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This article provides a keyword in context analysis of three editorials published in London-based papers regarding the events of 16 August 1819 in Manchester: one daily paper, The Courier, and two weeklies, Sherwin's Political Register and The Examiner. It aims to offer lexical evidence of the struggle for the cultural-political appropriation and representation of Peterloo 'in public consciousness'. To this end, insights from critical discourse analysis, specifically social actor theory, are used, and elements of rhetorical and argumentative analysis are presented. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the aftermath of the Peterloo massacre, the ongoing collaboration between William Hone and George Cruikshank in the milieu of the London-based radical press resulted in a number of wildly satirical hybrid publications, including A Slap at Slop and the Bridge Street Gang, a dazzling parody of a four-page daily newspaper (1821). In a unique combination of text and image, the two mock newspaper entries dealing with the Peterloo events lay bare the abysmal power logic underlying the making of that tragedy, and construct a scathing indictment of both state violence and the pervasive rhetoric of self-celebration underlying the exercise of state power. Building on the expanding scholarship on William Hone and radical print culture, this article addresses some questions implied in the debunking process these texts enact, which reach back to include war and abolitionist rhetoric, as well as Robert Southey's role as Poet Laureate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a counter-intuitive attempt to read the events of August 1819 in relation to the phenomenon of seriality. Departing from the Revolutionary tradition of the journée, and therefore perhaps not really a bounded 'event' at all, Peterloo was instead, in James Chandler's account in England in 1819, an ongoing breach in systems of representation. I argue that analyses of popular serial forms in media studies, which emphasize the open-endedness of seriality, can help to account for some of the peculiarities of the treatment of time and happening in post-Peterloo poems by John Keats and (more marginally) by P. B. Shelley. Situating these poems in relation to early forms of serial perception in the period, and to Marx and Baudelaire's later Romantic approaches to seriality in the wake of the 1848 Revolution, I argue that seriality can help us to understand the ways in which lyric poems meet revolutionary thought in their shared questioning of the hyperbolic breach in historical time that we associate with each of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the months following the Peterloo Massacre, an array of poems and songs was published in radical newspapers or as broadside ballads, the first of which appeared in the Manchester Observer a mere five days after the event. What is of import regarding Peterloo's literature is the speed with which it was written and published as well as the range of genres used by the largely anonymous balladeers to convey the outrage, horror and despair felt by the majority of English people at the slaughter of their fellow citizens. This article explores a selection of Peterloo songs, focusing both on their initial publication and longer-lasting impact on radical discourse not only demonstrating that they were not as ephemeral as the publications in which they were first printed, but also indicating the wider significance of Peterloo to the continuing campaign for democracy. Furthermore, through a joint project with musicians as part of the bicentennial commemorations, new life has been breathed into these songs, enabling the voices from 200 years ago to both inform and inspire audiences in an era in which democracy is under siege and xenophobic nationalism on the rise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Fairburn's London firm published cheap print of many kinds, though often with a reformist political bent, over half a century from the 1790s. Among this prolific output was a poem entitled The Field of Waterloo in the year of that event. In price and address, however, this was somewhat of an outlier in their mass of sixpenny pamphlets. This essay examines the rhetorical and stylistic features of this pamphlet and its several contexts in the ongoing paper war over the French Revolution and its Napoleonic and post-Napoleonic aftermath. These contexts include the formation of a distinctive plebeian modernity, Fairburn's usual stock in trade, as a form of cultural citizenship grounding claims to the political franchise. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay aims to discuss Percy Bysshe Shelley's poem The Mask of Anarchy within its historical context and in relation to contemporary critical debates. The paper intends to explore Shelley's own response to the arbitrary power that engendered the violence of the Peterloo Massacre on 10 August 1819, during a demonstration in favour of Parliamentary reform. The essay opens by recalling the remarkable phenomenon of the radical free press that was produced in reaction to Peterloo, giving rise to what has been called a 'culture of resistance'. It then attempts to explore the intricacy of Shelley's own ideological views, together with the creative process that enabled him to turn The Mask of Anarchy into a visionary poem, both aesthetically autonomous and politically interventionist. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The tragedy that became crystallized in cultural memory as 'Peterloo' provided one of the darkest pages in British history, but also one of the best documented nineteenth-century events. The interest of the press, and the large number of participants, produced a polyphonic, multifarious corpus made of reports, eyewitness accounts, memoirs and testimonies, as well as poetic and prose texts. As a critical introduction to this monographic issue of The Keats-Shelley Review, the article discusses 'Peterloo' as an event whose historical and sociopolitical significance is also dependent on its manifold representations across time, genres, and discourses. Both factual or fictional, texts, it is suggested, contributed to construing Peterloo as an event by interrogating and emplotting facts, thus determining their shape and significance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Romantic era heralded a new age of rhetoric in which the spoken word was cultivated into a truly eloquent form: the art of oratory. Such forms of expression – used both within and beyond the realm of parliamentary debates – were frequently adopted by radical speakers, who sought to promote freedom of speech and advocated for the working class to be granted more rights. At a time when the English government imposed strict censorship measures on the people, the art of oratory became a powerful tool of resistance, especially for radicals, Dissenters, intellectuals and activists. In this article, I discuss the rhetorical strategies that were employed by three types of orators from different social classes: politicians, female activists, and radicals from the Midlands. All of these figures played crucial roles in influencing public opinion both before and during the 'Peterloo Massacre'. In fact, the rhetorical strategies and symbols used by orators at St. Peter's field are still pertinent today. Many of these hallmarks of oratory can be discerned in the speeches that are delivered to modern audiences. Most notably, such rhetorical devices are still used by protesters and campaigners on an international scale in order to effect social change and to combat social inequality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents various works of the authors on repetition, slogans, refrains and Graffitti. Topics of discussion includes "Peterloo" is referred as a model of refrain where the lyric "element" is placed to draw attention to partial repetition. Marx in the "Eighteenth Brumaire" refers to the theory of the refrain in echoic phrases of historical repetition. The Shelley's "The Mask of Anarchy" is also discussed as the reference of the terms.

