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The article examines how Israel related to the threat that Hamas posed to the peace process, both during the talks that led to the signing of the Declaration of Principles (December 1992–September 1993) and then until the signing of the Oslo 2 agreement (September 1995). The Israeli negotiators and leaders were locked into the idea that the PLO would "deal with Hamas" because of its clear interest to do so. During the talks, however, there was no detailed discussion of the matter. Instead, the negotiators focused—and with full justification—on the important achievement of an accord with the PLO and its agreement to refrain from terrorism. This, reinforced by the assumption that the PLO would suppress Hamas, paved the way for the signing of the Declaration of Principles without any concrete attention to Hamas. Thus Hamas terrorism proved to be a major obstacle to the fulfillment of the Oslo Accords. Hamas bomb attacks killed many Israelis and undermined Israelis' faith in the process. In parallel, the IDF activity to thwart Hamas, which involved major operations on the ground, as well as the accords' failure to produce an economic upturn for the Palestinians, diminished their support for the agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Latin America has been deeply involved in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, with some countries taking a firm stance for one side or the other. While some countries have been vocal in their support, common threads run through the region’s perspective on the conflict: believing in the importance of a two-state solution and focusing on human rights. But beyond the political and economic support provided to the Palestinian cause, Latin American countries have also served as cultural exclaves and safe spaces for Palestinian communities across Latin America. In this essay, we aim to delve into the functions of these cultural exclaves for Palestinian exiles and safe spaces for Palestinian diasporic communities, as well as their impact on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, as reflected in the following texts: Miguel Littin’s documentary film Crónicas palestinas: caminos de la ira (2002) and his drama film La última luna (2005), Alberto Nazal’s Beit Jala Forever (2006), and the collections of Arab and Jewish short stories in Spanish complied in the books Caminos para la paz (2007), edited by Ignacio López-Calvo and Cristián H. Ricci, and Delta de las areas (2013), edited by Rose Mary Salum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Atatürk Yolu Dergisi is the property of Ataturk Yolu Journal / Ataturk Yolu Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article explores the book "The Classical Liberal Case for Israel" by Walter Block and Alan Futerman, focusing on the overlooked aspects of justifying a state's existence and the classical liberal perspective. It questions why Israel's existence is constantly debated while other states are not subjected to the same scrutiny. The article also delves into the different positions within the libertarian movement regarding Israel, including anti-Zionist anarchists and pro-Zionist Objectivists. It argues that the Israeli-Palestinian conflict appeals to Libertarians due to its connection to property rights and coercion, and suggests that the book challenges the monolithic discourse on Israel within the Libertarian movement. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Buletin Al-Turas is the property of Universitas Islam Negeri Syarif Hidayatullah Jakarta and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, China has been involved in more state-to-state conflicts as a mediator as a part of its increased global influence strategy. After the successful mediation between Iran and Saudi Arabia in March 2023 and the mediation process it has employed between the Taliban and Pakistan since 2022, Beijing will likely continue those efforts in other conflicts. But how does China select which international conflict to mediate? The article employs Kenneth Waltz’s Neorealism Theory and international mediation literature to investigate this question while focusing on China’s interests as a rising power in the international system. First, the article analyzes China’s role and interest in two recent case studies of international conflict mediation: Iran-Saudi Arabia and the Taliban-Pakistan. Second, the article builds a model or a roadmap of China’s mechanism as a mediator. Then, the article employs the model to discuss and assess China’s future role in the Palestinian-Israeli Conflict in the wake of the 10/07 massacres and the Israel-Hamas war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of the Faculty of Political Science / Necmettin Erbakan Üniversitesi Siyasal Bilgiler Fakültesi Dergisi is the property of Necmettin Erbakan University Journal of The Faculty of Political Science and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This paper reflects on the current war on Gaza in 2024 that followed the Hamas attack on October 7th 2023, reading the events is a wider historical context. The paper has three main parts. In the first part, the paper argues against the fragmentation of the question of Palestine historically and geographically, arguing instead for the importance of the overall context of the conflict. The second part considers the issue of Palestinian resistance. How can the Palestinians resist occupation? This part is mainly descriptive and indicates the impasse that the Palestinians found themselves in it after the Oslo accords in 1993. The third and last part moves to normative questions regarding the question of self-defense both on the part of the Palestinians and on the part of Israel and tries to outline the ways these arguments can develop. