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This paper investigates the differentiated educational ideologies projected during the Japanese colonial era by comparing the Japanese language textbooks used by Korean and Japanese primary students at that time. By comparing the texts and images in "Kokugotokuhon" (Japanese language textbooks for Korean students) and "Shougakutokuhon" (Japanese language textbooks for Japanese students) with critical discourse analysis (CDA) in analysis of texts and visual image analysis (VIA) for images, this paper verifies the differentiated educational ideologies that Japanese colonial authorities presented to Korean students. There were three findings that were featured in the Japanese language textbooks for Korean students that were absent from the textbooks for Japanese students. Firstly, depictions of physical labour and helping parents after school and late at night were present only in the textbooks for Koreans. Secondly, Japanese nationalism with an Emperor-centred ideology was emphasised in the Japanese language textbooks used by Koreans. Thirdly, the textbooks encouraged Korean students to practise war-like games and drills. The results from this study suggest that differentiated education was provided to Korean students during the Japanese colonial era via the contents of the Japanese language textbooks, which projected the colonial ideologies of the Japanese government. Korean students were being educated to become Japanese colonial subjects.

International student-mobility programs are one of the core programs countries employ as part of their public diplomacy portfolio. Policymakers assume that sponsored foreign students would develop positive beliefs about and emotions towards the host country, which in turn would lead to favorable behavior towards it. However, evaluations of such programs from a public diplomacy perspective are rare and Western-centric. In this paper, we analyze how Global Korea Scholarship students' cognitive and affective evaluations of Korea influence their country image and word-of-mouth about Korea; i.e., in how they voluntarily share their experiences in Korea with others. We use variance-based partial least squares structural equation modeling (PLS-SEM) to analyze the data obtained from surveying 1107 scholarship holding foreign students. Our findings suggest that students evaluate Korea most positively in terms of its culture and nature, while their evaluations are not as positive in terms of the integrity and values of the country. For positive word-of-mouth, affection towards Korea plays the most significant role, while for negative word-of-mouth, the students' beliefs about the country's integrity and values had the most influence. Our findings help identify the strengths and weaknesses in Korea's country image which can, in turn, inform and shape policies accordingly.

Global flows of migration to South Korea bring a new challenge of how to negotiate the identities of migrants. Unlike other reported cases that reframe the value of migrants' first language as part of contingent practices of diversity management, the South Korean government has responded to this challenge by explicitly reframing so-called "damunhwa" mothers (foreign women married to Korean men) as bilingual workers, imagining them as self-governed, autonomous workers whose linguistic capital can be mobilized for the betterment of South Korean society. The government's adoption of linguistic entrepreneurship and ethnocentric nationalism becomes particularly salient in this process. This paper studies how four "damunhwa" mothers respond to this new bilingual worker identity as promoted in the bilingual policy texts. We examine the ways in which they negotiate their bilingual worker identities by echoing the government's new linguistic nationalism and linguistic entrepreneurship on the one hand, and by problematizing the insecure job markets, stratified linguistic needs, lack of systematic training for bilingual instructors, and native Korean's misunderstanding of their new roles on the other. Finally, we discuss the implications of Korea's bilingual policy, elaborating on the significance of linguistic entrepreneurship in language policy planning and practice and calling for more reflective accounts of ecological and translingual policy implementation in Korea.

Despite the increasing literature on textbook analysis in post-conflict societies, few studies have investigated textbooks in conflict-ridden areas where wars and armed conflicts are still ongoing. This study examines representations of North Korea and unification in South Korean middle school social studies textbooks. South Korea is an interesting case to study, as it is the site of both an intractable conflict and emerging multicultural state. The findings of the study demonstrate that textbooks failed to provide any complex international perspectives of unification; described deficit-only views of North Korea, along with a sense of economic, cultural and political superiority of South Korea; took a lopsided view of the South-North relationship; and offered a nationalistic and ethnocentric approach to legitimising unification. This paper provides recommendations for future research that will resonate with scholars and policymakers in different conflict situations, contributing to diverse understandings of the contextualised nature of textbooks in divided societies.