The distinguished German scholar and political commentator Victor Aimé Huber travelled to Blackley in 1844 to see Samuel Bamford on the recommendation of Thomas Carlyle, in order to pursue his study of the Social Question in England. In 1850 his compatriot, the celebrated novelist and travel writer Fanny Lewald, on a tour of England and Scotland, paid a social visit to the Bamfords instigated by the writer Geraldine Jewsbury, who subsequently arranged for her to see Samuel Bamford again, in Manchester. The reports provide a wealth of information about the Bamfords' circumstances, opinions and reflections on their past. They also point up differences between English and German culture, class and social conventions. For both Huber and Lewald, meeting the Bamfords was one of the most revealing experiences of their stay in Britain. Whilst reviews of Passages in the Life of a Radical in the German press, like the critique in the Quarterly Review, contain both partisan and measured appraisal, by the late 1840s Bamford's account of Peterloo had become the standard reference text in German-speaking lands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There were protests at all twenty-two matches played by the white South African Springboks rugby team in their tour of Great Britain and Ireland November 1969-January 1970. Students were key to organising these protests, some with significant involvement of trade unions and religious organisations. The Manchester match saw the largest turnout of marchers in Britain, the largest police mobilisation and the largest number of arrests. As at all matches, the police were able to prevent more than limited disruption. The Manchester protest gives a picture of the student movement of the time and how popular protest was policed during the brief period before trade union and anti-fascist mobilisation came to dominate in the 1970s with policing tactics changing in response. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Shelley's poetic response to the Peterloo massacre, The Mask of Anarchy , was crucially informed by printed news sources relating to the momentous events in Manchester of 16 August 1819. Hitherto our knowledge of those sources has been confined to Leigh Hunt's Examiner newspaper. This article re-examines the available evidence and argues that Shelley may well also have drawn on the accounts of Peterloo written by the radical journalist and freethinker, Richard Carlile. It traces the connections between Carlile and the Shelley circle in London during 1819 (including Hunt, Thomas Love Peacock, William Godwin, and Thomas Jefferson Hogg), and identifies a number of suggestive verbal parallels between Shelley's Mask and Carlile's prose. But there were also important political differences between the two men; an appreciation of those differences throws new light on the Mask 's ambivalent attitude to the prospect of revolution, and Shelley's strident advocacy of non-violent resistance to state-sponsored oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay assesses the connections between Shelley's poetry and contemporary political events in the aftermath of the Peterloo Massacre in August 1819. It argues for the connection between Shelley's vision of a 'great' and 'vast' assembly in his Mask of Anarchy and contemporary protest at the outrages of Peterloo and agitation for parliamentary reform. In particular, Shelley's calls for a nation united in protest echoes reformers' calls for a series of simultaneous meetings, at which crowds gather at the same time to form a vast virtual collective protest. Such connections between the Mask of Anarchy and radical activity at meetings and in the press offer an alternative to recent critical accounts of the poem as attuned only to future audiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the English Uprising or the Peterloo Massacre, which occurred in August 1819 at Saint Peter's Field in Manchester, England. Topics covered include the dispersal of radical reformers by troops under the authority of the Cheshire and Lancashire magistrates, political protests about war and power, and class disputes in Manchester. Also mentioned are radicals such as writer John Cartwright and orator Henry Hunt who called for the return of parliamentary control to the people.

