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The article examines politics and government in Poland in 2010. It discusses the political consequences of the crash of a Polish Air Force plane on April 10, 2010, in which 96 passengers died, including Polish president Lech Kaczynski, his wife, and several Polish military and civilian leaders. The article details how the Polish government continued following the constitutional line of succession. The author argues that Polish government institutions functioned according to legal requirements. The article discusses the Polish constitution's dual-executive arrangement and previous disputes between Kaczynski and Polish prime minister Donald Tusk. The article also examines alleged animosity between Polish political parties, presidential succession, and the presidential elections of 2010.

Presented is a political survey of the country of Poland for the year 2009. It is noted that significant changes were made to cabinet posts following charges of political corruption leveled at the government. A number of other events and developments are discussed including the fact that Poland was the only member state of the European Union that enjoyed positive economic growth during 2009, the brief term in office of Andrzej Czuma as minister of justice, and undue government influence on legislation regulating the gambling industry.

The article presents an overview of political developments in Poland for 2008. It includes an analysis of the political motives of leading public figures, and commentary on trends in public opinion regarding the events described. Notable issues in national politics are discussed. It is said that the most interesting political news involved debates over the Polish constitution's framework for executive power. Polish President Lech Kaczynski is the head of state, while Prime Minister Donald Tusk is the head of government.

This article presents a summary of analyses addressing the changing patterns of voting behavior in post-communist Poland as a context for examination of the issue of the relationship between regions defined by history (eighteenth-century partitions, border shifts after WWII) and contemporary forms of voting behavior. In the 1990s, the dominant cleavage in Polish politics was the one between the post-Solidarity and post-communist camps, and the best predictor of voting behavior was one's religiosity. In the first decade of the twenty-first century, this cleavage has been replaced by another, between the liberal, pro-European orientation and the more Euro-skeptic, populist attitudes. The empirical evidence seems to suggest that one end of the populist-liberal continuum is relatively well defined and represents the traditional system of values, which defines Polish national identity in terms of ethnic nationalism, strong attachment to Catholic dogmas, and denunciation of communism as a virtual negation of those values. The other end of this continuum is defined more by rejection of this nationalistic- Catholic "imagined community" than by any positive features. This article examines the relative role of identity-related factors (e.g., religiosity or region) and determinants based on one's socioeconomic (class) position in shaping voting patterns in the 2007 elections to the Polish Sejm and Senate. The empirical data come from a postelection survey, the Polish General Election Study 2007. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an overview of political developments in Poland as of December 2008. It includes information on the electoral fortunes of political parties such as Law & Justice, Civic Platform, and the Democratic Left Alliance. The government of Prime Minister Jarosław Kaczyński, and his twin brother President Lech Kaczyński is discussed. National political issues involving the health care service, especially protests by nurses over low wages, are described. An effort by Catholic political activists to ban abortions is also noted.

Abstract: The author argues that political opportunism, an attitude common among communist party members before 1989, turned into both the blessing and the curse for post-communist parties in Poland. Once hopeful of secure careers in the authoritarian structures of the old regime, after the regime breakdown communists found themselves in a situation where the only chance for such a career could be associated with the party reinventing itself as a player in the field of pluralist democracy. Opportunistic attitudes of communist apparatchiks and nomenklatura members were instrumental in transforming them, individually and collectively, into effective actors in market economy and competitive politics. Yet the same attitudes doomed the post-communists once the opportunities associated with access to political power opened up widely. The same people who in the 1990s were so apt in turning the rules of democratic game into their collective advantage, in the 2000s acted with a sense of impunity and lack of any consideration for political accountability that in democracies arrives at the end of any election cycle. Plagued by corruption scandals, they lost their popular base: the economically disadvantaged groups to nationalistic populists, the urbane libertarians to liberal democrats. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

The article discusses populism in Poland. The major political parties are the Law and Justice Party, Self-Defense of the Republic of Poland, League of Polish Families Party, Civic Platform, Polish Peasant Party, and Democratic Left Alliance/Left and Democrats. The different ideologies, the parliamentary-election campaigns, and decommunization are mentioned. The doctrines influencing Polish politics such as pro-market, anti-market, particularistic, and universalistic ideals are discussed in relation to the liberal-democratic, conservative or Christian-democratic, socialist or social-democratic, and populist movements. Statistics are given for six political parties in the parliamentary elections in 2001, 2005, and 2007.

The article presents an overview of political developments in Poland as of December 2007. It includes information on the agendas and electoral fortunes of political parties such as Law and Justice, Civic Platform, and Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej. The rise of identical twins Jarosław and Lech Kaczyński, the former of whom became Prime Minister and the latter President, is discussed. National political issues are also analyzed, involving legislation regarding military intelligence, the civil service, and the privatization of banking.

The article focuses on politics in Poland in 2005. It talks about the 2005 parliamentary and presidential elections that may indicate a growing stability of the party system. It states that while two center-right parties dominated the presidential vote, the parties failed to form a ruling coalition, resulting in a minority government by the Law and Justice (PiS) party under politician Lech Kaczyński. It mentions that the competition for victory in the parliamentary elections was limited to the liberal-democratic Civic Platform and the PiS, both of which are successors to the Solidarity movement.

The article looks at the government of Poland in 2004. Several national political issues are discussed, including Poland's accession to the European Union, the resignation of Prime Minister Leszek Miller, and his replacement by Marek Belka. The trial of film producer Lew Rywin, who was found guilty of fraud, is discussed. The actions of various political parties are reviewed, including the Sojusz Lewicy Demokratycznej, the Civic Platform, and the Freedom Union. Changes made to the electoral process of the European Parliament are also mentioned.

Looks into the deficiencies of state transformation in Poland, particularly on the subject of a procedural and a substantive interpretation of democracy. Evaluation of the Roundtable Accord of 1989; Case study of an imperfect consensus and political compromise; Analysis of the socio-political background of the institutional transformation in Poland.

The article discusses various issues related to the politics and government of Poland in 1998. The AWS/UW coalition government laid out the groundwork for major reforms designed to eliminate the Communist-era institutions and regulations in the pension system, health care, education, and state administration. Another political controversy was the possible past collaboration of public officials with the Communist secret services. Meanwhile, the law amended on June 5, 1998 re-introduces the three-level administrative division of the country and local self-government.

The article discusses several developments related to the politics and government of Poland in 1997. The two significant events in Polish politics were the constitutional referendum held on May 25, 1997 and the general elections held on September 21, 1997. The new Constitution of the Republic of Poland was taken up by the National Assembly on April 2, 1997. Likewise, the new Law on Political Parties was taken up by the Sejm bicameral parliament on June 27, 1997. It is noted that the most significant innovations were the raise of the minimum number of members essential for legal registration and regulations related to party finances.

The article discusses issues and topics related to politics and government in 1996 in Poland. The country has no elections conducted in this year but there was minimal changes in the composition of the Sejm or the Chamber of Deputies and the formation of a referendum on issues related to mass privatization which took place on February 18. In addition, the country is also facing an issue known as Oleksy affair which highlights the accusation made by Minister of Internal Affair Andrzej Milczanowski to Poland's Prime Minister Józef Oleksy. The article also presents tables depicting the party composition and cabinet members of Oleksy.

The article discusses various issues related to the politics and government of Poland in 1993. The outgoing Sejm embraced changes in electoral law aimed at limiting fragmentation by eliminating weaker parties from the Sejm. Meanwhile, the government continued its policies of economic reforms designed to privatize the state sector and its role in the expanding market. It is noted that President Lech Walesa supported a new organization known as Non-Party Bloc in Support of Reforms in the 1993 electoral campaign.