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Colum McCann's 2020 novel Apeirogon, which tells the stories of an unlikely friendship of two bereaved fathers, a Palestinian Bassam Aramin and a Jew Rami Elhanan. I argue that in its experimental form, the novel comes to imagine a way beyond the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, which is here shown to be predicated on what Achille Mbembe terms necropolitics. Having discussed Mbembe's idea, I proceed to demonstrate that in its continuous juggling of hope and despair and its use of mathematics to formally structure the novel, McCann rejects the politics of hatred, replacing it with a mind-set of shared suffering and mutual understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The editorial in this issue highlights Indonesia's position towards Palestine, both from the policies taken by the government and from various publications by Indonesian scholars. The Indonesian government has long tended to support Palestine as an independent country. Historically, before being occupied by Israel, Palestine has supported Indonesian independence, and Indonesia has consistently supported Palestinian independence efforts. Academically, several publications from Indonesian scholars have highlighted many aspects of Palestinian peace and independence efforts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In today's world, we are witnessing one of the gravest crises humanity has faced: the ongoing genocide by Israel against the Palestinians. This situation has compelled South Africa to initiate legal proceedings against Israel at the ICJ, seeking accountability for the severe human rights violations and acts of genocide perpetrated against the Palestinian people. To fully grasp the significance of South Africa's action, it's essential to explore the deep-rooted and historic ties that bind South Africa's liberation efforts to the Palestinian fight for freedom. This commentary delves into the intertwined narratives of oppression, resistance, and unity shared by these movements, illuminating the striking similarities between the apartheid regime in South Africa and Israel's treatment of Palestinians. Additionally, the discussion sheds light on South Africa's rationale for approaching the ICJ. In conclusion, the commentary underscores the solidarity between South Africa's anti-apartheid movement and the Palestinian liberation struggle, highlighting the importance of global solidarity, accountability, and collective endeavor in championing justice and equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper examines digital discourses of and on the Palestinian movement, Hamas on Twitter. The data corpus contains tweets and retweets by Shehab News Agency (Hamas’s agency), and all tweets associated with the hashtag #hamas and produced by any tweeter. The data resources were extracted in January 2022. The paper uses Kress and Van Leeuwen’s (1996 & 2006) social semiotic approach and critical discourse tools to examine online, textual and visual features of tweets. The findings show that the word occupation االحتالل is the most frequent word in the tweets of Shehab News Agency, and it is associated with hashtags such as Hamas, Jerusalem, among other words. The result of world cloud shows that the hashtag #Hamas is associated with frequent words and hashtags, e.g., #gaza, #palestine, #israel, #terrorism, #terror, #hamasterrorists, ##thegazayoudontsee, #theykidnappedgaza. This discursive strategy leaves a negative representation on Hamas and legitimizes any actions conducted by Israel or any actors against Hamas. The analysis shows while Hamas’s discourses such as resistance of the Israeli occupation, Hamas is linked with terrorism as seen in tweets associated with the hashtag #hamas. In conclusion, as expected in party-loyal media, the digital discourse on twitter on and of Hamas is understood as a struggle between Hamas and Israel a fight between Hamas and Israel rather than a war against Palestinians who pay high prices. This is because Twitter blocks Hamas’s accounts and mostly remove Palestinians’ materials and contents that criticize Israel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the results and repercussions of the "AlAqsa Flood" battle on the components of the Arab thought in managing the conflict that prevailed before it. The article believes that the "Al-Aqsa Flood" operation on October 7, 2023, constituted a qualitative, multi-dimensional transformation at the tactical and strategic levels. The article indicates that Arab thought mainstream is betting on the possibility of achieving real peace and a breakthrough in ending the Israeli occupation of the Palestinian territories occupied in 1967 through negotiation with the Israeli occupying state. The agreements signed with Israel and the accompanying hopes formed a framework for official and political Arab thought. Arab decisions and policies have been revolving in this orbit for many decades, especially in the last three decades. However, Israel has continued to occupy and Judaize the land, seize holy sites, practice grave violations against the Palestinian people, and violate all international covenants and laws in this regard. The repercussions of the "Al-Aqsa Flood" battle created intellectual, political, security and military differences simultaneously, as it overturned the notions of possible peace and the notions of imbalance in the balance of power between the Arabs and Israel. It also revealed the level of Israel's remarkable inability to confront an effective and organized Palestinian resistance inside Palestine, as this successful military operation proved vice versa. Its potential implications for the future Arab-Israeli conflict future are to consolidate the Palestinian movement's unity and the perception of a possible end to the Israeli occupation of their lands. This success also shocked the theories of Israeli security, broke the alleged prestige