In this paper, the authors investigate what global visions of education are reflected in the selected national curriculum standards, with special reference to two seemingly contradictory forces: globalization and nationalism. This paper examines the socio-economic and cultural foundations of the curriculum and explains how the national curriculum for South Korean global high schools symbolically appropriates global education for the purpose of national competitiveness. Our findings show that, although the selected curriculum document alludes to the importance of international understanding and of global citizenship education, its primary objective is to provide students with knowledge and skills for national competitiveness and to uphold, rather than weaken, national identity in reaction to global pressures. This phenomenon is closely linked to the historical background of Koreanized globalization, in which the concept of segyehwa has been used as a catalyst for undertaking global education for the ends of global competiveness and national pride.

At the location of alter-native researcher in US higher education, the author interweaves two Korean women's transnational narratives that intersect with her autobiographical route. Through this re-narrativization, the paper discusses the material and ideological specificities that place each individual differently in engagements with various institutions yet simultaneously constitute them/us as Korean women in US higher education. The purpose is to enunciate these particular transnational existences that map out the unequal connections of seemingly distant geographies, histories and educations between Korea and the US. In doing so, the paper highlights how these women ambivalently appropriate and subvert their gendered, racialized and nationalized locations in order to free themselves and to rework the worlds in which they/we are living. By enacting this specific re-narrativization, this paper argues for the proliferation of testimonies from and of particular history and geography as a way to decolonize global/local knowledge regimes. (Contains 8 notes.)

At the 2020 Tokyo Summer Olympics, South Korean archer An San received national attention for her short hair, when anti-feminists accused An of being a feminist. The anti-feminists' online assaults made national headlines and evoked a strong feminist countermovement. In this paper, we ground this incident in the context of Korean nationalism and its relation to sport, and South Korean feminist movements. Using social media and news sources as our data, we analyze the meanings of women athletes' hair length and styles, revealed in the case of An San. We explore meanings of hair in Korean women's elite sport, and within the context of the tal-corset feminist movement. We argue that the An incident sheds light on the complex interplay between nationalism, feminist movements, and physical cultures of hair, and see the An incident as one that drew increasing public attention and support for the feminist movement in South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the influence of cultural and historical factors on educational policy transfer, drawing on an analysis of the curricular reforms made during the Soviet and US military occupation of the two Koreas. In South Korea, curricular changes were made, such as the introduction of the subject of social studies, in order to teach democratic procedures and concepts. In North Korea, a socialist-communist ideology was extensively promoted, along with an attraction to the Soviet Union as a model state to follow. In both contexts, the localization of the reforms was influenced by the authoritarian legacy of Confucianism and Japanese colonization, and the nationalism that had been fostered for the purpose of state formation. The Korean case indicates that while investigating the influence of culture on educational policy transfer, it is important to identify the unique characteristics of educational traditions and nationalism of a country, and to analyze how the newly transferred policies and ideas are received by local actors in their searches for meaning and power.

The paper reviews Asia-Pacific higher education and university research, focusing principally on the "Confucian" education nations Japan, Korea, China, Hong Kong China, Taiwan, Singapore and Vietnam. Except for Vietnam, these systems exhibit a special developmental dynamism--still playing out everywhere except Japan--and have created a distinctive model of higher education more effective in some respects than systems in North America, the English-speaking world and Europe where the modern university was incubated. The Confucian Model rests on four interdependent elements: (1) strong nation-state shaping of structures, funding and priorities; (2) a tendency to universal tertiary participation, partly financed by growing levels of household funding of tuition, sustained by a private duty, grounded in Confucian values, to invest in education; (3) "one chance" national examinations that mediate social competition and university hierarchy and focus family commitments to education; (4) accelerated public investment in research and "world-class" universities. The Model has downsides for social equity in participation, and in the potential for state interference in executive autonomy and academic creativity. But together with economic growth amid low tax regimes, the Confucian Model enables these systems to move forward rapidly and simultaneously in relation to each and all of mass tertiary participation, university quality, and research quantity and quality.

The Christian missionary movement is a kind of global movement that aims to evangelize the whole world; hence the concept of globalization can be useful for the study of Christianity as a worldwide movement. However, recent studies have suggested another equally important concept: the process of localization, which runs parallel to the process of globalization. Hence, the present paper attempts to take Christian higher education as a case study and tries to reveal a better picture of the interplay between the processes of globalization and localization. An attempt was made to compare the sociopolitical contexts in three Northeast Asian countries, namely China, Japan, and Korea, in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, and to see how Christian higher education had responded to the issue of nationalism in these countries. It was found that Christian higher education in the three countries played very different roles when they were encountering different situations, and they had come to different fates in the three countries under study.

