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Understanding Kazakhstan's plague history is crucial for early warning and effective health disaster management. We used descriptive-analytical methods to analyze spatial data for human cases in natural plague foci in Kazakhstan during 1926-2003. The findings revealed 565 human cases across 82 outbreaks in Almaty (32.22%), Aktobe (1.59%), Atyrau (4.42%), Mangystau (21.24%), and Kyzylorda (40.53%) oblasts. Before antibiotic drugs were introduced in 1947-1948, major plague outbreaks occurred in 1926, 1929, 1945, 1947, and 1948, constituting 80.7% of human transmission. Plague spread through flea bites, camel handling, wild animal contact, aerosol transmissions, and rodent bites. Patients were up to 86 years of age; 49.9% were male and 50.1% female. Pulmonary cases were reported most frequently (72.4%), and person-to-person infection occurred at an incidence rate of 0.29 cases/10,000 population. Risk increased with human expansion into natural plague foci areas. Swift diagnosis and treatment are essential for curbing plague outbreaks in Kazakhstan.

This paper has several aims: to determine if Yersinia pestis was the causative agent in the last Scottish plague outbreak in the mid-17th century; map the geographic spread of the epidemic and isolate potential contributing factors to its spread and severity; and examine funerary behaviours in the context of a serious plague epidemic in early modern Scotland. Results confirm the presence of Y. pestis in individuals associated with a mid-17th century plague pit in Aberdeen. This is the first time this pathogen has been identified in an archaeological sample from Scotland. The geographic spread of the plague from 1644 through to 1649 is generally, with some key exceptions, restricted to the central lowlands of Scotland. The role of administrative responses to the epidemic in managing its spread and distribution is unclear. Finally, normative funerary practices tended to co-exist with mass burial scenarios. In conclusion, the distribution of the epidemic is arguably a function of population density/distribution, transportation networks, and the chaos associated with the concurrent civil war. Administrative responses to the epidemic likely had a variable, albeit limited, effect in the central lowlands. More peripheral cities, such as Aberdeen, while also employing sophisticated plague prevention measures, were perhaps initially spared simply due to their distance from the central plague belt. It is unclear if a general fear of the dead and contracting the Pest from plague victims can be used to characterise mid-17th century Scottish public opinion. Mass burial appears to have been a practical approach to the logistical problems mass mortality presented, while many instances of normative burial treatment can also be seen., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist., (Copyright: © 2024 Dittmar et al. This is an open access article distributed under the terms of the Creative Commons Attribution License, which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original author and source are credited.)

The image of dazed, plague-infected rats coming out of their nests and performing a pirouette in front of the surprised eyes of humans before dying is one well-known to us through Albert Camus's The Plague (1947). This article examines the historical roots of this image and its emergence in French missionary narratives about plague outbreaks in the Chinese province of Yunnan in the 1870s on the eve of the Third Plague Pandemic. Showing that accounts of the "staggering rat" were not meant as naturalist observations of a zoonotic disease, as is generally assumed by historians, but as a cosmological, end-of-the-world narrative with a colonial agenda, the article argues for an approach to historical accounts of epidemics that does not succumb to the current trend of "virus hunting" in the archive, but rather takes colonial outbreak narratives ethnographically seriously., (© The Author(s) 2024. Published by Oxford University Press.)

Breakthroughs in international biomedical science circa 1900 meant that plague could be contained through strict quarantine regulations. These measures were successfully deployed with help from local governments during outbreaks of pneumonic plague in Manchuria (1910-11), Shanxi (1918), and elsewhere in North China. This containment shows the effectiveness of uniting international knowledge and local cooperation in disaster response. Yet, in later outbreaks in similar locations, control measures identical to those instituted a decade earlier were rejected, and plague spread largely unchecked. Historical case studies of the control and spread of infectious disease in North China reveal the complexities of the relationship between global knowledge and its broader, local integration, variation in what constitutes effective 'local' cooperation in adopting international knowledge, and the paramount importance of the locality to the landscape of disaster response. History can reveal critical issues in localisation of disaster response still salient today., (© 2024 ODI.)

The plague of 1630-1632 was one of the deadliest plague epidemics to ever hit Northern Italy, and for many of the affected regions, it was also the last. While accounts on plague during the early 1630s in Florence and Milan are frequent, much less is known about the city of Imola. We analyzed the full skeletal assemblage of four mass graves (n = 133 individuals) at the Lazaretto dell'Osservanza, which date back to the outbreak of 1630-1632 in Imola and evaluated our results by integrating new archival sources. The skeletons showed little evidence of physical trauma and were covered by multiple layers of lime, which is characteristic for epidemic mass mortality sites. We screened 15 teeth for Yersinia pestis aDNA and were able to confirm the presence of plague in Imola via metagenomic analysis. Additionally, we studied a contemporaneous register, in which a friar recorded patient outcomes at the lazaretto during the last year of the epidemic. Our multidisciplinary approach combining historical, osteological and genomic data provided a unique opportunity to reconstruct an in-depth picture of the last plague of Imola through the city's main lazaretto., (© 2021. The Author(s).)

