journalists, was that the United States was less firm, less consistent, and less consequential in supporting the establishment of the state of Israel than were the Soviet Union and the Communist states of Eastern Europe, especially Czechoslovakia and Poland. The situation that existed in 1947--1948, with significant U.S. government opposition and Soviet-bloc support for Israel, is evident from declassified files of the U.S. State Department and public records of the United Nations (UN). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]