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This article takes existing histories of Chilean transnational anti-communist activity in the 1970s beyond Operation Condor (the Latin American military states' covert transnational anti-communist intelligence and operations system) by asking how the Pinochet dictatorship responded to two key changes in the international system towards the end of that decade: the Carter presidency and introduction of the human rights policy, and the shift of the epicentre of the Cold War in Latin America to Central America. It shows how both Salvadoreans and Chileans understood the Pinochet dictatorship as a distinct model of anti-communist governance, applicable far beyond Chile's own borders. This study of Chilean foreign policy in El Salvador contributes to new histories of the Latin American Extreme Right and to new understandings of the inter-American system and the international history of the conflicts in Central America in the late 1970s and the 1980s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Economic crises during Chile's civic–military dictatorship (1973–90) forced a growing number of people onto the streets, including women who commuted from peripheral neighbourhoods to beg in downtown Santiago. Under military rule, impoverished women in public spaces became a police problem. Despite their constant presence on the streets throughout the twentieth century, Chile's begging laws were rarely applied to women, except for a brief period under Pinochet, when begging emerged as a female crime in Santiago. This paper examines female begging and the policing of female begging, revealing both to be framed as a defence of the family. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Chile has been held up as a transitional justice success story. Emerging from a repressive dictatorship to democracy, it has made meaningful progress in grappling with brutal human rights violations through truth commissions and, more recently, criminal trials. Yet, the Chilean human rights prosecutions have a glaring hole. Courts have convicted scores of state agents for enforced disappearance, execution, and torture (or their equivalents in Chilean law at the time), but have failed to meaningfully address sexual violence crimes, even though almost all women detained by the regime were victims of some form of sexual violence, and many were raped. Recently, however, the issue seems to be gaining more judicial attention. This Article explores the question why it has taken so long for Chilean courts to reach the issue of dictatorship-era sexual violence. The reasons include the "pacted" Chilean transition, deficiencies in Chilean criminal law and procedures on sexual violence, lack of resources for sexual violence prosecutions, normalization of violence against women, and the reluctance of survivors to come forward when the likelihood of success was exceedingly low. The Article also examines the confluence of cultural and legal forces--perhaps most importantly, feminist mobilization and greater judicial openness to international norms--that have given rise to recent attempts to litigate sexual violence. Ultimately, it seeks to draw lessons from the Chilean transitional justice experience for future domestic prosecutions for sexual violence in the context of mass atrocities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Research about the Chilean military dictatorship has been heavily focused on two areas. On the one hand, repression and physical violence; and on the other hand, the events occurred in the capital city of Santiago. This has meant that issues such as the analysis of the hegemonic process of the dictatorship outside the capital are still on the preliminary phase and at a lesser extent in comparison to the investigations focused on Santiago. In the light of the foregoing, this article is to consider the hegemonic process driven by the regime of Augusto Pinochet in a regional space as the 'Greater Concepción', in Chile. Specifically, the paper will address some measures imposed by the dictatorship on its early days, with an emphasis in the study of the persuasive and disciplinary role played by the Mother's Centers, better known as CEMA Chile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The article presents the author's views on the Chilean constitution framed by Chilean general Augusto Pinochet Ugarte and discusses left and right politics in Chile, and relation between history and politics of Chile. more...

I respond to George Tsebelis's article that explains how difficult it is to amend the Constitution of Chile given the high majority thresholds for constitutional reforms, the broad scope of issues covered by those high thresholds and the cumbersome process to modify the amendment section. I review the history of constitutional change in Chile to show that, even though constitutional reform is difficult to achieve, it has happened 43 times since democracy was restored. I discuss how the demand for constitutional replacement is based on the illegitimacy of origin of the 1980 Constitution, but argue that Chileans should take pride in having built a full-fledged democracy despite the constraints of a constitution design to create a protected democracy under military tutelage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The article examines terrorism and violence in Latin America during the 1970s, focusing on the authoritarian legacies of Argentina, Chile and Colombia. Topics discussed include the roots of political fear previously determined by terrorism, the ethical dilemma of torture, and the culture of fear under the administration of Chilean President Augusto Pinochet. Also mentioned are the social needs associated to the escalation of violence in Colombia, and the military rebellion in Argentina. more...