Background: This perspective documents the historical aspects of outbreaks of plague of last six decades, establishment of plague surveillance network in India with detailed insights about its activities and recent developments requiring focus on plague surveillance. Human plague was reported in Mulbagal area of Karnataka in 1966-67 only to re-emerge in the country in 1994 in Beed district (Maharashtra) and subsequently in Surat (Gujarat). Later Plague outbreak has been reported in the year 2002 with index case from Village Hatkoti, Shimla District in Himachal Pradesh. The last outbreak reported from India was in 2004 from Village Dangaud, Uttarkashi District in Uttarakhand followed by a period of quiescent since last 17 years., Objectives: During the last few decades, at least three geographical areas experienced outbreaks of plague after silent period of 28 years. We recapitulate the response mechanism for containing outbreaks during the last three outbreaks of plague held in Maharashtra & Gujarat (1994), Himachal Pradesh (2002) and Uttarakhand (2004). We also document the Plague surveillance network of India and its activities which is a comprehensive surveillance system comprising of rodent, flea, canine and human surveillance whose foundation was started in 1964. The recent developments of last decade in terms of revised Human plague surveillance case definitions, Plague surveillance sites, vector control, novel diagnostics and vaccines in our country are also mentioned., Conclusion: The thrust areas in control of plague outbreak are early detection and isolation of cases, timely effective antibiotic treatment, chemoprophylaxis to contacts, strengthening of surveillance system and massive IEC campaign in infected areas. Yersinia pestis (causative agent of Plague) also being an important bioterrorism agent, clinicians need to pay special attention to diagnose and microbiologists must be provided skilled training for laboratory confirmation to this pestilential disease for effective and timely management., (Copyright © 2021 Indian Association of Medical Microbiologists. Published by Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

The plague, an infectious disease caused by the bacterium Yersinia pestis, is widely considered to be responsible for the most devastating and deadly pandemics in human history. Starting with the infamous Black Death, plague outbreaks are estimated to have killed around 100 million people over multiple centuries, with local mortality rates as high as 60%. However, detailed pictures of the disease dynamics of these outbreaks centuries ago remain scarce, mainly due to the lack of high-quality historical data in digital form. Here, we present an analysis of the 1630-1631 plague outbreak in the city of Venice, using newly collected daily death records. We identify the presence of a two-peak pattern, for which we present two possible explanations based on computational models of disease dynamics. Systematically digitized historical records like the ones presented here promise to enrich our understanding of historical phenomena of enduring importance. This work contributes to the recently renewed interdisciplinary foray into the epidemiological and societal impact of pre-modern epidemics.

Plague, caused by Yersinia pestis infection, continues to threaten low- and middle-income countries throughout the world. The complex interactions between rodents and fleas with their respective environments challenge our understanding of human plague epidemiology. Historical long-term datasets of reported plague cases offer a unique opportunity to elucidate the effects of climate on plague outbreaks in detail. Here, we analyse monthly plague deaths and climate data from 25 provinces in British India from 1898 to 1949 to generate insights into the influence of temperature, rainfall and humidity on the occurrence, severity and timing of plague outbreaks. We find that moderate relative humidity levels of between 60% and 80% were strongly associated with outbreaks. Using wavelet analysis, we determine that the nationwide spread of plague was driven by changes in humidity, where, on average, a one-month delay in the onset of rising humidity translated into a one-month delay in the timing of plague outbreaks. This work can inform modern spatio-temporal predictive models for the disease and aid in the development of early-warning strategies for the deployment of prophylactic treatments and other control measures.

Objective and Methods: We analyze the influence of population movement on susceptibility to death and resilience during two epidemics occurring in Dijon soon after the Black Death. Using a specific program designed to propose links between entries in annual tax registers, we define tentative heads of household, the elapsed time since their first registration and their ties with other persons within the city., Results: During the 1400 epidemic heads of household who were registered for 1-3 years die in large numbers, whereas during years without epidemics, their death rate is lower than that of heads of household who were registered longer. Recent registration is an epidemic vulnerability factor only in association with a low taxation status, which, when isolated, does not influence mortality. A lack of familial ties within Dijon is another vulnerability factor among the recently registered. This suggests that poor, recent emigrants are more affected by epidemic mortality. In contrast, the mortality of recently registered heads of household is indistinct during a later epidemic occurring after several years of major famine that may have selected the more resistant emigrants and/or excluded the more miserable of them from our analysis. In contrast to the first one, this second epidemic is followed by rapid demographic recovery. This latter recovery is fully explained by the contribution of poor, newly registered heads of household without ties in Dijon., Conclusion: Our results outline the interaction between population movement and low socioeconomic status on death susceptibility in historical plagues and show that poor recent emigrants may also be key players in the resilience of the population after an epidemic., Competing Interests: The authors have declared that no competing interests exist.