This paper examines the life of Christian Socialist Kim Chang‐joon and explores the themes of independence, liberation, reunification, and peace between both Koreas. It divides Kim's life into four stages: his participation in the March First Movement, his involvement in Christian socialism, his practice of social thought in Manchuria, and his activities toward reunifying the two Koreas after liberation from Japanese colonial rule. In the first phase, Kim became an active nationalist. His national consciousness developed into Christian socialism through his pastoral work. When he experienced Japanese colonial oppression while working with this ministry, he abandoned religious life and focused on socio‐political activism in Manchuria. He founded the Christian Democratic Alliance and participated in the Democratic National Front to reunite the two Koreas after liberation. This article demonstrates how Kim set an example for how churches and Christians can strive for and attain liberation, reunification, and peace in the Korean context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Han sphere, including Vietnam, Korea, Japan, Taiwan and China, adopted Han characters and classical Han writing as the official written language before the 20th century. However, great changes came with the advent of the 20th century. After World War II, Han characters in Vietnam and Korea were officially replaced by the romanised "Chu Quoc Ngu" and phonemic Hangul, respectively. In Japan, the number of Han characters in use decreased, and the syllabic "Kana" system was promoted to a national status. In Taiwan, although Taiwanese romanisation was developed centuries ago, Han characters remain the dominant orthography in current Taiwanese society. This paper examines Taiwan's orthographic transition from the perspective of the Han sphere. Both internal and external factors have contributed to the different outcomes of orthographic reform in these countries. Internal factors include the general public's demand for literacy and anti-feudal hierarchy. External factors include the political relationships between these countries and the origin of Han characters (i.e. China). (Contains 5 notes.)

The paper diachronically examines the white hanbok as the material and symbolic site of interaction between the hegemonising and the hegemonised in Korea. It traces the changing status of the white hanbok from the end of the 19th century to the present—from being part of unconscious material culture, to the synecdoche of the colonised nation, to the symbol of resistance, to the membrane of a 'homogeneous nation', to the symbol of democracy. It analyses the white hanbok as a paradoxical skin—at once inclusive and exclusive—of Korean ethnonationalism, as well as a permeable membrane between the self and other of national identity. By exploring the white hanbok in relation to the ongoing movement towards a decolonised democratic nation, the paper reveals the entwined relations between material objects, practices, and nationalism in Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates North Korean patriotism. It seeks to establish whether a state that has overwhelmingly failed to provide basic public goods can nevertheless produce and sustain the devotion and support of some or all of the population--in other words, arouse patriotic sentiment--and if so, on what terms. The paper approaches the topic using a modified version of the International Social Survey Programme's national identity survey, specifically those questions that deal with national pride. Using survey findings and selected follow-up interviews, we examine the presence or absence of patriotic sentiment among more than 650 former residents of North Korea. The paper also takes a comparative approach, comparing North Korean patriotism findings with those from former socialist countries to determine whether any patterns exist. We find evidence that, despite enormous state failures, the North Korean state has managed to generate a sense of patriotism and accomplishment for selected components of its state and society, notably in the cultural sphere (e.g., arts and sports). Data from other former socialist states produce similar findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The naturalization of athletes for the purpose of participating in the Olympics is a noticeable feature of today's superdiverse sporting contexts. Focusing on the 2018 PyeongChang Winter Olympic Games, in this paper, I explore how North American-born male ice hockey players who have become naturalized into South Korea are reproduced in media coverage of Canada and South Korea. Applying insights from critical discourse studies, transnationalism, and critical multiculturalism, I specifically examine how each country re/forms its own imagined community through these transnational sporting migrants and the ways that concepts of immigration, citizenship, whiteness, masculinity, and multiculturalism are linked, fused, and/or conflicted within it. Analysis suggests that in both countries, the hockey migrants have been illuminated as new national symbols enhancing the multicultural national brand of each country, whether as immigrants or emigrants, solidifying in the process the hegemonic position of whiteness as a global phenomenon beyond the West. