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Penelitian ini bertujuan untuk menjelaskan pengaruh media sosial terhadap dinamika masyarakat menurut perspektif Sosiologi Hukum dan pengaruh media sosial terhadap lahirnya bentuk-bentuk perbuatan hukum baru dalam Undang-Undang tentang Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik. Metode yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah penelitian hukum normatif, dengan menggunakan pendekatan peraturan perundang-undangan. Perkembangan teknologi informasi dan komunikasi telah mengubah peradaban manusia secara global. Perkembangan teknologi informasi dan komunikasi membuat dunia menjadi tanpa batas sehingga mengakibatkan terjadinya dinamika sosial dalam bermasyarakat. Media sosial di satu sisi bersifat privat, namun di sisi lain merupakan media publik karena dapat dilihat oleh orang lain. Bentuk-bentuk perbuatan hukum baru dalam Undang-Undang tentang Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik yaitu mendistribusikan dan/atau mentransmisikan dan/atau membuat dapat diaksesnya informasi elektronik dan/atau dokumen elektronik yang memiliki muatan yang melanggar kesusilaan, yang memiliki muatan perjudian, yang memiliki muatan penghinaan dan/atau pencemaran nama baik, dan yang memiliki muatan pemerasan dan/atau pengancaman. Selain itu, bentuk-bentuk perbuatan hukum baru dalam Undang-Undang tentang Informasi dan Transaksi Elektronik yaitu menyebarkan berita bohong dan menyesatkan yang mengakibatkan kerugian konsumen dalam transaksi elektronik serta menyebarkan informasi yang ditujukan untuk menimbulkan rasa kebencian atau permusuhan individu dan/atau kelompok masyarakat tertentu berdasarkan atas suku, agama, ras, dan antargolongan (SARA). Terakhir, seseorang dapat dipidana apabila mengirimkan informasi elektronik dan/atau dokumen elektronik yang berisi ancaman kekerasan atau menakut-nakuti yang ditujukan secara pribadi.

In spite of much emphasis on a “migration crisis” and studies on the “refugeeization” of the agricultural workforce in Italy, there is still little research on the impact of the NATO war on Libya and the militarization of EU borders in the Mediterranean on the development of labour exploitation and unfree labour in the sector. Focusing on the period between the 2007/8 global economic crisis, the 2011 uprisings in the Middle East and North Africa, until 2018, this article analyses the links between the system of neo-colonial extraction of Libyan resources that imposed itself after the war and the expansion of the reserve army of labour of Italian capital. We show that the militarization of EU borders further empowered militias involved in fuel, weapon and human smuggling, boosting a brutal system of detention, extortion and forced labour that both traps immigrants in Libya and pushes them towards Europe. Agri-business and retail corporations operating in Italy have benefitted from the continuing importation of energy and of vulnerable workers from Libya. The substitution of workers with immigrants with a status of asylum-seekers helps explain the diffusion of unfree labour in Italian agriculture over the last ten years. But immigrants’ experiences in Libya have also encouraged them to mobilize and reclaim their collective rights.

This article critically analyses the role religion (I refer here to Islam and Christianity) has played in promoting silence and extortion in Africa with particular reference to Nigeria. In my philosophical analysis, African and Western literatures will guide my reflection on religion, the role it played in advancing the colonial agenda and its use in today’s African societies. This analysis seeks to present a case for the position that the colonial debris of disempowerment, injustices, manipulation, and extortion are still very much part of African society. They have only assumed new outlooks and language, thus plunging many Africans into silence in the face of what is often presented as sacred and unknown. The desired aim of this article is to present a philosophical critique of religion by comparing it with existing use of religion in Africa, especially Nigeria. Keywords: Religion, Christianity, Extortion, Silence, Nigeria, Injustice