Plague synchronously swept across separated regions in Europe throughout history. However, the spatio-temporal synchrony of plague and its driving mechanism have not been thoroughly investigated. In this study, we transformed the historical European plague database spanned 1347-1800 CE into country-level time-series that differentiated large-scale plague outbreak from counted data. We found that there are 74 years in which two or more countries in our study region (UK, France, Germany, Spain, and Italy) experienced large-scale plague outbreak in the same year. Our Multivariate Ripley's K-function results showed that the onset year and the cessation year of large-scale plague outbreak are synchronized at the 0-23-year and 0-20-year windows, respectively. The temporal association between such synchrony and climatic forcing was further investigated using the Superposed Epoch Analysis, and drought was found to be responsible for the synchrony. Integrating our results with a literature survey, we suggested that prior to the peak of plague, the occurrence of drought and the subsequent reintroduced rainfall dampened both the rodent community and human society and boosted the number of fleas that carried plague. Such a synthesis facilitated the outbreak of plague. At the same time, high temperature associated with such drought also confined the geographic diffusion of the plague. Hence, although continental mega-drought could initiate the synchrony of plague outbreak, the synchrony actually consisted of a number of localized plague outbreak events scattering across different regions in Europe. According to the projected rising trend of drought in terms of its magnitude, duration, and geographic extent, the risk of synchrony of rodent-borne diseases in Europe will be significantly elevated, especially in France, Italy, and Spain., (Copyright © 2019 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Until the 19th century, the factor causing epidemics was not known, and the escape from a place where it occurred as well as isolation of patients was considered to be the only effective way to avoid illness and death. Quarantine in a sense similar to modern times was used in 1377 in Ragusa, today's Dubrovnik, during the plague epidemic. It was the first administratively imposed procedure in the world's history. It was later used in Venice and other rich port cities in the Mediterranean. On the territory of today's Poland, quarantine measures were used by the so-called Mayor of the Air - LukaszDrewno in 1623 during the plague epidemic in Warsaw. The quarantine left its mark on all areas of human activity. It affected all humanity in a way that is underestimated today. Throughout history, it has been described and presented visually. It is omnipresent in the world literature, art and philosophy. However, the isolation and closure of cities, limiting trade, had an impact on the economic balance, and the dilemma between the choice of inhabitants' health and the quality of existence, i.e. their wealth, has been the subject of discussions since the Middle Ages. Since the end of the 19th century, quarantine has lost its practical meaning. The discovery of bacteria and a huge development of medical and social sciences allowed limiting its range. In the 20th century isolation and quarantine no longer had a global range, because the ability to identify factors causing the epidemic, knowledge about the incubation period, carrier, infectiousness, enabled the rational determination of its duration and territorial range. The modern SARS COV 2 pandemic has resulted in a global quarantine on a scale unprecedented for at least three hundred years. The aim of this paper is to present the history of quarantine from its beginning to the present day, including its usefulness as an epidemiological tool., (© National Institute of Public Health – National Institute of Hygiene.)

Background and Aims: Nucleotide Oligomerisation Domain 2 [NOD2] is a key gene of innate immunity which participates in the host defence against pathogens. Several loss-of-function NOD2 mutations are associated with Crohn's disease [CD]. Their high frequencies in populations of European ancestry suggest a model of balancing selection. Because NOD2 deficiency has been associated with a resistance to Yersinia pseudotuberculosis in mice, we hypothesised that NOD2 mutations have been selected during past plague outbreaks due to the closely related bacterium Yersinia pestis., Methods: Contemporary frequencies of the main CD-associated NOD2 mutations [R702W, G908R, and 1007fs], measured in healthy people from European and Mediterranean countries, were collected from 60 studies via a PubMed search. Plague exposure was calculated from a dataset providing outbreaks from 1346 to 1860 in Europe and the Mediterranean Bassin. A plague index was built to capture the intensity of plague exposure in the studied geographical areas., Results: NOD2 mutation frequencies were associated with the past exposure to plague. Statistical significance was obtained for the most frequent mutation [R702W, p = 0.03] and for the pooled three mutations [p = 0.023]. The association remained significant when putative demographic biases were considered., Conclusions: This result argues for a selection of CD-associated NOD2 mutations by plague outbreaks and further questioned the role of exposure to enteropathogenic Yersinia species in CD., (Copyright © 2019 European Crohn’s and Colitis Organisation (ECCO). Published by Oxford University Press. All rights reserved. For permissions, please email: journals.permissions@oup.com.)

The first historically documented pandemic caused by Yersinia pestis began as the Justinianic Plague in 541 within the Roman Empire and continued as the so-called First Pandemic until 750. Although paleogenomic studies have previously identified the causative agent as Y. pestis , little is known about the bacterium's spread, diversity, and genetic history over the course of the pandemic. To elucidate the microevolution of the bacterium during this time period, we screened human remains from 21 sites in Austria, Britain, Germany, France, and Spain for Y. pestis DNA and reconstructed eight genomes. We present a methodological approach assessing single-nucleotide polymorphisms (SNPs) in ancient bacterial genomes, facilitating qualitative analyses of low coverage genomes from a metagenomic background. Phylogenetic analysis on the eight reconstructed genomes reveals the existence of previously undocumented Y. pestis diversity during the sixth to eighth centuries, and provides evidence for the presence of multiple distinct Y. pestis strains in Europe. We offer genetic evidence for the presence of the Justinianic Plague in the British Isles, previously only hypothesized from ambiguous documentary accounts, as well as the parallel occurrence of multiple derived strains in central and southern France, Spain, and southern Germany. Four of the reported strains form a polytomy similar to others seen across the Y. pestis phylogeny, associated with the Second and Third Pandemics. We identified a deletion of a 45-kb genomic region in the most recent First Pandemic strains affecting two virulence factors, intriguingly overlapping with a deletion found in 17th- to 18th-century genomes of the Second Pandemic., Competing Interests: The authors declare no conflict of interest., (Copyright © 2019 the Author(s). Published by PNAS.)

