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This paper addresses the historical relationship between journalism and translation. It approaches translation history by considering journalistic translation as found in newspapers published in the Lower Rio Grande Valley (the southernmost, easternmost stretch of the Mexico-US border) during the 19th century. Specifically, the paper will ask whether translation was a tool employed in journalistic activity in the region and, if so, what the role was of translation in such activity. It will review the presence of translation in available border periodicals from the 1840s to the end of the century. This review will show that regarding certain aspects, historical news translation in this region was like that found in other places (e.g. a tool for importing foreign news). However, it will also highlight some traits that are the consequence of the newspapers being published along an essentially porous border where languages and cultures flowed into each other to create a specific bilingual context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liverpool can boast one of the earliest newspapers in the north of England. Then, in the nineteenth century, as trade and population soared, the 'Second City of Empire' was served by the most extensive and diverse newspaper press in England outside London. However, the twentieth century saw the Liverpool press become a virtual monopoly by one newspaper group. Today, just the Liverpool Echo survives. The history of the Liverpool newspaper press was not simply a reflection of the rise and fall of Liverpool as a centre of trade. Trade was a key enabler for growth but the subsequent decline was largely due to commercial factors within the wider press industry. In between, a continually innovative press demonstrated how diversity could work to everyone's advantage. Liverpool's experiences and achievements are relevant today in a world where the press is often much less diverse than its readership. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Tonos Digital: Revista de Estudios Filológicos is the property of Servicio de Publicaciones de la Universidad de Murcia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The importance of newspapers in nineteenth-century British politics has long been recognized by historians. Lord Palmerston understood keenly the power of the press and cultivated good relations with a number of papers. This article will elucidate more thoroughly than heretofore his early forays into the world of press intrigue. Palmerston did not, however, earn the regard of The Times, at least not until much later in his career. The Times, edited by Thomas Barnes from 1817 until his death in 1841, was the most powerful newspaper of the era. This article will examine the origins of its long-running feud with Palmerston, demonstrating the personal and political differences at the heart of its inception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The title of this paper refers to both the personality and work of the Spaniards who, at the beginning of the nineteenth century, had to abandon their homeland fleeing from the absolutism of King Ferdinand VII (1784–1833), and the inhabitants of the Spanish colonies in the New World, the forerunners of the struggles for independence in their respective countries. Both ended up settling in London, a city that served not only as a refuge but also as a place from which to disseminate their slogans in favour of freedom. Three areas are discussed: the publications of liberal Spanish exiles in London in the early nineteenth century, the interaction between Spanish and (Latin) American exiles and the role of women in this endeavour and in the cause of liberalism in general. The London press shaped this exile journalism and the subsequent liberal journalism in Spain when the extreme censorship from which these exiled journalists had fled was finally lifted. We believe that this global approach offers an original perspective from which to highlight the role of women, with a view to filling the traditional historiographical lacuna in this regard. To this end, we have employed recent relevant literature and primary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper considers the way the nineteenth-century newspaper was oriented towards information. Despite their political differences, nineteenth-century newspapers were often discussed as if they were universal, with a paper for every segment of society. My argument is that this apparent universality, where the newspaper was figured as a print genre potentially open to all, laid the foundations for the emergence of the popular press. The paper is in two parts. The first considers the nineteenth-century newspaper as a genre, arguing that its periodicity enabled it to serve as a perfect medium, passing on content derived from elsewhere. The second explores the way information was conceived in the period. By looking at the way the newspaper drew upon, represented, and distributed information, it is possible to understand how it functioned as material media. In conclusion, I look at the way the nineteenth-century newspaper is changed through digitization today. When scholars access nineteenth-century newspapers through digital resources, they engage with a different material media that, in turn, reconfigures the source material. Such encounters foreground the importance of genre while providing new opportunities for its study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper presents trade between China and Europe along the historical Silk Road, based on the materials from the Warsaw press published in the second half of the 19th century. The 19th century was a period of intense military actions led by the European empires in the Far East. The defeat of the Qing Dynasty during the Opium Wars marked the so-called cutting of the "Chinese cake" and the gradual fall of the empire. The events of this period caused an increased interest in the subject of the Middle Kingdom among Europeans and also in the Polish press. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the present study, we aim to highlight the main characteristics of the Romanian newspapers published for the Transylvanian peasants in the second half of the nineteenth century. These newspapers were a special type of press dedicated to the rural world, in which various issues were debated, from agriculture, food, and medical care to political and daily news. In the first part of the paper, we analyzed the editorial mission statements of the most important gazettes of the second part of the nineteenth century, such as ªezãtoarea and Cãrþile sãteanului român, which appeared for long periods, but also two examples, Opinca and Gazeta economului, which, despite their transient appearance, fully reflected the message and characteristics of this type of press. In the second part we looked at the main common themes, trying to highlight the major subjects that the Transylvanian Romanian elites wanted to raise in the rural areas. The research capitalized on the articles published in the researched periodicals but also on the specialized literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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"Spreading the News: The Illustrated Press," focuses on the new concept of the illustrated universal survey periodical that appeared early in the 1830s, first in England, then in France. It was enabled by technological advances such as the steam press, cheaper paper, wood engraving and stereotypes, as well as greater literacy among the citizenry. The earliest illustrated periodicals were published by social reformers in both countries who were attempting to raise the status of the working classes, but the medium soon attracted wealthier, more educated strata as well; within decades the illustrated press had spread throughout the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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India’s imperfect democracy may be underpinned by an equally imperfect journalism, but the symbiotic relationship between the two is rarely acknowledged or highlighted. The fact remains that India’s democracy is enabled and enhanced by its roots in the ancient tradition of dialogue, debate and argument, which was transformed by the growth of print journalism since the late eighteenth century. In the modern sense, this tradition matured in the acid bath of India’s freedom struggle, when journalism and journalist-leaders such as Gandhi and Nehru played a central role before independence in 1947. This paper focuses on a forgotten chapter in India’s modern political history, when the idea of a free press became the locus of the earliest example of constitutional agitation. In the colonial cauldron of the early nineteenth century, protest by Indian and British liberals against press licensing and other restrictions imposed by the East India Company took the form of “memorials” (petitions) addressed to the Supreme Court in Calcutta1and to the King-in-Council in London. The agitation begun in Calcutta in 1823 was carried forward in London, which later curbed the Company-state’s restrictive acts towards the press in India, until the Mutiny of 1857. The agitation also included the daring act of Rammohun Roy to close his Persian journal,Mirat-ul-Akhbar, to protest against restrictions imposed by acting Governor-General John Adam. Recalling this chapter of political protest enhances our understanding of the dominant theme of politics in Indian journalism, which continues today, despite rampant commercialisation and corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

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Between 1832 and 1834, Henry Mayhew and Gilbert Abbot à Beckett produced a weekly twopenny paper called The Thief. As its title suggested, this publication consisted of articles, stories and illustrations extracted, condensed and brazenly stolen from other periodicals, magazines, newspapers and books. Modelled on the format of Le Voleur, an early paper of Émile de Girardin, the great innovator of French popular journalism, scholars of Mayhew have generally treated The Thief as inconsequential hack work, if they even mention it at all. This essay, the first analysis of the paper itself, argues that The Thief is less ‘throwaway’ than it first appears. In satirical fashion, the paper used the methods of the radical press to critique the ‘liberal values’ of useful knowledge and free trade. Mayhew's involvement with The Thief connected him with a vibrant radical underground print culture. Moreover, in its suspicion of middle-class liberalism and of the rhetoric of free trade,The Thief set the thematic tone for much of Mayhew's later work. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In 1884, Charles Webb, a European employee of a steam transportation company in Assam, sexually assaulted and killed Sukurmani, a woman who had left Bengal with her family to work on a tea plantation. The district magistrate dismissed most of the charges against Webb, assessing only a modest fine for wrongful confinement, and, though the case was appealed and brought to the attention of the viceroy, ultimately this verdict was upheld. The Webb case, as it became known in the Indian press, galvanized public opinion in India, as discussion of the case overlapped with discussion of the controversial Ilbert Bill of the previous year. This article traces the Webb case as it made its way through the courts and newspapers, arguing that a close study of this case reveals the ways that hierarchies of race, class, caste, and gender were constructed and were manifest in daily life. This article further argues that the treatment of the Webb case by the courts and later by the vernacular press indicates that sexual violence was a central element in nineteenth-century contests over colonial rule in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Signa is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Times was a mid-nineteenth-century newspaper phenomenon, defeating rival London newspapers through its skilful management, advanced technology, greater editorial resources and access to powerful politicians. Its authority enabled it to make and break governments. However, the uniqueness of The Times limits its usefulness as a historical source. This article begins with a brief history of The Times, before analysing how the newspaper remains centre stage in the historiography of journalism and of nineteenth-century culture more broadly, despite the digitization of provincial and other London papers. Over-dependence on The Times, it argues, has exaggerated the significance of London daily newspapers and underplayed the importance of weekly papers, particularly those published outside London. The Times was unusual because it was a metropolitan rather than provincial paper, with a focus on political news and a dearth of lighter, broader content, or news of events around the UK. Using quantitative analysis of recent scholarship, the article demonstrates that unwarranted conclusions are still drawn from over-use of this source and from a wider view that it was representative of nineteenth-century newspapers in general. The conclusion urges a more geographically and culturally nuanced approach to Victorian newspapers, beyond a metropolitan-focused political and cultural history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses how advertisements placed in British Victorian periodicals specializing in promoting potential matrimonial prospects shed light on Great Britain's social history of its lower middle class. The popular culture street literature typically featured upwards of 500 advertisements by tradesmen and domestics searching for like-minded companions. The British matrimonial press was created during the mid-nineteenth century when newspapers ceased the practice of accepting personal advertisements.