The infamous Peterloo Massacre long provided a foothold for the political left to call for further democratic rights in Britain. However, the meaning of Peterloo in 1819 and its legacy in the century that followed were not one and the same. Parliamentary reforms during the Victorian period forced the political left to reorganize the meaning of Peterloo for the event to remain relevant. Anchored by both socialists and Irish Home Rule supporters, Peterloo's primary association with the right of public assembly came to the fore during the 1880s. Then, after the First World War, the memory of Peterloo again was rebranded by leftist groups in a Marxist interpretation. In both instances, those invoking the 1819 event hoped to adopt those at Peterloo as their spiritual predecessors. This article aims to demonstrate the versatile nature of the memory of Peterloo for the political left. The rhetoric surrounding Peterloo commanded the event in different ways in different political environments, and indeed through different mediums. When viewed over the course of Britain's century of reform, the evolving representations and invocations of the Peterloo Massacre demonstrate the incredible malleability and endurance of the 1819 event. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On the 16th August 1819, a crowd of around sixty thousand gathered outside Manchester to listen to the renowned radical Henry Hunt. When the crowd appeared to grow restless the authorities ordered in a regiment of Hussars. Eleven were killed, hundreds injured. The radical presses swiftly condemned the “Peterloo massacre.” So, away in Italy, did the poet Percy Bysshe Shelley. The consequence of Shelley’s anger was one of the greatest poems of political protest in the English language. It was entitled The Mask of Anarchy. This article is about this poem. It asks why Shelley wrote it, what he wanted to say, and how he chose to say it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1817, the British government reacted to the rise of popular agitation for parliamentary reform by passing the Suspension of Habeas Corpus Act and arresting the leaders of the new working-class radical societies. The imprisonment of these men was a severe blow to the democratic movement. Despite the recent revival of scholarly interest in early nineteenth-century popular politics, historians have treated the events of 1817 as a brief interlude before the better-known Peterloo Massacre of 1819. This article argues that the development of the post-war democratic movement cannot be understood without examining the impact of the imprisonments on the radical leaders and their families. It analyses a previously unstudied series of letters confiscated from the radical prisoners and kept in the Home Office files. The correspondence demonstrates the essential role of letter-writing within radical culture, and how radical thought and self-expression were mediated through the pressures of both government surveillance and financial difficulty. This article secondly offers new evidence about the gender politics of radicalism in this period. It shows how women's experience of separation from their husbands, and male attitudes towards their role in 1817-18 crucially shaped the emergence of female radicalism in public for the first time in 1819. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An essay is presented on the history of England from 1819-1821 in the book "Poetry and Popular Protest: Peterloo, Cato Street and the Queen Caroline Controversy," by John Gardner. Topics discussed include the Peterloo Massacre in 1819, the Cato Street Conspiracy in 1820, and Queen Caroline of Brunswick.