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is a theoretical analysis of the language used on gravestones for Korean immigrants on the Island of Hawai'i. The author begins by problematizing the concept of nationalism, and draws a parallel between the socio-political situation in India and how there is a similar trajectory of misogyny that has developed in South Korea where a congruous misconceptualization of gender dates back to the start of the Independence Movement in 1919. The author then proceeds to "read" gravestones of Korean from this critical perspective and ends with a move towards a theoretical recovery of a woman's voice and a woman's historical perspective that were "erased" by the simultaneously nationalistic and patriarchal culture surrounding the creation of gravestones. The essay is followed by suggestions for peer-led discussion and a writing prompt for educators who seek to engage in a multinational and multidisciplinary approach to colonialism and its links to gendered and other social identifies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: The purpose of this paper is to explore the interconnection between the corporatisation of K-beauty and Korea's nation branding exercise and its links with soft power. Through the investigation of the transformation of Korea's beauty industry, the authors seek to illustrate the inter-relationship of the market systems and national identification practices. Design/methodology/approach: This study employed the qualitative case study approach to examine the latest development of Korea's medical tourism. Through analysing a variety of secondary data that associated to the latest development of cosmetic tourism, this paper presents the impact of the transformation and reconfiguration of Korea's beauty industry on the country's nation branding strategy and the development of Korea's soft power in the global marketplace. Findings: The findings highlight how Korea's new cosmetic tourism industry contributed to the renewal of Korea's nation brand in the global market. The findings also illustrate the interconnection of the emerging Korean popular cultural products (K-pop and K-beauty) in the regional and global marketplace. Research limitations/implications: The findings demonstrate the role of market in re-defining a nation's brand and identity. The findings also illustrate how market-driven strategy influences the development of a nation's soft power in the regional and/or global marketplace. Practical implications: The study shows that practitioners can be active agents in nation branding. Through highlighting strategies to develop soft power within and beyond the country boundary, this study shows how market agents, governments and other stakeholders can co-create a market system that transform and reconfigure the nation brand in the global marketplace. Social implications: In additional to explore the transformation of the beauty industry in Korea, this paper also presents the history and transformation of the beauty standards in Korea and other Asian cultures. Such dialogue invites marketing and consumer researchers to further explore the role of history and culture in guiding the production and consumption of new (consumption) standards. Originality/value: This is the first paper that connects the theory of soft power in nation branding and country-of-origin literature. The case analysis of the socio-historical development of K-beauty also demonstrates how non-Western cultural goods enter the international marketplace. In summary, this paper provides new conceptual framework that illustrates a new collaborative mechanism that engages government and practitioners to co-create new cultural norms and standards to the local and international markets. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 2000s, the discourse of “economic territory” has surfaced in conjunction with economic neoliberalization in South Korea. This paper argues that economic territory as a geoeconomic imaginary not only facilitated the expansion of free trade agreements as an accumulation strategy but also served as a hegemonic project which masked the nature of an accumulation strategy as a class project and consolidated political legitimacy by manipulating nationalism. To examine this linkage, it critically draws upon the idea of cultural political economy (CPE) developed by Lancaster-based sociologists Bob Jessop and Ngai-Ling Sum. This paper offers a fresh and more substantial interpretation of South Korea’s political economy and opens up new analytical space for CPE. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Policy & Internet is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper examines the rise and fall of genetic research on the Korean population from the 1960s to the 1980s. The research program, which was mainly undertaken by Korean geneticists who worked at or graduated from the Department of Zoology, Seoul National University, was inherently nationalist in sentiment. Engaging with the recent literature in Cold War scientific collaboration in population genetics, this paper focuses on the role of transnational exchange in the shaping of this nationalist science in South Korea. It argues that the dynamics of opportunistic collaboration of the Korean geneticists with foreign researchers over three decades was one of the crucial factors in the emergence and eclipse of the research program. This study will contribute to the previous literature by illuminating the marginal nature of Korean geneticists' collaboration and their ambivalent attitudes towards collaboration, and suggesting the needs to pay more attention to the multidimensional aspects of transnational exchange during that period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the legitimacy battle between the two Koreas, a tension exists between utilising cultural heritage to serve the interests of the two respective national-identity projects, and, at times, negotiating it to express the single Korean nation. The theoretical framework we adopt to explore this condition relies on two ideas: heritage as a building block of national identity and 'heritage diplomacy'. By analysing the interplay between the place of martial arts in constructing identities and their 'heritage as diplomacy' practice, we make three contributions: we offer a hitherto unexplored angle on Korean identity-formation processes and inter-Korean relations; we introduce a unique case study pertaining to the involvement of non-Western states in