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The lithic assemblage from Shizitan 29, a late Upper Paleolithic open-air site in Shanxi, China, provides evidence for the earliest, well-dated microblade production in East Asia, ca. 26/24 Ka cal BP. To pursue a behavioral rather than traditional typological understanding of this key adaptive technology, we apply a techno-functional approach that enables us to reconstruct the entire operational sequence in behavioral terms through the derivation of technical objectives. This methodology can serve as a model to be applied to other assemblages for greater understanding of the origins and spread of the broadly distributed eastern Asian Late Pleistocene microblade industries. Within the eight cultural layers at Shizitan 29, microblade production abruptly appears at the top of Layer 7 following earlier core-and-flake production, supporting hypotheses of microblade technology arising within adaptive strategies to worsening Late Glacial Maximum environments. Significantly, reconstruction of the operational sequence supports microblade technology being introduced into the North China Loess Plateau from regions further north. It also allows us to re-think microblades’ relationship in behavioral terms with earlier limited examples of East Asian blade production and the evolution and spread of microblade technology, providing new insights into the adaptive relationships between subsequent microblade productions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Food security intertwined with the need to maintain biological survival of a demographically viable population is the basic long-term policy for all societies. This paper compares selected cases of successful and failed Paleolithic groups of hunter-gatherers, as recorded archaeologically across Eurasia and Africa, in responding to the impacts of abrupt climatic changes. The complex prehistory of Pleistocene foragers is briefly compared to strategies adopted by Neolithic farmers. The major difference between forager and farmer economies is not their social organization as much as the access options to alternative territories and food resources. Open Pleistocene landscapes across Eurasia and Africa allowed for movements of Paleolithic groups over large distances with or without adopting new exploitation techniques. Successes and failures that we measure in a chronological macro-scale left archaeological evidence (lithic assemblages, faunal remains, occasional flimsy dwellings, etc.) in various regions, recorded by systematic and comprehensive surveys and excavations. However, we miss the chronological micro-scale of most of the Paleolithic period that could inform us about extinctions. We can identify only survival stories explained as successful adaptations. When farming communities were established during the course of the Holocene, variable modes of social and economic interactions and group resilience evolved in order to secure survival in years of bad harvests. Interactions with foragers and herders, competition, raids, village abandonment, migration into others' territories, were among the optional strategies. Due to the difference in chronological scales between 2.6 Ma of the Paleolithic period and the 12 Ka of the Holocene (or Anthropocene), we can more easily recognize the role of abrupt climatic changes among prehistoric societies during the Terminal Pleistocene and the Holocene and evaluate the success and failure of both, hunter-gatherers and farmers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Three engraved limestone plaquettes from the recently excavated Epipaleolithic open-air site Ein Qashish South in the Jezreel Valley, Israel comprise unique evidence for symbolic behavior of Late Pleistocene foragers in the Levant. The engravings, uncovered in Kebaran and Geometric Kebaran deposits (ca. 23ka and ca. 16.5ka BP), include the image of a bird—the first figurative representation known so far from a pre-Natufian Epipaleolithic—along with geometric motifs such as chevrons, crosshatchings and ladders. Some of the engravings closely resemble roughly contemporary European finds interpreted as "systems of notations" or "artificial memory systems"–records related to timing of seasonal resources and associated aggregation events of nomadic groups. Moreover, similarly looking signs and patterns are well known from the context of the local Natufian—a final Epipaleolithic culture of sedentary or semi-sedentary foragers who started practicing agriculture. The investigation of the engravings found in Ein Qashish South involves conceptualizations developed in studies of European and local parallels, a selection of ethnographic examples and preliminary microscopic observations of the plaquettes. This shows that the figurative and non-figurative images comprise a coherent assemblage of symbols that might have been applied in order to store, share and transmit information related to social and subsistence realms of mobile bands. It further suggests that the site functioned as a locality of groups' aggregation and indicates social complexity of pre-Natufian foragers in the Levant. While alterations in social and subsistence strategies can explain the varying frequency of image use characterizing different areas of the Late Pleistocene world—the apparent similarity in graphics and the mode of their application support the possibility that symbol-mediated behavior has a common and much earlier origin. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The use of bamboo by hominins in Southeast Asia has long been used as an explanation for the lack of stone tool innovation and diversity in that region during the Pleistocene. The paleoenvironmental and ethnographic basis of “Bamboo hypothesis” has been critiqued recently, but those factors are not directly relevant to the question of whether prehistoric hominins actually used bamboo. There is an even more rudimentary question that should be answered first: is it even possible to make complex bamboo tools with simple flaked cobble tool industries? This paper shows that it is indeed possible to procure and manipulate bamboo in a variety of ways with replicated stone tools. Not all bamboo stems are of equal quality, which should add a layer of intricacy in need of consideration by any future advocate of the Bamboo Hypothesis. Pilot knapping studies are also discussed, and suggest that the raw material constraints presented by local raw materials may generally be given undue weight in the morphological appearance of Southeast Asian Pleistocene stone tools. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This paper summarizes the social evolution of the Pleistocene Palaeolithic sequence of the Levant. It examines the available cultural records as reflecting a non-continuous record that was created by the impacts of mainly human inward migrations followed by the development of local cultures and mixing with foreigners. Outward migrations are yet poorly known due to the paucity of solid information from neighboring geographic territories. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: The site of ’Ubeidiya provides a unique paleontological record in the Early Pleistocene of the Levantine Corridor, with a rich faunal assemblage, as well as evidence for the presence of early hominins. This research presents a revision of the bovid record of the site found in the last seasons of excavations (1989–1999) as well as the previously published material. Five species of bovids have been identified [Bos oldowayensis, Bovini gen. et sp. indet. (cf. Bison sp.), Oryx sp., Antelopini gen. et sp. indet (cf. Pontoceros ambiguus/Spirocerus sp.), and Gazella sp. cf. Gazella gazella]. The paleoecological reconstruction of the site based on the bovid assemblages supported a non-homologous ecology not similar to any African environment today. This bovid assemblage is biochronologically compatible with previous ages proposed for the site based on the paleomagnetism and the carnivore guild, around 1.6–1.2 Ma. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

An eyed bone needle fragment found in Shizitan 29 site, Shanxi Province, dated to ca . 23–26 ka cal BP, is one of the early needles with a precise stratigraphic context and date among the open-air Palaeolithic sites in North China. Although the needle was found broken, based on microwear observation and experiments in making and using bone needles, we conclude that it had been used for sewing. Further archaeological evidence, including a sandstone needle-shaping stone, drilling tools, perforated ornaments, and microscopic evidence of thread, support the presence of a bone needle at the Shizitan 29 site. It was the same type as the bone needles used in Siberia during the Late Pleistocene, and the use of needles at Shizitan was one of the strategies for making warm clothes to adapt to the coming of the Last Glacial Maximum (LGM, 24,000–18,000 cal BP). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]