England in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries was no stranger to migrants and, inevitably, migrants were not always warmly received. They were often stigmatised for their perceived differences of language, religion and behaviour, and were blamed for a range of social ills including crime and low wages. In this article I examine print news reporting in six English port cities from c1850 to 1911. I focus on the ways in which crime reporting in particular characterised both offenders and victims, and the extent to which migrant origin was considered a relevant characteristic to report. It is argued that for the most part migrant origin was not widely mentioned in crime reports in regional newspapers, though there were periods when migrant origin was increasingly foregrounded and these coincided with times when migration to England was becoming increasingly politicised, especially before and immediately after the passing of the Aliens Act in 1905. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This paper analyzes the press control practices used by the provincial political powers of Entre Ríos between 1862 and 1870. This period was characterized by an increasing political dispute and the deepening of public debate. An indication of this process is the increase in the number of newspapers and the diversity of their political positions. Most of the newspapers were Federalists and supporters of Urquiza, but they maintained a space of discursive autonomy and what was published did not always go along the lines of the caudillo's interest. Also, there were Unitary and dissident Federal newspapers which were very critical of the provincial government and the figure of Urquiza. Respect for press freedom as a legitimating principle of the exercise of power prevented the development of legislation restricting that freedom and discouraged the practice of filing law suits for libel against publishers or journalist among provincial officials. Hence, the way in which political power managed to limit opinion was dominated by informal practices of political control. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the conflictive implementation of freedom of the press in Buenos Aires, after the fall of Rosas' regime. It examines norms and the initiatives to reform them, some trials, government actions, and the debates within the legislature and the press. The study discusses the traditional interpretation according to which, in the province of Buenos Aires, those years were characterized by a wide freedom of expression. It also argues that the difficulties to implement freedom of the press in the 19th century are explained by the tension between the consideration of the press as a pillar of civilized, republican societies and, at the same time, as a corrosive agent of the social and political order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This essay presents a new explanation for the emergence after 1877 of public and expert fascination with a single observed feature of the planet Mars: its network of "canals." Both the nature of these canals and their widespread notoriety emerged, it is argued, from a novel partnership between two practices then in their ascendancy: astrophysics and the global telegraphic distribution of news. New technologies of global media are shown to have become fundamentally embedded within the working practices of remote astrophysical sites, entangling professional spaces of observation with popular forms of journalism. These collaborations gave rise to a new type of "event astronomy," as exemplified by the close working relationship forged between the enterprising Harvard astronomer William Henry Pickering and the New York Herald. Pickering's telegrams to the Herald, sent from his remote mountain outstation in Arequipa, Peru, are shown to be at the heart of the "great Mars boom" of August 1892, with significant consequences for emerging and contested accounts of the red planet. By tracing the particular transmission effects typical to this new kind of astronomical work, the essay shows how the material, temporal, and linguistic constraints imposed by telegraphic news distribution shaped and bounded what could be said about, and therefore what could be known about, Mars. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In El Torito de los Muchachos (1830), Luis Pérez deploys voices, not always Gauchos and Federalists, but sometimes Uniterian and literate, who utter fictional truths in the form of a confession. In a historical moment in which the press was a vehicle of influence on public opinion, Pérez aims his publications toward broad swaths of the public to include of illiterate groups through oral readings. This paper analyzes the ways in which these confessions allowed truths to stand up amid a war of words, as they sought to occupy an imagined public space on whose field discursive conflicts were fought. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Procesos: Revista Ecuatoriana de Historia is the property of Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar, Sede Ecuador and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The phenomenon of letters to newspapers developed into a nationwide and pervasive culture of local letters in the mid-1800s Finnish-language press. A characteristic feature of this culture was that the readers' letters published in the press were written in the names of local communities. Thus, the writer of the letter claimed to represent the entire local community. This interaction between different locations via the press transformed local into societal and societal into local. The culture of local letters had decisive influence on the development of Finnish society, nationalism and civic society in the nineteenth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The transformation from public to private executions is generally understood as a consequence of the rationalization of authority in conjunction with growing class tensions and the emergence of bourgeois sentimentality. What is missing from this analysis is the role gender played. The exclusion of women from the execution site captures a more general tension around womanhood in the nineteenth century, but that tension was expressed differently depending on women's class and race locations. Using newspaper coverage of executions as my primary data source, I show that the interpretive challenges posed by women at the execution site varied by the social positions they occupied. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1800 and 1850 the British newspapers published over 1,000 newspaper articles concerned with Irish abduction, offering a stark contrast to the little attention devoted to English cases during the same period. This article examines representations of Irish abduction in the British press and considers how this form of sexual spectacle contributed to British perceptions of Ireland during this period. Analysis of a number of particularly heinous abduction cases from the early nineteenth century demonstrates how images of vulnerable and often violated women encouraged unfavourable contrasts between Irish and British masculinity in ways that served to heighten anxieties about the nature of civilisation in Ireland. In so doing, this newspaper coverage of Irish abduction helped to assuage concerns about ‘the Irish question’ and, this article argues, to justify the coercive nature of Britain's imperial presence there. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article discusses the political change that took place in Spain in 1814, also known as the Restoration, in which Ferdinand VII was installed as king. The author comments on the reporting of the return of an absolutist monarchy in Spain in the American press, which reacted negatively to the change. She also provides a comparative analysis of reaction to the change in both American and Spanish newspapers. The influence of the 1812 enactment of the Constitution of Cadiz on the political change is also examined.