of its army and security services, and revealed the extent of the intellectual and strategic deficit that surrounds the minds of the Israeli political leaders in their dealings with the Palestinian issue and the Palestinian people with disdain and neglect. It moreover revealed that Israel is vulnerable to defeat, especially since, 85 days after the barbaric air strikes on civilians on October 7 and the land aggression on October 27, it was unable to achieve any significant military goals or targets. The successes of the first operation and what followed in the ground war provided a new environment for dealing with Israel as a state capable of being defeated and besieged. The gathering of comprehensive Arab civilized thought in conflict management, based on strength, cohesion, self-confidence, and the realism of dealing with the enemy, constitutes essential elements for putting pressure on the nerves of the Arab elites. The ruler and the leadership of the Palestinian National Authority ought to review its accounts and make essential changes in the methodology of dealing with Israel and in looking at its future in the region, as well as reshape its policies to force the Israeli military to end the occupation of the Palestinian lands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the disillusionment of Arab and Muslim countries with the Palestinians, particularly with regards to their support for Hamas, Hezbollah, and the Houthis. It is reported that these countries, including Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Bahrain, Egypt, and Jordan, view Hamas as a threat to their national security and have cut ties with Qatar over its support for Hamas and other terrorist groups.

The proposed study explores the ways in which Abulhawa uses fiction to humanize the Palestinian condition of dispossession and displacement thus advancing the Palestinian perspective of the conflict. Analysing the important role of narratives in decolonizing the colonial imaginaries for example "Palestinians do not exist", or "they are savages or terrorists", it contends that, for Abulhawa, retrieving the Palestinian narrative is a fundamental praxis for seeking decolonization and to end dehumanization and exclusion. Reclaiming native narrative of the conflict will enable Palestinians to affirm their existence and propel their struggle against settler colonialism. The study will be done with the help of the analysis of Abulhawa's Mornings in Jenin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'International Relations & Regional Studies' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Do exclusionary policies mobilize minority political participation? We theorize that the threat of exclusionary policies creates and resurfaces grievances that facilitate mobilization. To test our theory, we leverage Donald Trump's announcement of a peace plan for the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, which posed a threat to the citizenship status of Palestinian citizens of Israel residing in the Triangle area adjacent to the West Bank. First, using more than 170,000 posts from public Facebook groups and pages, we show that Trump's announcement was indeed a more salient political event for Triangle residents. Then, employing locality‐level election data as well as records detailing the origin of citizens' joining a Jewish‐Arab social movement, we use a difference‐in‐difference design to demonstrate that the threat to citizenship imposed by Trump's plan increased mobilization in the Triangle area. Our evidence from three distinct data sources suggests that threats of exclusion can mobilize minority political behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In light of the crucial role public diplomacy plays in shaping perspectives around the Palestinian-Israeli conflict, this research paper assesses the Palestinian public diplomacy practised by both governmental and non-governmental actors. The article firstly showcases public diplomacy in context and its importance for Palestinians. Then, the article sheds light on the most common characteristics of the Palestinian public diplomacy programmes. Finally, the paper discusses the drawbacks and challenges of improving public diplomacy, and suggests practical steps to improve Palestine's stand in the international realm. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of the many movements with a strong female presence promoting peace in the Middle East, the movement Women Wage Peace (WWP) currently represents the largest and most impactful organization in the country. Founded in the aftermath of the 50-day Gaza War/Operation Protective Edge of 2014, Women Wage Peace has grown to 45,000 Israeli members, the most significant grassroots peace movement in Israel today. WWP's theory of change refracts the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and its resolution, through a gendered lens. The movement is non-partisan and does not support any specific solution to the conflict. Instead, it empowers women from diverse communities to build trust across divides, leading to a unified demand for diplomatic negotiation, with full representation of women, to end the Israeli–Palestinian conflict. WWP enables very diverse women to unite with the aim of taking their own and their children's futures into their own hands: women from the left, center, and right, young and old, from the center and periphery of the country, religious and secular, Jewish, Arab, Druze, and Bedouin. The movement continues to refine its non-hierarchical structure, distributing its work among thousands of volunteers who serve on regional and/or mission-specific teams, including Government Engagement, Foreign Affairs, Digital Communication, Special Projects, and Strategy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Peace Research & Conflict Resolution / Baris Arastirmalari ve Çatisma Çözümleri Dergisi is the property of Yalova University, Research Center for International Conflict Resolution and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