This paper examines the relationship between banditry, robbery committed by an organized, armed group of people and extortion, and the main normative sources of domestic legislation. In addition, official statistics provided to the Prosecutor General's Office of Ukraine were examined to assess the prevalence and risk of banditry. The author analyzes the features of the corpus delicti, their qualifications, and problematic issues in the application of this knowledge in the practice of law enforcement and judicial authorities. The articles cover certain aspects of robbery, such as burglary and violence or the threat of intrusion. Particular attention is paid to the main features of the gang, namely: the number of subjects of the crime; stability; armament; the general purpose of the group members; way of committing a crime. Parallels were drawn between banditry and robbery, especially in terms of armaments, distribution of tasks between accomplices, their relationship, subordination and provision of a plan for further criminal activity. In distinguishing between robbery and extortion, a characteristic difference was established in the time limits of violence or the threat of its use: in robbery, they are aimed at taking possession of property immediately at the time of their use; in extortion: actions that involve violence or the threat of its use, aimed at obtaining property, as well as the requirement to transfer property, combined with the threat to use violence against the victim or his close relatives in the future. Also the actions which are offered for qualification in actions of the person of signs of investigated structures of crimes are defined. The types of damage caused to victims are analyzed. Based on the study, the author concludes that banditry, robbery and extortion are different in their criminal law nature of crimes, which have their own unique features and differ significantly in the objects of encroachment, the objective parties, somewhat coinciding only object composition and subjective side.

Workers who go on strike are sometimes accused of holding their employer “to ransom”, the implication being that strike action is a kind of extortion. The paper provides an analytical reconstruction of this objection, before presenting and interrogating different strategies for countering it. The first says that work-stoppages can only be extortionate if they infringe an employer’s rightful claim to productive labour, but that no employer has any such claim under capitalism. The second says that work-stoppages cannot be extortionate because, by themselves, they cannot put an employer under duress. The third and most promising strategy says that an employer’s claim to the productive labour of workers is conditional upon his/her not exploiting them. This approach does not produce a blanket exoneration; it tells us that the aptness of describing a strike as extortionate depends on a prior appraisal of the conditions that the strikers work under, and the fairness with which they are treated.

Tato studie zkouma přiciny, nasledky a kontrolu studentských protestů, obzvlastě pak protest EndSARS (Specialni oddil proti loupežim). Pro studii byl zvolen popisný výzkum. Zucastnilo se ji celkem 600 vysokoskolských studentů zvolených vicefazovým vzorkovanim. Položeny byly tři výzkumne otazky a ke shromažděni dat byl použitý dotaznik Přiciny, nasledky a kontrola protestů mladeže (CCCYPQ). Zjistěni ukazala, že protesty byly zapřiciněny mimosoudnim zabitim, napadenimi, obtěžovanim, vydiranim, spatným vladnutim a nezaměstnanosti mladeže. Dale zjistěni naznacila, že nasledky protestů zahrnuji niceni života a majetku, hacking internetových stranek ministerstev a vladnich uřadů, agentur a firem, niceni vybaveni veřejne infrastruktury a narusovani akademických aktivit ve skolach. Ke kontrolnim opatřenim patři rozpustěni SARS, kompenzace pro oběti policejni brutality a programy pro ziskani dovednosti a pracovnich přiležitosti pro mladež. Ve vnimaných přicinach, nasledcich a kontrole protestů se nevyskytovaly výrazne genderove rozdily. Na zakladě zjistěni bylo doporuceno, aby se při kontrole studentských protestů využival dialog a spolecne rozhodovani.Alternate abstract:This study investigated the causes, consequences and control of student protests, especially the EndSARS (Special AntiRobbery Squad) protest. A descriptive survey was adopted for the study. A total of 600 undergraduates, selected by multi-stage sampling, participated in the study. Three research questions were raised and a questionnaire titled Causes, Consequences and Control of Youth Protest Questionnaire (CCCYPQ) was used to collect data. The findings showed that the protest was caused by extra-judicial killings, assaults, harassment, extortion, bad governance, and youth unemployment. In addition, the findings indicated that the consequences of the protest include destruction of lives and property, hacking of the websites of public ministries, departments, agencies and corporate organizations, destruction of public infrastructural facilities, and disruption of academic activities in schools. The various control measures include disbandment of SARS, compensation for victims of police brutality, and provision of skills acquisition programmes and employment opportunities for youths. There were no significant gender differences in the perceived causes, consequences and control of the protest. Based on the findings, it was recommended that dialogue and collaborative decision-making should be employed in controlling student protest.