Often described as "masks" face-worn devices are employed as personal protection equipment by health workers and the general public and considered to be an indispensable technology against epidemics. Simultaneously, they are potent symbols of existential risk. Could these material and visual aspects be more than simply indexically connected? In this article, I examine these apparatuses through a historical anthropological approach of their invention during the 1910-11 Manchurian plague outbreak. Arguing that they should be taken seriously as masks, I demonstrate that their emergence was rooted in their configuration as transformative agents of medical reason.

Bubonic plague has caused three deadly pandemics in human history: from the mid-sixth to mid-eighth century, from the mid-fourteenth to the mid-eighteenth century and from the end of the nineteenth until the mid-twentieth century. Between the second and the third pandemics, plague was causing sporadic outbreaks in only a few countries in the Middle East, including Egypt. Little is known about this historical phase of plague, even though it represents the temporal, geographical and phylogenetic transition between the second and third pandemics. Here we analysed in detail an outbreak of plague that took place in Cairo in 1801, and for which epidemiological data are uniquely available thanks to the presence of medical officers accompanying the Napoleonic expedition into Egypt at that time. We propose a new stochastic model describing how bubonic plague outbreaks unfold in both rat and human populations, and perform Bayesian inference under this model using a particle Markov chain Monte Carlo. Rat carcasses were estimated to be infectious for approximately 4 days after death, which is in good agreement with local observations on the survival of infectious rat fleas. The estimated transmission rate between rats implies a basic reproduction number R of approximately 3, causing the collapse of the rat population in approximately 100 days. Simultaneously, the force of infection exerted by each infected rat carcass onto the human population increases progressively by more than an order of magnitude. We also considered human-to-human transmission via pneumonic plague or human specific vectors, but found this route to account for only a small fraction of cases and to be significantly below the threshold required to sustain an outbreak.0 of approximately 3, causing the collapse of the rat population in approximately 100 days. Simultaneously, the force of infection exerted by each infected rat carcass onto the human population increases progressively by more than an order of magnitude. We also considered human-to-human transmission via pneumonic plague or human specific vectors, but found this route to account for only a small fraction of cases and to be significantly below the threshold required to sustain an outbreak., (© 2017 The Author(s).)

The recent use of next-generation sequencing methods to investigate historical disease outbreaks has provided us with an unprecedented ability to address important and long-standing questions in epidemiology, pathogen evolution, and human history. In this review, we present major findings that illustrate how microbial genomics has provided new insights into the nature and etiology of infectious diseases of historical importance, such as plague, tuberculosis, and leprosy. Sequenced isolates collected from archaeological remains also provide evidence for the timing of historical evolutionary events as well as geographic spread of these pathogens. Elucidating the genomic basis of virulence in historical diseases can provide relevant information on how we can effectively understand the emergence and re-emergence of infectious diseases today and in the future., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

The digitisation of historical disease images and their widespread availability on the internet have been a boon to education and research, but with unintended consequences, including the misrepresentation of infectious diseases in the past and the viral spread of misinformation. Many medieval images containing scenes of infectious disease come from non-medical sources and are not meant to convey any medical meaning. Erroneous modern captions have led to the publication of several historical images labelled as depictions of the plague, although artistic and textual evidence shows that they are not. Mislabelled images lose their intended historical narrative, and their use creates a distorted view of the past and of the disease in question. Scholars should give the same careful consideration to an image's evidentiary context that they would insist on giving to all other forms of evidence., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

On 2 July 1637 43-year-old Elizabeth Burgess, from Canterbury, was buried at Birchington, Kent, having died of the plague in the hamlet of Wood in that parish. She was the first victim of an outbreak of plague in 1637. This article firstly examines that outbreak in Birchington in detail; then it considers how far the parish's experience matched that in nearby Faversham and Sandwich. It finally discusses the extent to which the infection spread to the surrounding area.

Nathaniel Hodges was the son of Thomas Hodges (1605-1672), an influential Anglican preacher and reformer with strong connections in the political life of Carolingian London. Educated at Westminster School, Trinity College Cambridge and Christ Church College, Oxford, Nathaniel established himself as a physician in Walbrook Ward in the City of London. Prominent as one of a handful of medical men who remained in London during the time of the Great Plague of 1665, he wrote the definitive work on the outbreak. His daily precautions against contracting the disease included fortifying himself with Théodore de Mayerne's antipestilential electuary and the liberal consumption of Sack. Hodges' approach to the treatment of plague victims was empathetic and based on the traditional Galenic method rather than Paracelsianism although he was pragmatic in the rejection of formulae and simples which he judged from experience to be ineffective. Besieged by financial problems in later life, his practice began to fail in the 1680s and he eventually died in a debtor's prison., (© The Author(s) 2014.)