This article examines Byron's hostile treatment of the Duke of Wellington, and of the role he played in restoring eighteenth century structures and systems in nineteenth century Europe, and in preserving these structures and systems in England. There is a preliminary discussion of the accounts Byron provides of two battles in which Wellington took part, Talavera and Waterloo, inChilde Harold's Pilgrimage. Thereafter, the main focus is onDon Juanand, in particular, on the ‘English Cantos’, and on the interplay between the time of Juan's supposed visit to England (pre-1794) and the events of post-1794 European history. In particular, the emphasis will be on Byron's treatment of the conventional and often – in his view – misplaced pride expressed by the English in their institutions and practices. English strictures on Napoleon's imperial ambitions are set against the fact that England was, at this time, steadily amassing its own empire. By way of a context for aspects of Byron's thinking about England, a brief account is offered of the Peterloo Massacre of 1819, and its aftermath. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article presents a discussion on responses to terror through the analysis of the works of Percy Shelley. The author describes the terrorism during 9/11 and examines the idea of terror in literature. He mentions Shelley's poem "On the Medusa of Leonardo Da Vinci" and discusses the Medusa's various representations in history. The Medusa has been used to symbolize the French Revolution, feminist, and victims of tyranny. The author also discusses the reactions of Shelley to the Peterloo Massacre in Manchester, England. An overview of the works of Shelley is presented.

The article presents an exploration of the poetry of Samuel Bamford depicting the Peterloo massacre of August 16, 1819. The historical and political elements of the event are outlined. The author suggests that a reading of Bamford's poetry betrays a political ideology more militant than common historians tend to attribute to him.

The article takes a look at the radical movement that produced the famous 'Peterloo massacre' of August 1819 in Lancashire, England, and how it was experienced by women and men in different ways. Catherine Hall's article "The Tale of Samuel and Jemima" is based upon Samuel Bamford's classic memoir about the massacre. Bamford was among the local radical secretariat who organized the event, constructed the ceremonial and rituals, and trained the men to march in disciplined ranks. While Jemima contributed a short account to her husband's work in the hope that it might not be devoid of interest.

The article discusses a meeting on Peterloo Massacre held at the Keats-Shelley House in Rome on 5th July, 2019.

The article features the Peterloo massacre. James Dyson, a neighbor from Middleton, described the march to Peterloo as a kind of festive village outing which seemed impossible to reconcile with the picture of a threatening military-style descent on Manchester which the prosecution had presented in a trial in March 1820. William Morris, a local weaver, testified for the prosecution how he had seen the march set off from the weaving village of Middleton in sections commanded by military veterans.

The article examines the progress in the creation of criminal law since 1965. It explains the mischief aimed at by the Servants' Character Act 1792. Its origins lay in a petition by householders who had taken servants into their households on the strength of false references. The passage of the Unlawful Drilling Act 1819 following the Peterloo Massacre is discussed, as well as rulings of the Court of Criminal Appeal whose effect is to support the Judicial Studies Board's (JSB) specimen direction.

This article looks again at the ‘Peterloo massacre’ of 16 August 1819 in Manchester, and offers new evidence from the Home Office Disturbances Papers about how it came about and who was responsible. In Section I the revisionist case that Peterloo was a conflict rather than a massacre is examined and found wanting. Section II argues that in the months before Peterloo, the Home Office had consistently urged the Lancashire magistrates to combat radical agitation ‘either by the law or the sword’; its well-known advice for restraint on 16 August was a piece of qualified back-pedalling which came too late. It also argues that the authorities misinterpreted the peaceful mass platform agitation of 1819 in the light of their experience of the attempted insurrections of 1817. Section III shows that the prosecution at the Peterloo trial privately conceded that its own version of events had been discredited. Section IV suggests that both conservative and progressive versions of what happened at Peterloo are constricted by whiggish assumptions, proposes some questions for further study, and offers a brief summary explanation of the Peterloo massacre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focuses on the speech given by orator Henry Hunt during the Peterloo massacre the Smithfield meeting in England in 1819. Description of Hunt as a speaker; His approaches in speaking to a crowd; Implications of his speech.