During its 75 years of existence, Israel's strategies vis-à-vis its neighbours have alternated drastically in accordance with the vicissitudes in regional and global affairs: from reliance on force, to a status quo approach, to combining 'land-for-peace' approach while participating in 'new wars', to peace initiation, to unilateral action, to improved relations with the Arab world while trying to avoid the Palestinian issue. This article describes the evolution of these strategies, discusses their origin and underlying assumptions, and assesses their future implications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Israel's relations with the Arab world underwent dramatic changes during its seventy-five years of existence – from hostility and enmity to peacemaking and reconciliation. This development is the result of the strengthening of Israel's regional and international position on the one hand, and the weakening of the Arab world and the Arab states' withdrawal into themselves in the face of the socioeconomic problems confronting them, on the other. And while the regional fear of Iran's hegemonic drive has played an important role in the evolution of Israeli-Arab cooperation, the potential for consolidation of the nascent relationship goes well beyond the Iranian threat as both sides share weighty political, security and economic interests such as fighting radical Islam, promoting regional stability and security, and ensuring economic prosperity. Yet while the Palestinian issue didn't prevent the consolidation of Arab-Israeli relations, it remains the lowest common denominator for Arab public opinion in its search for identity and meaning. As such, it will continue to threaten regional stability and the building of Israel's relations with its Arab partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on recent U.S. policy developments toward the Middle East, this commentary examines the potential influence of the Abraham Accords' agreements on politics in the region, the resolution of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and the future of Israel as a democratic and Jewish state. It is based on a review of media coverage of the accords. It begins with a brief history of President Donald Trump's earlier Middle East policies involving Jerusalem, the West Bank, and the "Joint Comprehensive Plan of Action" limiting Iran's access to nuclear weapons. I then examine the development of the Abraham Accords under the direction of Jared Kushner. This is followed by an analysis of the potential consequences of the Accords on relations between Israel and the Arab states including Saudi Arabia, on the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and on the potential policy implications for the Palestinians. I close with a comment on the future sustainability of Israel as a Jewish and democratic political entity. Related Articles: Friedlander, Melvin A. 1988. "Jimmy Carter's Fascination with the Middle East." Politics & Policy (formerly, Southeastern Political Review) 16(1): 205–30. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.1988.tb00251.x. Jouini, Nizar, and Manel Ben Akal. 2022. "Political Consensus, Economic Reforms, and Democratic Transitions in the Middle East: Evidence from Voting on Tunisian Reform Bills." Politics & Policy 50(4): 851–71. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12489. Sarquís, David J. 2012. "Democratization after the Arab Spring: The Case of Egypt's Political Transition." Politics & Policy 40(5): 871–903. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00381.x. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author of the article emphasizes that a viable solution to the Palestine issue is a prerequisite for the long-term security of Israel. She criticizes the one-sided solidarity of Western politicians with Israel and demands that the solution to the Palestine issue also be addressed. The author emphasizes the importance of recognizing the right to exist of Palestine and ending Israel's policy of undermining the two-state solution. She calls for putting the Palestine issue on the international political agenda and achieving an immediate ceasefire to end the killing and not further fuel hatred. The article also describes the domestic impact of the Hamas attack on Israel, which has left the country in a state of war. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the success of Israel as a nation and questions why it receives so much criticism and vilification, particularly in Western countries, when it defends itself against terrorist attacks. The author argues that the Palestinians have been universally lionized because they serve as a lightning rod against the Jews, perpetuating their demonization. The article also highlights the ongoing abuse of Palestinians in Arab countries, which goes largely unnoticed by the international community. The author concludes that Israel continues to face anti-Jewish bigotry and hatred, and its right to self-defense and national existence is constantly challenged. [Extracted from the article]