The paper gives the results of a comparative analysis of the prerequisites for the emergence and spread of epidemics of particularly dangerous infections, by using plague in Manchuria (1910-1911) and Ebola virus disease in West Africa (2014-2015) as examples. Analysis of literature and archival data and online information could reveal a number of common factors and conditions, which substantially contributed to the epidemics. Organization of anti-epidemic (preventive) measures in cases of the threatening epidemic spread, of particularly dangerous diseases must be based on the minimization, of the influence of the specific factors and conditions, which facilitate disease transmission in a given area in a given time.

Objectives: This work was designed to adapt Geographical Information System-based spatial analysis to the study of historical epidemics. We mapped "plague" deaths during three epidemics of the early 15th century, analyzed spatial distributions by applying the Kulldorff's method, and determined their relationships with the distribution of socio-professional categories in the city of Dijon., Materials and Methods: Our study was based on a database including 50 annual tax registers (established from 1376 to 1447) indicating deaths and survivors among the heads of households, their home location, tax level and profession. The households of the deceased and survivors during 6 years with excess mortality were individually located on a georeferenced medieval map, established by taking advantage of the preserved geography of the historical center of Dijon. We searched for clusters of heads of households characterized by shared tax levels (high-tax payers, the upper decile; low-tax payers, the half charged at the minimum level) or professional activities and for clusters of differential mortality., Results: High-tax payers were preferentially in the northern intramural part, as well as most wealthy or specialized professionals, whereas low-tax payers were preferentially in the southern part. During two epidemics, in 1400-1401 and 1428, areas of higher mortality were found in the northern part whereas areas of lower mortality were in the southern one. A high concentration of housing and the proximity to food stocks were common features of the most affected areas, creating suitable conditions for rats to pullulate. A third epidemic, lasting from 1438 to 1440 had a different and evolving geography: cases were initially concentrated around the southern gate, at the confluence of three rivers, they were then diffuse, and ended with residual foci of deaths in the northern suburb., Conclusion: Using a selected historical source, we designed an approach allowing spatial analysis of urban medieval epidemics. Our results fit with the view that the 1400-1401 epidemic was a Black Death recurrence. They suggest that this was also the case in 1428, whereas in 1438-1440 a different, possibly waterborne, disease was involved.

The Black Death, originating in Asia, arrived in the Mediterranean harbors of Europe in 1347 CE, via the land and sea trade routes of the ancient Silk Road system. This epidemic marked the start of the second plague pandemic, which lasted in Europe until the early 19th century. This pandemic is generally understood as the consequence of a singular introduction of Yersinia pestis, after which the disease established itself in European rodents over four centuries. To locate these putative plague reservoirs, we studied the climate fluctuations that preceded regional plague epidemics, based on a dataset of 7,711 georeferenced historical plague outbreaks and 15 annually resolved tree-ring records from Europe and Asia. We provide evidence for repeated climate-driven reintroductions of the bacterium into European harbors from reservoirs in Asia, with a delay of 15 ± 1 y. Our analysis finds no support for the existence of permanent plague reservoirs in medieval Europe.

The work moves from the low mortality of the plague of Palermo in 1575 - 1576 in comparison to similar outbreaks and contemporary analysis of the activity of Ingrassia, a man that the city government had wanted at his side. The extraordinary health interventions, including those to favor of the predisposition of health building to isolation, gears for a more wide-ranging than the traditional one. The isolation adopted by Ingrassia wasn't a novelty because it was already in use half a century earlier, as the Previdelli wrote. We assume that the population in crisis, hungry and out of work for the huge military expenditure of king Philip II, would have prompted the City government to use the outbreak for the purposes of <>. At the same goal always answered in the sixteenth century the establishment of the parish, created to divide the territory in order to guide and control the practice of the faith of the people. Ingrassia, a man next to political power, which in turn welded with the spiritual power in order to implement the Catholic Counter-Reformation, justified the coercive initiatives towards the population. The practice of medicine, as still happens today, is affected by the conditions of the policy, raising one of the fundamental principles of bioethics, the question ofthe independence ofthe doctor: a physician divided by the duty to represent the legitimate interests of the patient and those of political power, perhaps not always shared. It is a new interpretation of the activity of Ingrassia and his <> results than the plague.

Human plague remains a public health concern in Tanzania despite its quiescence in most foci for years, considering the recurrence nature of the disease. Despite the long-standing history of this problem, there have not been recent reviews of the current knowledge on plague in Tanzania. This work aimed at providing a current overview of plague in Tanzania in terms of its introduction, potential reservoirs, possible causes of plague persistence and repeated outbreaks in the country. Plague is believed to have been introduced to Tanzania from the Middle East through Uganda with the first authentication in 1886. Xenopsylla brasiliensis, X. cheopis, Dinopsyllus lypusus, and Pulex irritans are among potential vectors while Lophuromys spp, Praomys delectorum, Graphiurus murinus, Lemniscomys striatus, Mastomys natalensis, and Rattus rattus may be the potential reservoirs. Plague persistence and repeated outbreaks in Tanzania are likely to be attributable to a complexity of factors including cultural, socio-economical, environmental and biological. Minimizing or preventing people's proximity to rodents is probably the most effective means of preventing plague outbreaks in humans in the future. In conclusion, much has been done on plague diagnosis in Tanzania. However, in order to achieve new insights into the features of plague epidemiology in the country, and to reorganize an effective control strategy, we recommend broader studies that will include the ecology of the pathogen, vectors and potential hosts, identifying the reservoirs, dynamics of infection and landscape ecology.