The COVID-19 pandemic transformed the many intersections between policing and public health, illuminating profound effects of the interactions and collaborative efforts between both sectors in Nige...

The article discusses the issues of distinguishing two types of crimes: extortion (Article 163 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation) and coercion to complete a transaction or to refuse to complete it (Article 179 of the Criminal Code of the Russian Federation), the objective parties of which have a certain similarity, which gives rise to problems of qualification to take possession of the right to someone else’s property or commit other property actions. The practice of applying the norms in question is analyzed, the author points out the qualification errors in this kind of criminal cases, both at the stage of preliminary investigation and judicial examination. It is proposed to give an appropriate explanation of the Plenum of the Supreme Court of the Russian Federation.

This paper identifies offender choice patterns associated with extortion subtypes in El Salvador, Central America. Previous research attributes the rise of extortion in the country to the evolution...

How does violence shape citizens’ preferences for conflict termination? The existing literature has argued that violence either begets sympathy for more violence or drives support for making peace. Focusing on the 2016 Colombian Peace Agreement, this article finds that victimhood dissociation strongly shapes these preferences. With victimhood dissociation, a discrepancy exists between objective and subjective victimization, and the effect of violence on peace attitudes depends on citizens’ subjective interpretations of their personal experiences of violence. Citizens who do not experience violence often see themselves as victims of the conflict and vice versa. Victimhood dissociation is linked to cultural stereotypes of victimhood as portrayed in elite narratives concerning the conflict. In Colombia, political leaders framed victimhood around rurality, business entrepreneurship, kidnapping, extortion, and disappearance. In 2016, this widespread narrative was instrumental for politicians opposing the peace agreement. Citizens who disassociated their personal experiences of violence from their self-understanding as victims were instrumental to the failure of the peace plebiscite.

This article examines the problem of corruption in the judicial system of postcolonial Nigeria using Lagos State Judiciary as a case study. The study is informed by the fact that, despite several decades of justice sector reforms in the country, some judges and court staff are still found culpable of abuse of the oath of their office. The study adopted direct encounters of court users to measure judicial corruption using a total sample of 827 litigants selected across the High and Magistrate Courts in Lagos State. The quantitative method of data collection was adopted. The study found that regularity at the court, type of court case, and category of litigant were significant predictors of vulnerability to judicial extortion, bribery and corruption victimisation in the court. Specifically, the study found that litigants with criminal cases were three times more likely to be asked for bribes and denied justice than those with civil cases. The implication of these findings for justice sector reform in Nigeria is that, the government, National Judicial Council and State Judicial Commission must deliberately block avenues and opportunities for bribery in criminal prosecution so as to protect the rights of the less privileged in the justice system.

Political Corruption Cycles in Democracies and Autocracies: Evidence from Micro-data on Extortion in West Africa

espanolPese a la reduccion drastica en el numero de homicidios en Medellin, de 6500 en 1991 a 526 en 2019, atribuida al urbanismo social y destacada internacionalmente como “modelo Medellin”, las otras formas de criminalidad no ceden. La violencia extorsiva representa uno de los mas significativos retos al desarrollo de ciudades asediadas por mafias, como Medellin. Este articulo introduce una nueva perspectiva conceptual para analizar el impacto de las practicas extorsivas en el orden social y economico. Se fundamenta en los hallazgos empiricos y en las categorias analiticas intermedias de tres investigaciones recientes sobre extorsion urbana, para identificar como las actividades ilicitas y licitas se amalgaman entre si, y con la dinamica local. La proteccion violenta, herencia mafiosa de la confrontacion del cartel de Medellin con el Estado colombiano, se fortalece con la coercion extorsiva. Al tornarse cada vez menos cruento, sistematico y generalizado, el chantaje coercitivo ha producido en la ciudad el amalgamamiento de lo legal-ilegal, en un creciente numero de dimensiones sociales. EnglishDespite the drastic reduction in the number of homicides in Medellin (from 6500 in 1991 to 591 in 2019) which has been categorized as social urbanism and internationally highlighted as a model, the other forms of crime do not relent. Violence intended for extortion is one of the most significant challenges to the development of cities besieged by mafias, such as Medellin. Relying on the empirical findings and intermediate analytical categories of three recent field investigations on urban extortion, this article introduces a conceptual perspective to identify how illicit and legal activities are amalgamated with each other, and with local dynamics. Violent protection, inherited from the confrontation of the Medellin drug cartel with the Colombian State, is strengthened by coercion intended for extortion. This systematic and widespread form of violence has allowed the amalgamation of the legal with the illegal in a growing number of social dimensions. portugues

