Search

Objectives. To investigate what transpires at opioid overdoses where police administer naloxone and to identify the frequency with which concerns about police-administered naloxone are observed. Methods. We reviewed body-worn camera (BWC) footage of all incidents where a Tempe, Arizona police officer administered naloxone or was present when the Tempe Fire Medical Rescue (TFMR) administered it, from February 3, 2020 to May 7, 2021 (n = 168). We devised a detailed coding instrument and employed univariate and bivariate analysis to examine the frequency of concerns regarding police-administered naloxone. Results. Police arrived on scene before the TFMR in 73.7% of cases. In 88.6% of calls the individual was unconscious when police arrived, but 94.6% survived the overdose. The primary concerns about police-administered naloxone were rarely observed. There were no cases of improper naloxone administration or accidental opioid exposure to an officer. Aggression toward police from an overdose survivor rarely occurred (3.6%), and arrests of survivors (3.6%) and others on scene (1.2%) were infrequent. Conclusions. BWC footage provides a unique window into opioid overdoses. In Tempe, the concerns over police-administered naloxone are overstated. If results are similar elsewhere, those concerns are barriers that must be removed. (Am J Public Health. 2022;112(9):1326–1332. https://doi.org/10.2105/AJPH.2022.306918) [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An editorial is presented on the Police Body-Worn Cameras (BWC) as a tool for achieving police reform. It expresses the view on two factors relating to the police agency deploying cameras such as the agency's pre-deployment starting point and the agency's BWC implementation methods. It also highlights the importance of the local context for the researchers, policymakers, and police practitioners.

In 2017, San Francisco (SF) implemented Law Enforcement Assisted Diversion (LEAD), a program Beckett described as harm reduction policing. Through a process and outcome evaluation of LEAD SF, this paper demonstrates the positive impacts of harm reduction policing, on those who use drugs and/or engage in sex work. When law enforcement officers used their discretion to divert individuals into LEAD rather than arrest, those individuals had significantly fewer felony and misdemeanor arrests and felony cases, in comparison to a propensity score matched group. The focus group and interview data describe that the collaboration, the warm handoff, and LEAD's harm reduction principles were mechanisms of success. However, obtaining officer buy-in was a key challenge. Despite that obstacle, LEAD SF's harm reduction policing reduces offending, improves the wellbeing of people who use drugs and engage in sex work, and allows the police to carry out their mandate to protect and serve. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2016, San Francisco (SF) implemented the Law Enforcement Assisted Diversion (LEAD) program, a harm reduction–based pre-booking diversion system for people who violate drug laws and/or are engaged in sex work. LEAD is set apart from existing diversion programs, as it uses police as point of entry. Prior LEAD studies indicate some success in reducing recidivism and improving life outcomes. However, less is known about program implementation, including barriers and facilitators. Relying on policy documents, interviews, and focus groups, this study describes the LEAD SF's development, operations, adaptations, and challenges. It also identifies the unique context of LEAD SF that led to implementation barriers and facilitators. Results show that SF experienced success in collaboration, relationship building, and client connections to services but experienced challenges in securing and maintaining police officer buy-in and keeping clear and open lines of communication regarding LEAD goals, objectives, policies, and procedures. This led to the termination of LEAD SF in 2020. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drug and alcohol offences represent a significant portion of police work. Officers commonly rely on subjective indicators of intoxication, and prosecutors depend on officer evidence collection, written reports, and testimony at trial. Police body-worn cameras (BWCs) have diffused widely in policing partly due to their perceived evidentiary value, but the extent to which BWCs affect the adjudication of such offences remains unanswered. The current study explores this question with 7,000 misdemeanour cases from Tempe (Arizona), filed from 2014 to 2017. The Tempe Police Department deployed BWCs from November 2015 to May 2016. Results indicate that BWCs had no impact on guilty outcomes, but cameras were associated with significantly shorter time to adjudication. We discuss the important policy implications of these thought-provoking findings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research on police body-worn cameras (BWCs) has rapidly expanded to evaluate the technology's impact on a range of police outcomes. Far fewer studies have addressed the various effects on downstream criminal justice actors, and those that do have focused almost entirely on prosecutors. Thus, public defenders have remained on the periphery of the police BWC discussion, despite playing an important role as an end-user of the technology. This study draws on qualitative data from focus groups with public defenders in the Commonwealth of Virginia to discuss the perception of BWCs as neutral observers in a police–citizen encounter. We then provide implications and recommend avenues for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study assessed the early deployment of the Anaheim Police Department's body-worn camera (BWC) program in 2015 by examining camera activations across officers, trends in activations over time, and how different police–community contacts predict BWC activations. These were assessed with correlational analyses among 40 BWC-equipped officers in the first 6 months of their use. Activation of the BWCs among officers varied widely, with 6-month average activations ranging from 0% to 72%. Average activation rates increased over time from 3% to 54%. Officers disproportionately activated their cameras for events related to crimes; for example, activation rates for other categories were significantly lower compared to violent crimes, with odds ratios ranging from 0.148 to 0.663. The article concludes with a discussion on how the failure to activate a BWC limits the potential benefits of the technology. While officers have considerable discretion on when to activate their BWCs, law enforcement agencies must not only train and deploy BWCs among their officers but also audit and supervise individual use to ensure successful BWC programs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reports that research on police body-worn cameras (BWCs) has dramatically increased in the last 5 years and notes increased funding for research, role played by politics and money, and skepticism surrounding technology.