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This special issue of International Studies focuses on ‘how the British-exit is impacting the European Union’. This introduction is a review of the context, costs and institutional repercussions, as well as the very recent the UK/European Union trade deal and implications for customs borders. Eight articles then detail consequences for European Union policies and important trading relationships: Immigration, Citizenship, Gender, Northern Ireland, Trade and impacts on India, Canada and Japan.

Several Canadian and international scholars offer commentaries on the implications of the COVID-19 pandemic for governments and public service institutions, and fruitful directions for public administration research and practice. This second suite of commentaries considers the challenges confronting governments as a result of the COVID-19 pandemic and in the decades to come with an increasingly broad lens: the need to understand and rethink the architecture of the state given recent and future challenges awaiting governments; the need to rethink government-civil society relations and policies to deliver services for increasingly diverse citizens and communities; the need for new repertoires and sensibilities on the part of governments for recognizing, anticipating, and engaging on governance risks despite imperfect expert knowledge and public skepticism; how the COVID-19 crisis has caused us to reconceive international and sub-national borders where new "borders" are being drawn; and the need to anticipate a steady stream of crises similar to the COVID-19 pandemic arising from climate change and related challenges, and develop new national and international governance strategies for fostering population and community resilience.Plusieurs universitaires canadiens et internationaux ont offert des suggestions sur les implications de la pandémie du COVID‐19 pour les gouvernements et les institutions de la fonction publique, ainsi que des orientations futures pour la recherche et la pratique en administration publique. Cette deuxième série de commentaires examine les défis que devront affronter les gouvernements en raison de la pandémie de COVID‐19 et dans les décennies à venir, dans une optique large. Cette série souligne le besoin de comprendre et de repenser l'architecture de l'État, de revoir les relations entre le gouvernement et la société civile pour fournir des services à des citoyens et des communautés de plus en plus divers, d'élaborer de nouvelles façons d'identifier et d'anticiper les risques, et de s'engager malgré l'imperfection des connaissances d'experts et le scepticisme du public, de repenser les frontières, tout ceci en tenant compte des crises et défis à venir, de façon à promouvoir la résilience de la population et des communautés.

This special section (thanks to the Jean Monnet Network, a European Union Erasmus+ Grant) explores the impact of migration crises on European borders, internal and external, from a variety of disciplinary backgrounds. The following articles adopt comparative, historical, legal, sociological, and discursive approaches in order to confront questions arising from the 2015 Schengen and Dublin political crises, which seem to have put an end to the ideal of a “Europe without borders”.

Cet article analyse la contribution de la contestation contre l’UE a une narration alternative de l’Europe. Se fondant sur des theories de l’euroscepticisme, l’article soutient que la contestation contre l’UE ne necessite pas d’etre basee sur un rejet fondamental de l’integration europeenne. En effet, elle peut faire une contribution constructive a une vision alternative de l’Europe en accentuant des valeurs comme la solidarite, la democratie, les droits humains ou la protection de l’environnement. L’analyse empirique soutient cet argument en demontrant comment la contestation de l’UE en Allemagne a evoque des images de « heros » et de « scelerats » d’une Europe alternative.

The focus in this paper is on understanding the complex intersections between crises and memory politics in shaping conversations about citizenship through an examination of the two defining crises of our time: the global financial crisis (GFC) of 2008 and the migrant crisis in the European Union (starting in 2011 and continuing). The paper looks at these crises as narrative devices that intersect with memory politics in ways that heighten and intensify xenophobic and nationalist anxieties. The paper's discussion is primarily theoretical, complemented with evidence drawn from public statements and policy platforms of three key right-wing Eurosceptic parties in the United Kingdom, France, and Germany (the United Kingdom Independence Party (UKIP), the Rassemblement National (RN), and the Alternativ für Deutschland (AfD).