Thuggery is the activity of a group of people who earn their income mainly from extortion of other groups of people and cause public unrest. In Medan City until now thuggery continues to grow and is very detrimental to the community. The purpose of this study was to examine the factors associated with thuggery in Medan, the efforts to overcome them, and the obstacles experienced by the Medan Police Criminal Investigation Unit in overcoming thuggery acts. The research conducted was an empirical juridical research which was sourced from primary data by conducting interviews with AKP Heri Sofian who served as Padal OPS of the Medan Police Criminal Investigation Unit's Preman Hunting Team and secondary data by processing data from primary legal materials, secondary legal materials and tertiary legal materials. The results of the study show that there are many factors that influence the occurrence of thuggery in Medan, both in terms of criminology, it is found that someone becomes a thug due to lack of education, laziness to work and the emergence of a wrong mindset that being a thug is something great and should be proud of, apart from that the factors the economy also affects because of the poverty experienced by the perpetrator, the last is environmental factors that are not good so that they form a person to become a thug.

Ennemi public numero 1, Al Capone n’a pas ete condamne pour les nombreux crimes pour lesquels Eliot Ness a recueilli des preuves. S’il a fini ses jours en prison, c’est a cause de… son comptable. Les pratiques illicites mobilisent elles aussi des dispositifs comptables. Cette note de lecture presente un article publie dans la revue Accounting, Organizations and Society, ce papier s’interesse a la comptabilite en lien avec le racket, activite illegale qui consiste a exiger d’entreprises cibles le versement de sommes regulieres en contrepartie d’une « protection ». La question de recherche consiste a comprendre comment la comptabilite contribue a l’activite de racket des gangs et quelle est la reponse comptable des entreprises victimes d’extorsions de fonds. Trois objectifs en decoulent : mieux comprendre le role de la comptabilite dans le processus de racket, mieux apprehender les formes de comptabilite informelle et vernaculaire, etudier comment la comptabilite evolue.

In this article I argue that beyond identifiable instances of extortion and abuse, the threat of being a chained wife fundamentally disempowers women in divorce negotiations in a manner that is deeply problematic and must be remedied. Using negotiation theory, I demonstrate how power imbalances that affect divorce negotiations are often left unacknowledged and yet create the potential for injustice for all women in Jewish divorce.

Threatening to withhold Jewish divorce in order to extract concessions, which I term here the “get-threat,” is widely regarded as extortionist. Yet this view is commonly associated with skepticism towards agreements stemming from unequal bargaining power, or with a progressive view of the proper divorce regime. Building on contemporary discussions of what is known as “the paradox of blackmail” this article argues that in many cases get-threats should be regarded as simple cases of extortion even by libertarians and conservatives. It then presents and analyzes the best possible statement of defense for the practice of get-threats, designed for the “reasonable reactionary,” showing that even from that point of view get-threats should be limited in scope and magnitude to a narrow range of cases of justified, reasonable demands. The article thus offers both a precise analysis of a longstanding debate and a normative argument for its proper resolution.

In the case of extortion ever happened in the city of Batam. The extortion is in the process of Accepting New Students at SMPN 10 Batam City. The indications of PPDB fraud have actually become suspicion in the community, but in law enforcement in the case of extortion is quite complicated because it is designed systematically in such a way that it will be difficult later in the proof process. Obtained evidence in the form of Money, Proof of Acceptance of New Students, and SK. This investigation is in accordance with KUHAP Article 1 Paragraph (19), the investigation which took place at SMPN 10 Batam City was said to be caught red-handed, the suspect was found at that time. The obstacles of the police in this illegal levy are: Lack of information from the public about the crime of illegal levies and is covered up in carrying out illegal levies at schools, thus hampering the police. Efforts that can be made by the police are to appeal to each agency regarding legal sanctions when committing illegal levies and carrying out patterns of prosecution or punishment against illegal levies based on the legal provisions in the prevailing laws and regulations.