In recent decades, the issue of emerging and re-emerging infectious diseases has become an increasingly important area of concern in public health. Today, like centuries ago, infectious diseases confront us with the fear of death and have heavily influenced social behaviors and policy decisions at local, national and international levels. Remarkably, an infectious disease such as plague, which is disseminated from one country to another mainly by commercial transportation, remains today, as it was in the distant past, a threat for human societies. Throughout history, plague outbreaks prevailed on numerous occasions in Mediterranean harbors, including Marseille in the south of France. A few months ago, the municipal authorities of the city of Marseille, announced the archaeological discovery of the last remnants of a "lazaretto" or "lazaret" (http://20.minutes.fr, March 3th, 2012), a place equipped with an infirmary and destined to isolate ship passengers quarantined for health reasons. More recently, on September 16th, 2012, the anchor of the ship "Grand Saint Antoine" responsible for bringing the plague to Marseille in 1720, was recovered and it will be restored before being presented to the public in 2013 (http://www.libemarseille.fr/henry/2012/09/lancre-du-bateau-qui-amena-la-grande-peste-%C3%A0-marseille.html). In the light of these recent archaeological discoveries, it is quite instructive to revisit the sequence of events and decisions that led to the outbreak of the Great Plague of Marseille between 1720 and 1723. It comes to the evidence that although the threat was known and health surveillance existed with quite effective preventive measures such as quarantine, the accumulation of small negligence led to one of the worst epidemics in the city (about 30% of casualties among the inhabitants). This is an excellent model to illustrate the issues we are facing with emerging and re-emerging infectious diseases today and to define how to improve biosurveillance and response tomorrow. Importantly, the risk of plague dissemination by transport trade is negligible between developed countries, however, this risk still persists in developing countries. In addition, the emergence of antibiotic resistant strains of Yersinia pestis, the infectious agent of plague, is raising serious concerns for public health., (Copyright © 2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

In the new millennium, the centuries-old strategy of quarantine is becoming a powerful component of the public health response to emerging and reemerging infectious diseases. During the 2003 pandemic of severe acute respiratory syndrome, the use of quarantine, border controls, contact tracing, and surveillance proved effective in containing the global threat in just over 3 months. For centuries, these practices have been the cornerstone of organized responses to infectious disease outbreaks. However, the use of quarantine and other measures for controlling epidemic diseases has always been controversial because such strategies raise political, ethical, and socioeconomic issues and require a careful balance between public interest and individual rights. In a globalized world that is becoming ever more vulnerable to communicable diseases, a historical perspective can help clarify the use and implications of a still-valid public health strategy.

The plague is an infectious disease that has transcended through history and has been responsible for three pandemics with high mortality rates. During the third pandemic that started in Hong Kong (1894), the disease spread through maritime routes to different regions in the world, including South America. In this region, approximately 16 million people are thought to be at risk in relation to this disease due to specific situations like human-rodent coexistence inside houses in rural areas, homes built with inadequate materials that are vulnerable to invasion by these animals, inappropriate storage of crops and an increase in rainfall and deforestation, which allows for the displacement of wild fauna and man invasion of the natural foci of the disease. Between 1994 and 1999, five countries: Bolivia, Brazil, Ecuador, Peru and the United States of America, reported approximately 1,700 cases with 79 related deaths. In Colombia we have historical data about an "infectious pneumonia" with high mortality rates that occurred during the same months, for three consecutive years (1913 to 1915) in the departments of Magdalena, Atlántico and Bolívar, located in the Colombian Atlantic coast, which suggested plague, but could not be confirmed.

Natural disasters have always been followed by a fear of infectious diseases. This raised historical debate about one of the most feared scenarios: the outbreak of bubonic plague caused by Yersinia pestis. One such event was recorded in the Indian state Maharashtra in 1994 after an earthquake. In multidisciplinary historical approach to the evolution of plague, many experts ignore the possibility of natural foci and their activation. This article presents historical records from the Byzantine Empire about outbreaks of the Plague of Justinian occurring months or even up to a year after high-magnitude earthquakes. Historical records of plague outbreaks can be used to document existence of natural foci all over the world. Knowledge of these historical records and the contemporary examples of plague support the assumption that, in terms of organising humanitarian aid, poor monitoring of natural foci could lead to unpredictable epidemiological consequences after high-magnitude earthquakes.