The article talks about the human rights violations in Chile under Chile's General Augusto Pinochet's regime. It states that history and memory have constructed in Chile's Magellan region since 1973. Topics include Chilean 1973 crisis, wartime tribunals for prosecution of groups of Popular Unity militants, and political prisoners held in detention centers. more...

The article talks about Social Movements, Repression, and Political Culture in Chile during the 1960s. The article discusses the dictatorship and military coup in Chile led by General AugustoPinochet. Topics include history of Pampa Irigoin, urban crisis in the nation, and support received by the U.S. government. Also discussed is the Chilean Ministry of Housing and Urbanization's housing program Plan de Ahorro Popular (PAP). more...

Numerous references to the Chilean military dictator Augusto Pinochet run through Soviet and Russian political discourse from the 1970s to the late 1990s. Official representations of Pinochet, a carefully constructed bogeyman of Soviet domestic and foreign propaganda, helped drive a wedge between Soviet dissidents and Western leftist intellectuals. Citizens of the late Soviet Union, however, creatively adapted and inverted the image of Pinochet to express their cynical contempt for their state’s ideology. From the late 1980s, a veritable cult of the Communist-slayer developed among some of Russia’s new political, cultural and economic elites. His combination of authoritarian rule and a free market economy seemed to many the most viable means to overcome, once and for all, what they perceived as the remnants of a totalitarian system with an abysmal economic performance. Following the traces of Pinochet’s perception in Russia opens up a number of lines of inquiry into its contemporary history as it recalls both the constantly failing attempts at economic reforms in the late Soviet Union and the tragic history of Russian liberalism. The Chilean lessons for Russian reformers also challenge a Westernization paradigm that has long dominated transformation studies of Russia and Eastern Europe in the 1980s and 1990s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The former concentration camp Villa Grimaldi is one of dozens of memorial sites in Chile that stand as highly visible reminders of the brutal Pinochet years when kidnapping and torture were commonplace techniques that the state employed to intimidate the nation and subdue resistance. As one of Chile's oldest memorial sites that recall the Pinochet era, the Parque por la Paz Villa Grimaldi powerfully reminds visitors of the importance to preserve historical memory of an era fraught with terror and elemental struggle (Gómez-Barris 32). Perhaps more than almost any other memorial site in Chile today, with the possible exception of Santiago's General Cemetery, Villa Grimaldi has captured the imagination of the general population, as Macarena Gómez-Barris has shown through her recent (and ongoing) work on 'witness citizenship' (29). Villa Grimaldi has also provided subject matter to Chilean artists and writers, as well as to committed social and political activists, as one of the most emblematic of all Chilean historical memory sites that bear witness to how communities recall such atrocities in order to honor the victims and resist future instances of state-sanctioned violence. Two Chilean writers whose works focus on Villa Grimaldi are Germán Marín (El palacio de la risa, 1995) and Guillermo Calderón (Villa, 2012). Both authors explore the historical and psychological impact that this site has had on Chilean consciousness, though in different ways and through distinct genres. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

In most accounts Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship is understood to have impeded the development of political science in Chile. This article seeks to destabilize this understanding by showing that important elements of the infrastructure of the discipline were created during, and sometimes by this authoritarian regime. More concretely, through an in-depth and extensive examination of the political science produced during the Chilean dictatorship, I identify and characterize an institutional and intellectual space that I will call Authoritarian Political Science (APS). The findings challenge the dominant narrative that links the institutionalization of our discipline in Latin America to liberal democracy in a linear fashion, and suggest the need for a nuanced, empirically informed and theoretically dense understanding of political science's multiple historical trajectories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The Carabineros de Chile played an active role in the repression and leadership of the Pinochet regime, yet today, the police force is one of the most respected institutions in Chile. Few post-authoritarian democracies have been able to restore such esteem for their police as quickly. But what does respect mean? This study analyses the narratives of approximately 50 police experts in Chile. It finds that police experts regard the positive image of the Carabineros as having more to do with fear and an effective communications strategy than police reform. It is important to understand how those Chileans most involved in policy discussions on policing interpret the reasons for respect, as their interpretations can shape the types of policing advocated or practised. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER] more...