In the community, it is often heard about illegal fees which are a form of criminal act. This study aims to determine the regulation of illegal levies (Pungli) based on Regional Regulation No. 8/2010 concerning levies, creations and sports and to determine the imposition of criminal sanctions against perpetrators who commit illegal extortion (Pungli). The research method used is the normative research method, primary and secondary legal material sources, records of statutory books and other literature are carried out to collect data, and analysis of legal materials using legal arguments. The results of this study indicate that the regulation of corruption is implied in the formulation of corruption in several articles including Article 423 of the Criminal Code referred to in Article 12 of Law Number 31 Year 1999 as a criminal act of corruption, which is then reformulated in Law Number. 20 of 2001 concerning the crime of corruption. Legal sanctions against extortion consist of social sanctions and criminal sanctions. The law on corruption is stated in it regarding the crime of extortion.

Social norms pervade society and when they conflict with legal norms, the former undermine the latter making them ineffective. In this study, we propose that the extortion racket in Sicily has turned into a social norm and this is why recent top-down interventions have failed in stalling this socially undesirable activity. One exception is represented by Addiopizzo, a grass root movement that uses non-legal means to fight the racket phenomenon in Sicily. During the last 15 years, Addiopizzo was able to produce an effective reduction in the payment of protection money in the Sicilian city of Palermo by triggering, we suggest, among other things, a process of change in social norms. Acknowledging the importance of a change in social norms to achieve social change allows us to link the theory of institutions as ‘rules’ with the theory of institutions as ‘equilibria’.

Resumen Este texto analiza la relación de las Maras, el desplazamiento forzado y el refugio de personas salvadoreñas lesbianas, gay, bisexuales, personas trans, intersexuales y otras identidades sexuales y de género (LGBTI+) por medio del caso ilustrativo de Karla Avelar. Cuando se conjuntan las acciones de las Maras como la extorsión, la amenaza, la persecución o el asesinato, esto se transforma en el detonante para ejercer una movilidad forzada como vía de escape y huida intempestiva del país. El refugio se transforma en, muchos casos, la única oportunidad de sobrevivir para personas salvadoreñas LGBTI+ que huyen del asedio de las Maras. Abstract This paper analyzes the relationship between the Maras, the forced displacement, and the refuge of Salvadoran lesbian, gay, bisexual, trans, intersex and other sexual and gender identities (LGBTI+) through the illustrative case of Karla Avelar. The Maras’ actions such as extortion, threat, persecution or murder led to forced mobility as a means of escape and untimely flight from the country. The refuge becomes, in many cases, the only chance to survive for Salvadoran LGBTI+ people escaping from the siege of the Maras.

The article is devoted to the analysis of ways to obtain illegal benefits in the Ukrainian lands depending on their territorial and political affiliation and the development of legal regulation to prevent corruption in the activities of officials or public authorities. It is noted that one of the first documentary evidence of attempts to combat corruption was the Oath of the Citizen of Chersonesos, which contained the obligation of every citizen not to act to the detriment of the city-state. Attention is drawn to the analysis of the system of "feeding" in Kievan Rus, as a type of abuse of power by officials, which inevitably led to illegal corruption. It was found that for the XVII - XVIII centuries. the involvement and mercenary nature of judges, the trade in Cossack sergeant positions, the extortion of money for the favorable redistribution of the lands of the Hetmanate, or the liberation of the Cossacks from campaigns became commonplace. Founded in the XIX century. The tradition of giving gifts to officials to quickly resolve the issue in the Soviet period has reached unprecedented proportions, which suggests the existence of entire corruption schemes, which could not be overcome even by the Soviet government with its totalitarian methods of leadership. It is established that the analysis of historical sources in the context of detecting and combating corruption contributes to the establishment of interdisciplinary links, promoting better learning in both the disciplines of the humanities and special state law. In addition, examples of highprofile corruption scandals can be used for master's cases in the study of such a discipline as "Logic". Further prospects for the study may be published didactic materials of binary lectures on history and a particular field of law, where historical experience can only improve students' per-ception of the material through clarity or interesting historical facts.