In their medical-historical review, the authors assess the evolution of bubonic plague epidemics: after breaking out in the Egyptian port of Pelusium in October 541 AD, the epidemics hit several regions in the Mediterranean basin in a succession of waves. The so-called Justinian plague took its name from the Byzantine emperor of the period, and seriously conditioned the expansionary aims of the Eastern Roman empire towards Italy (which was occupied by Goths), and Northern Africa (where the Vandals had settled), during the first decades of its spread. In the Eastern Empire the plague played a considerable role in reducing the tensions between Persians and Byzantines, especially on the Syrian and Anatolian fronts. It had a major demographic impact, reducing the possibility of recruitment to the Roman legions and leading to a significant drop in tax revenues, which were essential to sustain the state and its military machine. Finally, the plague also took its toll on economic resources (especially agriculture), indirectly leading to a vicious inflationary circle. In the space of over two centuries, plague epidemics paralyzed most trade and commercial exchanges. Furthermore, the Justinian plague, halting the consolidation of the influence of the Eastern Roman empire over some Western regions (including Italy and Northern Africa, which were ruled by Barbarians), supported the development and rise of a number of Roman-Barbarian kingdoms. It may therefore be suggested that the Justinian plague occurred at a very critical historical moment, which represents the real watershed between the Ancient World and the upcoming Middle Ages.

The outbreak of bubonic plague that struck London and Westminster in 1636 provoked the usual frenzied response to epidemics, including popular flight and government-mandated quarantine. The government asserted that plague control measures were acts of public health for the benefit of all. However, contrary to this government narrative of disease prevention there was a popular account that portrayed quarantine and isolation as personal punishment rather than prudent policy. In examining the 1636 outbreak on the parish as well as the individual level, reasons for this inconsistency between official and unofficial perspectives emerge. Quarantine and its effects were not classless, and its implementation was not always strictly in the name of public health. Government application of quarantine was remarkably effective, but it could never be uncontroversial both because of circumstances and because of misuse. The flight of the wealthiest from London and Westminster left only the more socially vulnerable to be quarantined. Though plague policy was financially sensitive to the poorest, it was costly to the middling sort. Another cause of controversy was the government's use of quarantine as a punishment to control individuals found breaking other laws. Though not widely publicized, popular narratives continually included grievances about the cruelty and inequity of quarantine and the militaristic nature of its implementation. Despite these objections, quarantine remained a staple of the government response to plague outbreaks throughout the seventeenth century.

Witness testimonies in the 1363 canonization inquest for Countess Delphine de Puimchel help us explore differing reactions to the first two waves of plague in 1348 and 1361, the diverse social and healing networks available to the sick, and the importance of affect in the healing process. Every witness in the inquest had lived through both the 1348 and 1361 epidemics. Their testimonies show that sufferers actively sought out healing even when they feared that none existed, healing practitioners continued to care for the sick through both waves of epidemic, and emotion played an important role in sufferers' healing. Their language allows us to look at the interaction between miracle and medicine, the interaction of healing practitioners, and the expectations of sufferers during severe epidemics in the later Middle Ages.

The lack of valid demographic data and the literary ambiguities of the Byzantine chroniclers raise questions about the actual size and mortality rate of the Black Death in the Byzantine Empire. This study presents for the first time a quantitative overview of the Black Death in Byzantium for the period 1347-1453. Our data were obtained from descriptions of the plague, by prominent Byzantine historians and scholars, grouped by time of appearance and geographical spread. During the period 1347-1453, a total of 61 plague reports were noted, which can be distinguished in nine major epidemic waves, 11 local outbreaks and 16 disease-free periods. The capital Constantinople and the Venetian colonies of the Ionian and Aegean Sea were the areas most affected by the plague. The epidemic waves of the Black Death in Byzantium had a total average duration of 3.2 years. Scientific ignorance of the nature of the disease, a turbulent period of warfare and an organized maritime network seem to have contributed to the spread of the disease. Employing quantitative analysis, our multidisciplinary study sheds light from various standpoints on the evolution and dynamic of the plague in the South-eastern Mediterranean during the 14th and 15th centuries, despite the lack of sound morbidity and mortality data.

Background: Plague is a re-emerging disease and its pneumonic form is a high priority bio-terrorist threat. Epidemiologists have previously analysed historical outbreaks of pneumonic plague to better understand the dynamics of infection, transmission and control. This study examines 3 relatively unknown outbreaks of pneumonic plague that occurred in Suffolk, England, during the first 2 decades of the twentieth century., Methods: The Kolmogorov-Smirnov statistical test is used to compare the symptomatic period and the length of time between successive cases (i.e. the serial interval) with previously reported values. Consideration is also given to the case fatality ratio, the average number of secondary cases resulting from each primary case in the observed minor outbreaks (termed R(minor)), and the proportion of individuals living within an affected household that succumb to pneumonic plague via the index case (i.e. the household secondary attack rate (SAR))., Results: 2 of the 14 cases survived giving a case fatality ratio of 86% (95% confidence interval (CI) = {57%, 98%}). For the 12 fatal cases, the average symptomatic period was 3.3 days (standard deviation (SD) = 1.2 days) and, for the 11 non index cases, the average serial interval was 5.8 days (SD = 2.0 days). R(minor) was calculated to be 0.9 (SD = 1.0) and, in 2 households, the SAR was approximately 14% (95% CI = {0%, 58%}) and 20% (95% CI = {1%, 72%}), respectively., Conclusions: The symptomatic period was approximately 1 day longer on average than in an earlier study but the serial interval was in close agreement with 2 previously reported values. 2 of the 3 outbreaks ended without explicit public health interventions; however, non-professional caregivers were particularly vulnerable - an important public health consideration for any future outbreak of pneumonic plague.