The article explores the role of women and youth in the regime of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet through an examination of the workings of Chilean secretariats, or administrative departments. Particular focus is given to the Secretariat of Women and the Secretariat of Youth, both of which were controlled by the General Secretariat of Government, and their relationship with the central Chilean military government. more...

Copyright of Revista Uruguaya de Ciencia Política is the property of Instituto de Ciencia Politica (Universidad de la Republica de Uruguay) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

The article offers an examination of the novel "Últimos días de la historia," by Roberto Brodsky, focusing on how the work addresses the regime of Chilean dictator Augusto Pinochet, life in Chile under the political party Unidad Popular, Chile's 1973 coup d'état and life in postdictatorial Chile. It explore how Chile has been marked by sociopolitical change and discusses the concept of unsettling nostalgia in relation to the political changes the county has undergone. more...

Historically, women played a very traditional role in Chilean society, and under Pinochet women were assumed to continue playing a private role while men dominated the public sphere of politics. Ironically, Pinochet's regime with its neo-liberal economic policies and political oppression resulted in women's collective action which meant that women's role in politics was transformed. They now began to play more public roles as they took on more economic and political roles outside the home. This article focuses on the arpillera workshops which allowed women to play an important political role in the democratization process and assist in removing Pinochet from power. After the transition to democracy, women's political role was not suddenly and unequivocally expanded, but the election of Michelle Bachelet illustrates the legacy of the arpillera movement and how women have become more effective public actors and active participants in Chilean democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Chilean democracy is today more consolidated and inclusive than before the military dictatorship or at any point since the center-left Concertación government came to power. Yet the 1973 coup and Augusto Pinochet's dictatorship remain a defining moment in Chilean history. After all, democracy has been built on the foundations set in place by the country's-1980 Constitution. Although the Constitution has been amended several times, it is a reminder that Pinochet is the father of today's Chile, and the Concertación coalition a deserving stepfather. Four consecutive Concertación governments have helped heal deep social and political wounds and have presided over the most successful period of growth and progress in the nation's history. I discuss the shortcomings of Chilean democracy before 1973 and the status quo of democracy. Although I acknowledge the threat these might pose to further democratic consolidation, they are evidence of a healthy and working democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This article analyses the “struggle for memory" in Chile after the Pinochet dictatorship. Drawing on theories seeking to combine the concept of “collective memory" with methods of oral history, the main focus will be on the “emblematic memories". After the end of the dictatorship, the two most influential narratives of the past came from the democratic government of the Concertaciûn and from the military, in alliance with the oppositional parties of the right-wing. The article traces back how previously antagonistic versions of the past, held by the government and the military respectively, have evolved into a hybrid leading narrative that still maintains the two adversary versions in a disconnected manner. This hybrid memory leaves the struggle for a moral consensus a task for current memory politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Copyright of Cuadernos del CENDES is the property of Universidad Central de Venezuela and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.) more...

Long before September 11, 2001, September 11 was a significant date for many Chileans, Latin Americans, and North Americans. On that day in 1973, the government of Salvador Allende, the democratically elected socialist president of Chile, was overthrown in a U.S.-backed military coup. Even before that day, North Americans had formed Chile solidarity groups to create and disseminate alternative media products to cover the dramatic changes taking place in Chile and to counter some of the coverage of Chile in the mainstream U.S. press. The solidarity movement's media, particularly the newsletters, provided mass audiences with a non-establishment version of U.S. involvement in Chilean affairs before and during Allende's administration. And after September 11, 1973, they provided an alternative assessment of events during the military dictatorship of General Augusto Pinochet Ugarte and kept his human rights violations in the public eye. The solidarity media also helped create a national network of like-minded North Americans, kept solidarity activists informed and motivated, recruited new activists, and agitated for political and governmental change, especially in the area of foreign policy, among other things. This study, which grew out of an award-winning conference paper, is the first attempt to piece together the history of the Chile solidarity media and catalog its media products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The paper describes the political events of 2006, featuring the election and assumption of Michelle Bachelet as Chile's President in March, and the death of the former dictator Augusta Pinochet in December. Even though the new Government augured in tune with the citizenship, and despite good economic performance, the political institutions exhibit a growing distrust from citizens, which started early with demonstrations of high school students, and a rollover of corruption scandals. In part, these problems can be seen as the Government's own fault, including a weak cabinet of ministers. However, the main reason for most of the wear away is the current moment of the Concertación, the ruling coalition with 17 years in power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