This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides a study of Palestinian aviation diplomacy by examining two "states of exception": the deterritorialized Palestinian state and the supraterritorial, supranational state of aviation. It discusses five important episodes in Palestine's aviation history: aviation as a colonial instrument in Palestine prior to 1948, Jerusalem Airport as a contested site of power, Palestinian airplane hijackings as media spectacle, Yasir Arafat's creative aviation diplomacy, and Gaza International Airport and Palestinian Airlines as symbols of Palestinian sovereignty. Although Palestinians have faced difficulties with conventional aviation diplomacy, they have been somewhat successful in exploiting aviation as an unconventional weapon of resistance to disrupt dominant narratives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Contrary to the commonly held misconception, Palestinian antisemitism is not a corollary of the Palestinian-Israeli conflict but the other way around: the perpetuation of the conflict is a direct result of the deeply ingrained Palestinian-Arab Jew-hatred and the attendant rejection of any form of Jewish statehood. From the onset of the conflict, a century ago to this day, Palestinian Arabs have been subjected to a sustained hate campaign of racial, religious and political incitement that has portrayed Jews (and Israelis) as the source of all evil, synonyms for iniquity, corruption and decadence, whose clear and present danger to human kind can only be removed through their complete annihilation. Small wonder that not a single Palestinian-Arab leader has ever recognised the millenarian Jewish attachment to the Land of Israel or evinced a true liking for the 'two-state solution' since it was first evoked in 1937. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current paper analyzes the recent wave of violence in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, and especially the occurrences on the Gazan border since March 2018, from a less covered point of view – the battle over the image and narrative. The Palestinians' main tools of resistance during this wave of violence have been civilian protests near the fence and the launching of explosive kites and balloons across the border – causing massive damage to Israeli agriculture. We argue that the Palestinians had waged a sophisticated Image War on the border of Gaza, and while they are performing, the world is watching. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Forty years after Sabra and Shatila camps massacre of south of Beirut. The massacre, in addition to other massacres that were perpetrated against the Palestinian people, mirrors the harsh tragedy that Palestinians went through after 1948 and the establishment of the Zionist entity and the forcible expulsion of the Palestinian people from their land. Careful and deep analysis proves that this massacre in particular, was not a momentary response, but rather an extension of an old Zionist policy of liquidating the Palestinian cause. This study sheds light on the backgrounds of that massacre based on recently disclosed secret documents that bear details of meetings between “Israeli” intelligence officials and officials of the Lebanese Phalange “Kataeb” Party. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the 1948 Palestine war, more than 700,000 Palestinian Arabs fled or were expelled from their homes, accounting for roughly half of prewar Palestine's Arab population. The exodus was a central component of the Palestinian society's cracks, disempowerment and displacement, known as the Nakba, during which between 400 and 600 Palestinian villages were damaged and others were exposed to the Hebraization of Palestinian place names, and it also relates to the wider period of the conflict itself and the subsequent oppression up to the present day. The main aim of this research is to define the causes of the 1948 Palestinian exodus, which led to the creation of the Palestinian refugee problem. It also seeks to show the ways that the Nakba has influenced Palestinian history. This study explores the work of the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East, a UN (United Nations) agency that supports Palestinian refugees' relief and human development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present article considers the viability of a confederation between Israel and the Palestinian Authority with Jordan as a realistic solution to the ongoing conflict between Israeli Jews and Palestinians. It presents the background and the course of the Israeli–Palestinian conflict, with a description of the present situation in order to understand the possible solutions to the conflict. I also explore several ideas of how to peacefully resolve the conflict that is entertained at present. A special focus is on the proposal of Alon Ben-Meir (2022) about building a confederation delineated in the Spring issue of this journal. Thus, in the second part, the concept of confederation is described and three barriers to its implementation are elaborated. The first discusses the approach of presenting a rational plan, whereas in reality, participants in conflict develop a sociopsychological repertoire that serves often as a barrier to the solution. The second comment elaborates on the complex nature of reconciliation that cannot be required as a necessary precondition for the solution of the conflict. The third comment pertains to the asymmetry of the parties in the Israeli–Palestinian conflict that is a serious barrier to the implementation of the phases of the proposed confederation. Finally, I describe briefly the different proposals that are on the table at present and evaluate their feasibility. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay offers a discussion and critique of Alon Ben-Meir's (2022) proposal entitled, "The Case for an Israeli-Palestinian-Jordanian Confederation: Why Now and How?" Incorporating elements of other viewpoints and prior proposals to add nuance, I explore Ben-Meir's concerted attempt to think past the exemplary two-state model for settling the Palestine and Israel conflict and to introduce thoughts on how policy makers and common actors can apply a confederal system later on. Given the entrenched one-state reality, I argue that the liberation of Palestinians through emancipation in a solitary popularity-based nation is the most thoughtfully clear option in contrast to many years of failed endeavors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]