heritage diplomacy; and, we contribute to the scant literature on intangible heritage in heritage diplomacy. More than a sports-diplomacy tool, the case of martial arts reveals the seemingly paradoxical nature of inter-Korean cultural heritage politics: the struggle to reinforce separate Korean national identities by resorting to the same heritage concomitantly contributes, in several ways, to the idea and sense of Korean 'oneness'. The paper also maintains that such inter-Korean collaborations are advantageous in the growing competition among Asian nations for UNESCO's recognition of cultural heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Characterizes the past 40 years in South Korea as a time of modernization, industrialization, urbanization, and internationalization. Discusses Korean religion and social values; family, kinship, and social life; education; housing, food, and clothing; leisure and sports; and the maintenance of national identity. Examines the Korean synthesis of indigenous and Western values. (GEA)

Bio-technological research is refracted through, and has implications for, national and international economies, status, image and networks. Human embryo stem cell research, for example, brings potentially very high financial and reputational rewards, but also can carry great risks. This was dramatically illustrated in the South Korean debacle. Breakthroughs announced in 2004 and 2005 placed South Korea at the cutting edge of this biotechnology. International attention and national celebration was, however, followed by scandal as questions were raised about the ethics and then the scientific validity of some of the work. In this paper we focus on how ideas about nation and culture were mobilized in discussion about South Korea. In particular we highlight how the same 'cultural explanations' were used both to account for stupendous success and then to explain fraudulent failure. From this perspective discourses about culture are treated not as unproblematic statements of fact but as practices in their own right - which travel across South Korean and international contexts for competing strategic ends. We conclude by discussing how the cultural explanation can obscure as much as it reveals, and also how nationalism might be implicated in discussion of cutting edge scientific enterprise not only in (and about) South Korea, but in (and about) other nation states too. Science and culture are always profoundly intertwined - the South Korean case may be an extreme example of 'scientific nationalism', but it has ramifications for thinking about science and society across the world as a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article focuses on Korean male migrants who have heterosexual relationships with local women in the Philippines. Research on sex tourism and interracial partnerships has addressed male partners' rationalising narratives to disassociate themselves from sex tourists. Yet cases of South Korean male migrants to the Philippines require an additional analytic lens to understand how nation intersects with the realm of intimacy in a transnational context. By highlighting how the South Korean men with Filipina partners have been labelled 'ugly Koreans' who are harming the country's national prestige abroad, this study explores the ways that nationalistic sentiment shapes the moral hierarchy among male migrants inside the diaspora based on their partnership. Furthermore, through an analysis of the narrative strategies of South Korean men with Filipina partners, this paper argues that they do not simply prove their innocence but denounce public surveillance by situating their relationship within the private realm of love. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Historically in South Korea, ideas of nation and nationalism have been based upon the ethnic and cultural homogeneity of all Korean people. More recently, there has been an evolution in South Korean nationalism that is based on strikingly different notions particularly among young people. This paper argues that a new South Korean nationalism is emerging and that it has, what I term, globalised cultural characteristics. These characteristics challenge the role of ethnicity in young people's conception of the South Korean nation and its component members. This paper details the evolution of South Korea's nationalism and explains its implications for Korean politics and society as well as its comparative significance for other national contexts. It also highlights some elements of this evolving nationalism that demonstrate less cosmopolitan characteristics, such as patriarchy and social class, in determining who can be 'imagined' as a member of this changing South Korean nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper joins the debate on Japan's territorial dispute with South Korea over the Dokdo/Takeshima islets. Informed by the ontological security framework of analysis, this paper seeks to explain the decision to adopt the ‘Takeshima Day’ ordinance by the Shimane Prefectural Assembly and the subsequent ascendance of ‘Takeshima’ to the fore of Japan's identity construction vis-à-vis the Korean ‘other’. In this paper, I distinguish between two processes: one that led to the adoption of the ordinance and another that resulted in the entrenchment of ‘Takeshima’ in Japan's identity construction vis-à-vis the Korean ‘other’. The paper argues that the former process should be understood within the context of Shimane Prefecture's distinct identity construction vis-à-vis Tokyo, while the latter can be attributed to recent changes in Japan–Korea relations unrelated to the territorial dispute per se. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper postulates that South Korea's multicultural rhetoric is written in neoliberal terms and is part of the state's new nation-building discourse. Following the Asian Financial Crisis of 1997, South Korean nationalism has been reshaped to impose neoliberal ideals on its citizens. Similarly, foreign populations such as marriage migrants have been objectified into specific roles needed in the national economy. The government has used their economic role as means to justify their presence in society while at the same time limiting their political and civil rights. The current paradigm deliberately marks the "foreignness" of biracial populations to emphasise their market value--and therefore their justified stay--in Korea. This paper starts with a theoretical discussion for South Korean state nationalism and reviews globalisation-inspired changes in light of nationalist discourse. Then the paper draws on field notes, participant observation data, interviews, documentary analysis and case study to review Korea's "multicultural" policies and argue that the selective acceptance of migrants and their social hierarchy are codified in legal structure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Korea is one of the most successful newly industrialized countries in recent history in terms of sustained growth and wealth distribution where poverty has been mostly eradicated. This paper joins the argument that economic growth and development in Korea would have been unlikely to take off and develop without economic nationalism as a binding ingredient - or force - that has given direction to modernization policies. This paper asserts that economic nationalism in Korea is not necessarily a negative force and that it remains effective despite globalization and the neoliberal influence, which apparently undervalues it. In order to demonstrate the validity of the argument, three industries are compared and analyzed: the automotive, information and communication technology, and aerospace industries. The paper reviews the trajectories of these industries in accordance with the present and past stages of economic development in Korea. The relevance of the paper to the current scholarship is that in order to understand the contemporary political and economic developments in South Korea and their implications for the regional political economy it is necessary to recognize the issue of economic nationalism as explained here. The comparative method used to analyze the case studies provides a clearer picture of the evolutionary process and, hopefully, it helps the reader to discern likely future trends in Korean economic policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This ethnography investigates how the Hwang affair occurred, how Dr. Woo Suk Hwang attracted supporters, and how groups supporting Hwang evolved. Instead of interpreting Hwang supporters as abnormal people with psychological problems, this study situates them in concrete, messy, and ambiguous contexts in which they struggle to understand the Hwang affair. Distrustful of scientific authorities and official institutions, they have linked Korean nationalism with the hopes and dreams of stem cell research, created conspiracy theories to explain Hwang's fall, and criticized Korean elites. In particular, this paper emphasizes how Hwang supporters are motivated by admiration of a Korean scientist with humble beginnings (Dr. Hwang), the hope of curing disease through stem cell research, and the desire to build an advanced nation through science. In describing this process, I pay attention to how public feeling for science is produced and how it has evolved in the interactions among government, media, and the Hwang supporters' organizations. In addition, I argue that institutional incompetence deepens public distrust and as a result fuels the formation and activities of Hwang supporters. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Romanian Review of Eurasian Studies / Revista Română de Studii Eurasiatice is the property of Romanian Review of Eurasian Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study seeks to understand the discourse on/and legitimisation of ‘change’ in Korean football. The paper asks the following questions: how has the South Korean post-colonial project for development and nation-state building shaped the discourse on football development in South Korea? How this change has been defined, diffused, imposed, debated and/or resisted in South Korean football? To respond to these questions, the paper examines the debates on modernity and modernisation in Korean society and in football. To this end, we trace some of the ways that colonial and post-colonial discourses have been appropriated in relation to South Korea's construction of ‘self’ and ‘otherness’, and in defining meanings about change – in the sense of reform, modernisation, rationalisation and professionalisation – of South Korean football. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

South Korea is an evolving country that encourages immigration, and which presents itself as a multicultural country. Nevertheless, multiculturalism has not gone as smoothly as the government would like us to believe, and discrimination and racism are serious issues, especially due to Korea's self-imposed ideology of Korean purity and homogeneity. This complicates Koreans' sense of identity, both at home and abroad, issues dealt with in this special issue, which features three articles that deal with the complexities of ethnicity and identity in the twenty-first century. These articles look at the transformative notions surrounding Korean identity in Korea, and how the lingering legacy of colonial history negatively frames this identity in Japan. Finally, there is an examination of Korean immigrant entrepreneurship in Argentina, looking at the Korean community there in a very different socio-historical reality, where people negotiate their identities beyond the structures of Japan's colonial legacy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the ways in which hip-hop has taken root in Korean popular culture. The