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Social movement scholars credit feminist transnational advocacy networks with putting violence against women on the United Nations (UN) security agenda, as evidenced by Resolution 1325 and numerous other UN Security Council statements on gender, peace and security. Such accounts neglect the significance of superpower politics for shaping the aims of women's bureaucracies and non-governmental organizations in the UN system. This article highlights how the fall of the Soviet Union transformed the delineation of ‘women's issues’ at the UN and calls attention to the extent that the new focus upon ‘violence against women’ has been shaped by post-Cold War US global policing practices. Resolution 1325's call for gender mainstreaming of peacekeeping operations reflects the tension between feminist advocates’ increased influence in security discourse and continuing reports of peacekeeper perpetrated sexual violence, abuse and exploitation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper argues that international security forces in Timor Leste depend upon civilian partners in HIV/AIDs 'knowledge networks' to monitor prostitutes' disease status. These networks produce mobile expertise, techniques of government and forms of personhood that facilitate international government of distant populations without overt coercion. HIV/AIDs experts promote techniques of peer education, empowerment and community mobilisation to construct women who sell sex as health conscious sex workers. Such techniques make impoverished women responsible for their disease status, obscuring the political and economic contexts that produced that status. In the militarised context of Timor Leste, knowledge of the sexual conduct of sub-populations labelled high risk circulates among global HIV/AIDs knowledge networks, confirming their expert status while obscuring the sexual harm produced by military intervention. HIV/AIDs knowledge networks have recently begun to build Timorese sex worker organisations by contracting an Australian sex worker NGO to train a Timorese NGO tasked with building sex worker identity and community. Such efforts fail to address the needs and priorities of the women supposedly empowered. The paper engages theories of global knowledge networks, mobile technologies of government, and governmentality to analyse policy documents, reports, programmes, official statements, speeches, and journalistic accounts regarding prostitution in Timor Leste. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In December 2002 the UN adopted a definition of ‘trafficking’ that critics worry discounts female agency in commercial sex and migration. This definition was already being used in Bosnia-Herzegovina (BiH) and Kosovo to tackle the violent sex industry that had developed alongside peacekeeping. This paper analyses official assumptions about female agency in commercial sex when ‘victims of trafficking’ (VoTs) are identified in BiH and Kosovo. In this context the Protocol definition helped extend access to resources to women and girls who could otherwise have been excluded. Those who had ‘been abroad’ before were no longer automatically rejected from VoT programmes but pathologised as sufferers of post traumatic stress disorder (PTSD); their illness establishing their ‘innocence’. Understanding the choice of migration for sex work as a symptom of PTSD allows anti-trafficking programmes to focus on victim rather than perpetrator behaviour. Strong pressures against tackling the way soldiers, police and contractors treat women and girls in the sex industry underlie this focus on victim behaviour. Those in the sex industry who are not ‘foreign’ or do not want to go ‘home’ are excluded from VoT status while anti-trafficking activity increases their risk of arrest, thus reifying the categories of innocent VoT and guilty prostitute. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]