This article discusses the plague epidemic that broke out in Scotland in the mid 1640s, particularly its effects on the city of Aberdeen where it remained virulent from April 1647 until the end of the following year. Prevailing medical understandings of disease causation and transmission will be discussed, and it will be shown that governments attempted to restrict outbreaks in accordance with these beliefs. The spread of plague throughout Scotland from 1644 will be summarised, with the focus on the impact of the disease on Aberdeen in 1647-48. The surviving council registers and other primary sources will be used to show how the city's governors responded to the dual threat of miasma and contagion in well-established ways.

This article discusses responses to disease in Aberdeen during a formative period in the provision of healthcare within the city. The foundation of King's College was followed, in 1497, by the establishment of the first royally endowed university Chair of Medicine in the British Isles, and its first incumbent, James Cumming, was employed by the local government as the first city doctor in 1503. His appointment had been preceded in 1497 by another legislative innovation in Aberdeen, when its council became the first civic body in the British Isles to implement regulations against the threat of the Great Pox (usually considered to be syphilis). It had subsequently to pass measures to prevent the spread of plague to the city, and these were typical of those already imposed elsewhere in Scotland and on the continent. Their apparent success in staving off plague lasted until 1514, when the city was struck by a severe outbreak which lasted two years.

The demographic effects of the epidemics of plague in Early Modern Europe and their economic consequences illuminate the evolution of property structures and of wealth distribution during and after a mortality crisis. An analysis of the high-quality data available for the Italian city of Ivrea at the time of the 1630 plague shows the exceptional resilience of property structures. Like the social structures of the period, property structures were able to recover quickly, informed as they were by the lessons learnt by trial and error by the patrician families of the late Middle Ages, whose patrimonies had been badly damaged by the Black Death. In a period of recurrent catastrophes that struck European populations during the Old Demographic Regime, apparently 'inegalitarian' institutions seem to have had long-term 'egalitarian' effects.

Many infectious diseases were described in North Africa in 18th-19th centuries by European travellers. Most of them were allegedly imported by new migrant populations coming from sub-Saharan, European or Middle East countries. Plague outbreaks have been described since the Black Death as diseases of the Mediterranean harbours. Charles Nicolle and his collaborators at the Pasteur Institute were witnesses to the extinction of plague and typhus fever in Tunisia. Both could be considered as endemo-epidemic diseases propagated by ancient nomad communities for centuries. Typhus was exported to other countries; plague was imported by Mediterranean travellers but also hid in unknown wild-animal reservoirs. The role of the bite of a rat's flea was not confirmed and the pneumonic form might have prevailed in the medieval North African cities. Association between plague, typhus, flu and other causes of immune deficiencies could explain the high morbidity and mortality caused by plague in the past. The authors comment the local history of plague at the light of the evolutionary laws of infectious disease proposed by Charles Nicolle in 1930.

Background: Recent studies have noted myriad qualitative and quantitative inconsistencies between the medieval Black Death (and subsequent "plagues") and modern empirical Y. pestis plague data, most of which is derived from the Indian and Chinese plague outbreaks of A.D. 1900+/-15 years. Previous works have noted apparent differences in seasonal mortality peaks during Black Death outbreaks versus peaks of bubonic and pneumonic plagues attributed to Y. pestis infection, but have not provided spatiotemporal statistical support. Our objective here was to validate individual observations of this seasonal discrepancy in peak mortality between historical epidemics and modern empirical data., Methodology/principal Findings: We compiled and aggregated multiple daily, weekly and monthly datasets of both Y. pestis plague epidemics and suspected Black Death epidemics to compare seasonal differences in mortality peaks at a monthly resolution. Statistical and time series analyses of the epidemic data indicate that a seasonal inversion in peak mortality does exist between known Y. pestis plague and suspected Black Death epidemics. We provide possible explanations for this seasonal inversion., Conclusions/significance: These results add further evidence of inconsistency between historical plagues, including the Black Death, and our current understanding of Y. pestis-variant disease. We expect that the line of inquiry into the disputed cause of the greatest recorded epidemic will continue to intensify. Given the rapid pace of environmental change in the modern world, it is crucial that we understand past lethal outbreaks as fully as possible in order to prepare for future deadly pandemics.

During the 17th and 18th centuries, measures were taken by the Venetian administration to combat plague on the Ionian Islands. At that time, although the scientific basis of plague was unknown, the Venetians recognized its infectious nature and successfully decreased its spread by implementing an information network. Additionally, by activating a system of inspection that involved establishing garrisons along the coasts, the Venetians were able to control all local movements in plague-infested areas, which were immediately isolated. In contrast, the neighboring coast of mainland Greece, which was under Ottoman rule, was a plague-endemic area during the same period. We conclude that even in the absence of scientific knowledge, close observation and social and political measures can effectively restrain infectious outbreaks to the point of disappearance.