processes that began in the early 1990s include appropriation, adaptation and ‘cultural reterritorialisation’. By looking at recent Korean hip-hop outputs and their associated contexts, this paper explores the ways in which Korean hip-hop has gained its local specificities. This was achieved by combining and recontextualising Afro-American and Korean popular musical elements and aesthetics in its performance and identification in the context of the consumption and commodification of Korean hip-hop as a ‘national(ised) cultural product’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper argues that the South Korean scholarship on modern Chinese history since 1945 can be characterized as apolitical with its objectivism, positivism, liberalism, and anti-communist nationalism. This characteristic is a product of not only the Cold War and the military regimes of South Korea but also the political orientation and stance of the senior historians who played an initial and decisive role in determining the goal, direction, and research methods of South Korean studies concerning modern China. The South Korean perspective they promoted usually meant the study of liberal, apolitical topics in Chinese history from a nationalist perspective without any political/ideological influences. The utility of modern Chinese history has mainly lain in helping to construct an anti-socialist, modern Korean nation–state through modernization. South Korean historians of modern China, the paper argues, have not been able to induce a meaningful, broad discussion of critical historical issues in modern China as they might pertain to South Korean society, thus failing to utilize them to help challenge and transform the undemocratic South Korean society and regimes. Hence, the future success of new academic undertakings since the 1990s by South Korean historians will be determined by whether or not they are able to make a radical break from the previous scholarship, in particular, from its objectivism and nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

East Asian nations have become increasingly diverse in their ethnic composition since the 1990s. A large proportion of recent immigrants consists of women from China, Vietnam, Indonesia, Thailand and the Philippines, who migrated following their marriage to male citizens from South Korea and Taiwan. To study this new group of foreign residents, the governments of both Taiwan and South Korea have conducted national surveys since 2000. This paper conducts a content analysis of the questions of these surveys to elaborate a criticism of the ethnic statistics produced from them. These surveys provide relevant information on this group of new residents, but they also have the potential to reinforce existing negative stereotypes due to prior assumptions that shaped the content of questionnaires. The analysis reveals that the production of statistics on migrants is influenced by three ideologies: assimilation, patriarchy and nationalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the process by which Korean nationalism was challenged and transformed through utilizing sports celebrities as iconic figures during the International Monetary Fund (IMF) intervention in South Korea. The influences of the IMF intervention were not limited to economic and political fields; rather, Korean nationalism had undergone substantial changes through the national crisis. At that time, two Korean athletes who were hugely successful in the US became national celebrities, or even national heroes in South Korea, a baseball player, Chan-ho Park and a goler Se-ri Pak. The media representation of these two Korean athletes is useful for the understanding of altered nationalism during the IMF intervention. The analysis of media coverage of these two athletes can be summarized in three ways: first, the coverage is focused on a self-governing individual; second, that individual is invested with the image of economic success in global competition; and third, that individual is invested with the image of responsibility for both family and nation-state. Conclusively, the two celebrities were presented as models for a new kind of citizenship, i.e. a national individual. Finally, this paper suggests that Korean nationalism has been altered through the IMF intervention, but remains a hegemonic ideology albeit combined with neoliberalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

President Park Chung-hee played a predominant role in shaping South Korean history, yet he remains a controversial figure. This paper explores the way this controversy has manifested itself in the memorial landscape and its significance within the context of national identity politics. It is argued that the debate between conservatives and progressives over the memory of Park has complicated the discourse beyond the prevalent focus on ethnic nationalism. The increasing place allocated for Park in the memorial landscape since 2008 is a tangible manifestation of a memory boom that appeared a decade earlier. Thus, the creation of an encouraging atmosphere in this regard can explain the correlation between the establishment of consecutive conservative governments and said trend. The way the memorial landscape has changed has offered an opportunity to think about a form of national identity which is more intricate. However, with the socio-political camps entrenched in their respective positions, the high-profile controversy has reflected the competing agendas and the degree to which the two sides differ on the fundamental components of national identity. The controversy over the memory of Park has thus both reinforced the divide between the political camps and demonstrated the extent to which it is deep. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 1960s, the South Korean authoritarian anti-communist system, which had been established immediately after the liberation of Korea in 1945, was transformed into an anti-communist developmental dictatorship. The student movement for democracy erupted in the spring of 1960 (April 19 Revolution) and brought down the authoritarian Rhee Syngman regime. But Park Chung Hee, a military general and former officer of the Japanese Imperial Army, seized power in a military coup on 16 May 1961. He was later elected to the presidency on an agenda of modernisation in a "nationalist democracy". In 1965, despite strong student protests, he concluded a Treaty on Basic Relations with the country's former colonial ruler, Japan, and took Korea to war in Vietnam, in the process setting the stage for a constitutional amendment that foreshadowed the transformation of the "developmental state" into the following decade's "developmental dictatorship". The focus of this paper is on the ideological structure of the transitional era in which the revolution for democracy led to the establishment of an anti-communist developmental dictatorship as a result of the combined effect of various conditions of South Korean politics and the international Cold War in the 1960s. Modernisation, anti-communism, nationalism and democracy were its essential ideological elements, and the regime changes of that decade depended on changes in the priorities and interrelations among them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Stem cells from umbilical cord blood are now being actively used in transplants, as well as for a wide range of other medical, research, therapeutic, and commercial purposes. In this incipient stage of stem cell treatments and products, however, expectations about the benefits, use, and distribution of cord blood stem cells vary significantly among relevant companies, scientists, donors, patients, and governments. Focusing on the use of cord blood in South Korea, this paper examines the contested expectations that exist among the parties involved with the donation and use of cord blood, and how the distribution of cord blood stem cells reflects these disparities. The emergence of cord blood economy has been accompanied by contested expectations related to an array of issues, including altruism, motherhood, wealth, nationalism, sharing, and ethical justification. Although donors often remain interested in the prospective use of the biomaterials, their concerns and expectations have been overlooked. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In the context of growing tensions in East Asia over territorial disputes and history issues, one can observe the rise of anti-Chinese sentiments among South Koreans in the early 2010s although many South Koreans had positive views on China a decade earlier. What affects South Korean attitude toward China? Despite China's significance to South Korea, there have been surprisingly few scholarly works attempting to answer this question. Based on an empirical analysis of survey data, this paper finds that Koreans' favorable attitude towards China is negatively affected by threat perception of China's military buildup, opposition to an FTA with China, and exclusive national identity but not by whether or not one feels threatened by the American unilateralism and Japan's remilitarization. This finding suggests that South Koreans' feeling toward China is primarily affected by bilateral relationship rather than by balancing behaviors in consideration of broader security environments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As the Free Trade Agreement (FTA) between China and Korea is completed, and one among China, Japan and Korea (CJK) is being discussed, a renewed attention is given to the three countries' efforts to establish a Northeast Asian regional standards cooperation mechanism. In this paper, two ICT-oriented standards cooperative programs among the three countries, CJK-SITE and CJK-ITSM, are selected as a research setting and examined. The analysis indicates that the slow progress of CJK ICT standards cooperation can be explained by two conflicting perspectives: techno-regionalism and techno-nationalism. From the techno-regionalism perspective, standards cooperation will position CJK at a more strategic standing to effectively respond to the ever-intensifying global standards wars over the international ICT market. However, there exist significant gaps among the three countries as to why and how to purse the standards cooperation. The authors attribute the gaps to techno-nationalism which dominates the agenda of each country's national standardization policy. Despite the apparent rationales for regional cooperation, as a Chinese proverb says, it seems that the three countries go to 'the same bed with different dreams'. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this study is to examine the antecedents of social adaptation among North Korean refugees in South Korea. The paper hypothesizes that the relationship between perceived discrimination and social adaptation in South Korea will be mediated by national identity. To test this, a survey was conducted of 405 North Korean refugees in Seoul and Gyeonggi Province in South Korea. Social adaptation among North Korean refugees was associated with perceived discrimination in South Korea. That relationship was mediated by their national identity. In this study, national identity was a partial rather than a full mediator of the relationship between perceived discrimination and social adaptation. This is consistent with the hypothesis that perceived discrimination has not only direct effects on social adaptation, but also has indirect effects on social adaptation through national identity as a mediator. Based on the findings, this study presents practical suggestions for intervention for reducing their discrimination experience and promoting social adaptation and national identity among North Korean refugees in South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]