Public Service which regulates the principles of good governance which is the effectiveness of government functions itself. The forms of maladministration that we often encounter are abuse of authority, prolonged delays, neglect of legal obligations, procedural irregularities, nontransparency, negligence, discrimination, extortion, unprofessionalism, unclear information, arbitrary acts, legal uncertainty, and mismanagement. Ombudsman supervision is a representation of the supervision carried out by the community or civil society groups. The way the Ombudsman works is also similar to the way civil society works, free of charge, and various other conveniences. In addition to being largely determined by the political will of state administrators and political support in parliament, the effectiveness of the work of the Ombudsman is also largely determined by how far the community has an understanding of the Ombudsman.

Which is the focus of the problem in this research are; What are the forms of liar levies carried out by persons in the Population and Civil Registry Service, how to regulate and enforce criminal law for perpetrators of illegal levies making Identity Cards at the Population and Civil Registry Service, as well as how to control agencies that are regulated against illegal levies Making Identity Cards at the Population and Civil Registry Service. So that it can be drawn, among others, from the penalties, among others, criminal sanctions for civil servants who are extortionists subject to criminal sanctions in the form of imprisonment and criminal fines in accordance with the provisions of Article 368, Articles 418, 423, and 425 of the Criminal Code, and there are also stipulated in Article 95B of the Law Population Administration Act. Law enforcement for perpetrators of extortion is regulated in Article 40, Article 52 and Article 53 of the Law on Public Services. Law enforcement starts from internal enforcement carried out by superiors or heads of offices, law enforcement in a lawsuit due to losses due to extortion, and finally law enforcement through criminal justice. Asahan Dukcapil, law enforcement can also be done by internal action, and the legal process can be submitted to the BKD. The countermeasures against the practice of extortion of ID cards in Dukcapil can be carried out by threatened agencies in monitoring and overcoming the practice of extortion of VAW based on Article 40 paragraph (1) and Article 6 and Article 7 paragraph (1) and (2) of the Law Public Services, Government efforts in terms of preparing messages related to extortion law enforcement.

The relationship between border and bureaucracy offers fertile ground to study how the border continues to affect the lives and movement of people. As epistemological and material sites, borders an...

A chance find of a file of legal cases handled by the Nanjing Court of Judicial Review in 1593 and the Nanjing Ministry of Justice in 1594 casts some rare light on how life was lived in the homes a...

The Government of Nigeria passed the Same-Sex Marriage Prohibition Act (SSMPA) in 2014, emboldening the human rights violations of LGBT Nigerians by state and nonstate actors. Nigerian police enforce morality laws that criminalize same-sex relations, but their role as perpetrators of violence has not been well studied. Using six-year (2014 to 2019) administrative data, this article investigates the severity, prevalence, and typology of police violence and abuse of LGBT Nigerians. Since SSMPA, violence against LGBT Nigerians has risen by 214 percent. Survivors frequently report arbitrary arrest and unlawful detention, invasion of privacy, physical assault and battery, and blackmail/extortion. This study is the first to present serial, cross-sectional findings of LGBT Nigerians’ experience with the police. Available administrative reports and data were synthesized to produce a general picture of the situation on the ground. Findings point to actionable social and policy recommendations that can be taken to promote police accountability and improve police-LGBT community relations.

Este artículo tiene como objetivo discutir el marco de seguridad en la subregión amazónica, ubicada en la zona sur de la frontera entre Colombia y Venezuela, basado en un análisis de la presencia de actores armados no estatales en los departamentos de Arauca, Vichada y Guainía. Tal análisis nos permite reflexionar sobre los efectos de la baja presencia estatal en esta región, así como sobre los mecanismos informales de gobernanza generados por estos grupos. Cuanto, a los patrones de cooperación entre estos actores, en la dimensión temporal, se camina para alianzas sin tiempo definido, a medida que la operación se mantenga lucrativa y exitosa. Cuanto, al tipo de cooperación, se presentan como parcerías dentro del mismo tipo de actividad, como la cadena de producción, procesamiento y venta de drogas, extracción de minerales, o extorsión. Por fin, el nivel de cooperación se queda entre ocasional y continuo, pero con presencia de disputas, lo que es observado por las periódicas explosiones de violencia como demostración de fuerza por parte de estos actores. Las conclusiones son que los grupos disidentes formados después de los Acuerdos de Paz han aumentado en la región, generando aún más inestabilidad, disputas e inseguridad para las poblaciones locales.