In the present research we have analyzed the place that Transylvania magazine had in between the Romanian magazines, starting from the appreciations of the researchers that had studied varied aspects concerning de Association's periodical. We have not left out the papers of those who have dealt with the analysis of the Romanian press' history. Nevertheless, we have relied on our own research made during the doctoral programme, where we studied the evolution of Transylvania magazine between 1868-1919, a time frame that we have included in our present study. Another problem that we have wanted to highlight is the one linked to the editorial aspect of the magazine. And in this analysis we started from the information supplied by the specific historiography, which we classified according to our own results. Our approach did not stop over every editor between 1868-1919, as a matter of fact we did not even want to do this, to emphasize the general characteristic of the magazine and not the one that stood out in a certain period of time is our goal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The author explores the psychological responses from the "reading crowd" to fiction and writings of Victorian age (1838 to 1910). The author states that the concept of reading crowd shaped an influential theory of mass literary consumption. From the reading crowd point of view, the author analyzed the works of W. M. Thackeray, George Cruikshank, Samuel Warren, Matthew Arnold, John Stuart Mill, Martin Conway, Martin Conway, John Carey, and others. The author states that if living in the urban crowd creates the social atomism that causes the New Journalism, the newspaper also reshapes subjectivity, creating a new type of psychological crowd. The article concludes that throughout the nineteenth century, there was clearly no homogeneous reaction to the spread of cheap print.

The rise of the novel in Argentina was closely related to the Buenos Aires's press. On the one hand, newspapers became tools to shape the public opinion; on the other hand, they developed into fields where the novel was used to explore the processes of social changes. This paper has been dedicated to the analysis of the South American newspaper (1884-1892) and its serials, as far as its communicational strategies that joined every section may concern. At the same time, it has been written to investigate the use of the novel as a political instrument to reinforce the newspaper's propaganda. At first, it describes the Argentine press modernization process during the last two decades of the nineteenth century. Then, it provides details about the mayor features of South America regarding its treatment of political news. Finally, it considers some of the novels published in it, particularly Fruto vedado by Paul Groussac, focusing on its enunciation frames in order to establish links with other political messages of the newspaper. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article examines the strategies available to women journalists in the nineteenth century. It focuses in particular on the voice of Cassandra adopted by Marie d'Agoult at the time of the 1848 revolution. D'Agoult created a new journalistic model which included three specific features: the assumption of a poetic, prophetic, and apocalyptic voice in order to announce disaster; the explicit invocation of the figure of Cassandra; and a dramatic practice of 'coming out' which meant dropping the disguise of masculinity. For those rare women who, in the wake of d'Agoult, managed to write about politics in newspapers and periodicals at the end of the nineteenth century, the reference to Cassandra was almost inevitable, as illustrated by the careers of Juliette Adam, Claude Vignon and Séverine. This practice of women's journalism endures into the twentieth century, taken up in particular by Louise Weiss and Geneviève Tabouis when fascism was on the rise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines how newspapers, periodicals and books represented the southern part of America between 1810 and 1820. Although the region made up of Argentina, Chile and Perú was important for British trade, this article proposes that there was a considerable lack of first-hand information about it during that decade. Most of the material then printed in Britain regarding these countries was speculative or propagandistic, while at the same time British trade carried out in the area was mostly by 'speculators', who profited from general ignorance about the actual situation of those markets. This article suggests that speculation is a word that is key to understanding these representations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]