In North America, why and how municipalities in large metropolitan areas cooperate is a pressing question. Both in Canada and the United States, the literature has been greatly influenced by the public choice views that rational actors have very limited rational or economic incentives to cooperate unless the state steps in to rule cooperation. But beyond the ideological debate, these views are about issues of regional cooperation public choice (polycentrism); (3) metropolitan governance (new regionalism); and (4) rescaling and re-territorialization, which are tightly linked to value systems where: a) metropolitan government centers on monocentric efficiency; b) public choice on polycentric efficiency; c) metropolitan governance on equity and competitiveness; and d) rescaling and re-territorialization centers on global competitiveness. These discussions set the stage for this paper's main argument: in North America, the Greater Vancouver Regional District is an exemplary commitment to metropolitan cooperation.Spanish En Norteamérica esta emergiendo una pregunta urgente: ¿por qué y cómo cooperan los municipios de las grandes áreas metropolitanas? En Canadá y Estados Unidos, la literatura ha sido fuertemente influenciada por la teoría del public choice, según la cuál los actores racionales tienen muy escasos incentivos racionales o económicos para cooperar, a menos que el estado intervenga y ordene la cooperación. Obviamente, más allá del debate ideológico, estas visiones abordan asuntos de cooperación regional desde varias perspectivas normativas: (1) el gobierno metropolitano (antiguo regionalismo); (2) public choice (policentrismo); (3) gobierno metropolitano (nuevo regionalismo); y (4) reorganización escalar y re-territorialización, transformaciones que se conectan estrechamente al sistema de valores donde: a) el gobierno metropolitano se centra en la eficiencia monocéntrica, b) la public choice sobre la eficiencia policéntrica, c) la gobernanza metropolitana en la equidad y la competitividad, y d) la reorganizacion escalar y reterritorialización se enfoca sobre competitividad global. Estas discusiones preparan el escenario para el principal argumento de este artículo: en Norteamérica, el Gran Distrito Regional de Vancouver es probablemente un compromiso ejemplar de cooperación metropolitana.French En Amérique du Nord une question pressante se pose, à savoir pourquoi et comment les municipalités des grandes métropoles coopèrent. Tant au Canada qu'aux États-Unis la li érature a été fortement influencée par la théorie du choix public, selon laquelle les acteurs rationnels ne trouvent que très peu d'incitations rationnelles ou économiques qui les incitent à coopérer, à moins que l'État n'intervienne pour ordonner la coopération. Il est toutefois évident que, derrière le débat idéologique, ces débats abordent les questions de coopération régionale à partir de différentes perspectives normatives, (1) le gouvernement métropolitain (ancien régionalisme), (2) le choix public (polycentrisme), (3) la gouvernance métropolitaine (nouveau régionalisme), et (4) la réorganisation scalaire et la reterritorialisation, des transformations qu'elles relient étroitement à des systèmes de valeurs, où : a) le gouvernement métropolitain se centre sur l'efficacité monocentriste, b) le choix public sur l'efficacité polycentriste, c) la gouvernance métropolitaine sur l'équité et la compétitivité, et d) la réorganisation scalaire et la reterritorialisation se focalisent sur la compétitivité globale. Ces discussions forment la toile de fond du principal sujet de cet article : en Amérique du Nord, le Greater Vancouver Regional District constitue probablement un compromis exemplaire en matière de coopération métropolitaine.

Since 9/11 (11 September 1989) border and borderland studies have come back to the centre of numerous interdisciplinary discussions. Most of these focus on issues of security, hence, also addressin...

This paper addresses two questions. First, does free trade, and particularly economic integration, lead to a process of functional interdependency and to cross‐border linkages in North America? Second, do politics and institutions mediate this process? Specifically, how does the intergovernmental network linking local, regional, provincial/state, and federal institutions mediate this process and impact local level initiatives? To investigate these questions, this work focuses on cross‐border relations in three metropolitan border areas: the Canadian‐American border regions of Niagara‐Niagara, Windsor‐Detroit, and Vancouver‐Seattle. This study takes a Canadian perspective and thus primarily focuses on Canada, Ontario, and British Columbia, and on Niagara, Windsor, and Vancouver and their border regions. The findings presented in this paper suggest that economic integration may lead to cross‐border institution building when borderland communities also share the same value system.

Did the traumatic act of September 11, 2001, lead European and North American governments to reconsider their security regimes and their border security policies in particular? Canada and the United States brokered the Smart Border Agreement while the European Union member‐states elected to work together to build an area of freedom, security and justice. As both of these free trade regimes increasingly integrated, security costs also increased. The European Union abolished borders between member‐states in order to concentrate resources on external borders and co‐operate on security issues. In North America, each state reinvested in border security and increased co‐operation. Functionalists and neo‐functionalists would suggest that supranational institutions permit states to establish an effective border security perimeter strategy. However, issues of sovereignty may frustrate such views, and realist or multilevel governance approaches might predict more accurately how states reorganize their bord...