In the transition from military rule to democracy, the government of Augusto Pinochet bequeathed to Chile a unique electoral law by which all legislative seats are contested in two-member districts. A key implication of this rule is that in order to secure legislative majorities, coalitions have to put their strongest candidates in the most precarious electoral list positions. This generates a divergence of interests between coalitions and politicians. Chile's largest coalition, the Concertación, has resolved the dilemma by providing appointed posts to unsuccessful congressional candidates who accept personal political risk on the coalition's behalf. This study argues that this insurance system has provided the critical glue to hold the coalition together since Chile's transition to democracy in 1990. Recent changes in the electoral environment could threaten the Concertación's control over the appointed posts that have sustained this informal institution. This could jeopardize the Concertación's cohesion during the process of negotiating coalition candidate lists for the 2005 legislative elections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

This paper analyses the direction and degree of labour reform in Chile since the restoration of democracy in 1990 after seventeen years of military dictatorship. The regime of General Augusto Pinochet (1973-90) adopted a highly repressive political character and implemented neo-liberal economic policies, which, together with the institutional restructuring that accompanied them, transformed vast sectors of Chilean society. The 1979 Labour Plan significantly changed the character of industrial relations legislation and the roles and balance of power among social actors, transforming the way in which industrial relations had been conducted since the 1920s. We argue that, despite more than a decade since the restoration of democracy, and after several rounds of reform, the current legislation presents remarkable continuity with the one enacted under authoritarianism, contradicting claims that profound change has been achieved. In attempting to explain the direction and degree of the so-called Transition's Labour Reforms, we emphasize the importance of political-economy approaches. We explore the conservative nature of the Chilean transition to democracy, the continuity of the neo-liberal economic model and the increasing imbalance of power between capital and labour, in an effort to account for the persistence of the authoritarian legacy in today's Chilean industrial relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

Provides information on the government of Chile under the administration of General Augusto Pinochet. Developments in Chile after the authoritarian regime of Socialist President Salvador Allende; Role of Pinochet in the political democratization of Chile; Significance of the Constitution of Chile in 1980 to the role of the army in maintaining order in Chile; Changes in the government of Chile after a 1987 law that legalized the formation of political parties in the country. more...

Comments on the socio-political developments in Chile on the 30th anniversary of Augusto Pinochet's coup d'etat on September 11, 1973. Aftermath of the event in which Pinochet created an illegitimate regime that used terror as a strategic weapon; Questions raised on the possibility of forcing hegemony under imperial domination; Propositions regarding the Popular Unity party's role before the coup. more...

Focuses on the terrorism and political violence in Chile during the regime of Augusto Pinochet. Level of political and social polarization in Chilean society during the regime; Relative economic stability achieved by the country in the years following the establishment of the regime; Violations of human rights committed between 1973 and 1989. more...

Presents evidence for a different characterization of the military dictatorship under General Augusto Pinochet in Chile. Authoritarianism and institutions; Personalization of power and military rule in Chile; Formation of the junta and definition of the presidency; Constitution of 1980. more...

This article explains the persistent influence of General Augusto Pinochet in Chilean politics. After leaving the presidency in 1990, he managed to fuse his personal position with that not only of the institution of the army but of the armed forces as a whole, making Pinochet and the military almost indistinguishable. By doing so Pinochet sought to equate any attack on him with an attack on the institution. The military, in turn, accepted him as its spokesman and defender. He viewed his role as that of Cincinnatus, an emperor twice called to save ancient Rome. Throughout the 1990s Pinochet represented a serious obstacle to democratisation. With his intimate ties to the military institution, his influence--perhaps even after death--can never be discounted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR] more...

The article discusses the scope of civil-military relations based on the context of democratic transition in Chile. The role of the Chilean government is to protect the polity and social integrity of the country as well as the power to dictate the armed forces. These roles have influenced politics and society. The year 1990 is the end of the monopoly by a military-civilian alliance led by Augusto Pinochet. This historical change have transformed politics and society. The reasons for the constructed reality of civil-military relations include the nature of transition from dictatorship to civilian rule and the divergent views of civilian and military leaders on political legitimacy. more...

Provides information on the National Renewal (RN) and the Independent Democratic Union (UDI), two conservative groups in Chile. Origins and development of the conservative split to the RN and the UDI; Impact of General Augusto Pinochet's arrest to the two parties. more...

Discusses the impact of General Augusto Pinochet's arrest to Chilean politics in 1999. Profile of Pinochet; Views of Chileans on Pinochet; Supporters of Pinochet; Implications of his arrest on the governing Concertacion coalition in Chile. more...

Focuses on public events that break in upon Chile's national consciousness to evoke associations with symbols and causes associated with the political past. Significance of the arrest of former President Augusto Pinochet on the country's democratic transition; Legacy left by dictatorship and sharp polarization; Aspects of expressive dimensions of politics. more...

Focuses on significance of the Chilean elections in December 1999. Effects of the arrest of General Augusto Pinochet in London, England on political stability of Chile; Prediction of political turmoil by the supporters of Pinochet; Impact of the government on the economy. more...

Examines the events surrounding the arrest of Augusto Pinochet, former president of Chile. Rallies conducted by the Democratic Independent Union; Extent of claims against the Pinochet administration; Policy of Chilean President Eduardo Frei. more...

This article recounts the author's experiences of human rights violations during Augusto Pinochet's military dictatorship and reflects on the prospects for a better future for Chile. The Chilean military dictatorship not only murdered our youth, built gargantuan cement monuments such as the one known as the White Elephant, that is, the Chilean Congress in Valparaiso, an enormous building of immense rooms erected by Pinochet, the ex-dictator. I believe that the Chilean dictatorship managed to destroy our political life, our desire to talk about ideologies, ethical and moral values. The Pinochet dictatorship muzzled us and paradoxically continues to silence us in the new democratic times. Nobody speaks about anything in today's Chile. Democracy has transformed us into a solitary, silent people that still shudder, kept busy only by our daily chores. To speak of human rights or testimonial literature is now out of style, an issue of the past. The fascist dictatorship left us a legacy of internalized fear and fatigue. We are exhausted after seventeen years of dread and horror, we are tired of political promises and of words such as stability, order, and justice. more...

Examines the reasons for Chile's successful transition towards consolidating democracy in Latin America. Implementation of the Constitution by General Pinochet; Contribution of President Aylwin's administration; Authoritarian government; Indebtedness, mass poverty and inflation; Economic stabilization; Income distribution; Chilean labor movement; Guerrilla groups; Military and civilian control. more...

Analyzes the prospects for an end to the military regime of Augusto Pinochet in Chile. Characterization of government authority in Chile; Political economy of authoritarianism; Growing militancy of the protest movement; Appointment of the conservative Sergio Onofre Jarpa to the post of minister of the interior. more...

The article explores the upcoming crisis in Chilean politics following the establishment of the military junta by Augusto Pinochet. The military government was established by Pinochet after overthrowing Socialist President Salvador Allende through a successful coup d'etat. An overview of the economic performance of Chile under the military government is provided. It relates how the Constitution of Chile supports the possibility for Pinochet to remain in power to year 2005. It describes the changes in the Chilean Communist Party. more...

The article discusses the process of transition to democracy of Chile. In 1986, Alianza Democratica (AD), a conglomeration of seven opposition parties, broke with left-wing coalition Movimento Democratica Popular (MDP) to restate its tactics and relationship with the administration of Augusto Pinochet. According to the author, the political strategy adopted by the AD displaced social mobilization of the masses in favor of political-electoral maneuvers of Chile's political class. The author emphasizes that the main issue about the political shifts among the Chilean opposition is the nature and goals of the social and political forces in conflict. more...

An interview with Christian Left Party found Sergio Bitar and journalist Juan Pablo Cárdenas is presented. Bitar characterizes the political situation in Chile, as well as the forces set in motion by the defeat of Army's Augusto Pinochet in the plebescite. Bitar also addresses the effect of dictatorship on the society. Meanwhile, Cárdenas comments on the change in the level of repression and democratic activity. He also describes the popular movement at present. more...