This paper examines the participation of human rights-abusing countries in UN peacekeeping operations. This seemingly growing occurrence raises questions given the UN’s emphasis in recent decades o...

There is a dearth of studies on police corruption that have analysed the correlation of economic, cultural, and political causes of police corruption in Pakistan; therefore, the existing studies fail to provide such a holistic picture of the phenomenon. This article aims to fill the gap. It is claimed that police corruption in Pakistan is a politicized, institutionalized, and a legitimized phenomenon. The police force entrenched in a kinship-based patron–client social and political culture benefits the political elite to use the police force for controlling the electorate and political opponents. The policy reforms for curbing police corruption have failed and cannot be successful without a strong political will of the political elite. This is a qualitative study using a purposive sampling method. The article will be a useful reference for readers, including police officials who are interested in understanding why corruption could not be effectively prevented and may have some broader relevance to other South Asian countries.

The progress of a nation can be seen from the level of legal awareness of its citizens. The higher the legal awareness of a country's population, the more orderly life of society and the state. Conversely, if the legal awareness of a country's population is low, what applies there is jungle law. Does the legal awareness of today's society need to be increased? Has it declined so much? What can we overcome in today's society related to legal awareness? In accordance with what has been stated above, that legal awareness is essentially awareness of the existence or occurrence of "unlawful" or "onrecht", let us see whether in today's society many things or events that are judged as "unlawful" or "onrecht". Indeed, the reality is that legal awareness is only being debated or crowded in the newspapers if legal awareness is declining or does not exist, if there are legal violations: drug abuse, radicalism and terrorism, murder, corruption, extortion, fraud , begal and so on. The level of legal awareness of students towards acts against the law uses four indicators, namely Legal Knowledge, Legal Understanding, Legal Attitudes and Legal Behavior.

This article presents an analysis of the cyber extortion and threats cases brought to the United States courts. The inquiry employed content analysis to identify important elements and attributes and answers research questions concerning essential attributes, legal elements, and how do the courts interprets these offenses. The article extends the understanding of this phenomenon by providing a thorough discussion of the conceptual issues and characteristics and an analysis of the most important litigation aspects, such as intent, true threats, sentencing, and the insanity defense. The article concludes with recommendations for stakeholders, to more effectively address the phenomenon.

A crime or criminal act, usually perpetrators of criminals because of an encouragement based on the importance of fulfilling the necessities of life that is relatively difficult to fulfill. In principle the crime problem does not stand alone, but it relates to other issues such as social, economic, political and cultural which is as a phenomenon that affects each other. To tackle crimes and criminal acts such a thorough enforcement and anticipation policy is required. One of the most common criminal acts in the community is the violence of violent blackmail. Perpetrators can be assessed by the community, therefore it is necessary to be handled by the law enforcement officers intensively with the severity of the criminal that was dropped. The problem in this study is how the judge's consideration in dropping a criminal against perpetrators of criminal offenses with violence against motorcycles belonging to others, what are some factors causing perpetrators of criminal extortion with violence. The method of study used is the normative juridical approach and empirical approach obtained directly at the District Court of Kls II Kalianda, state Attorney of South Lampung. Based on the results of the study can be concluded that the judge's judgment in the criminal offence against the perpetrator of violent criminal offence is in accordance with the element contained in article 368 paragraph (1) of the criminal CODE and was sentenced to 2 years imprisonment. Factors affecting the cause of perpetrators of criminal extortion in violence are environmental factors, economic factors on society, the law enforcement. The advice given is to be expected to the Tribunal, the attorney general and the police in providing or establishing the article can be in accordance with its elements and actions, to the rationing punishment against the defendant is considered fair and give a deterrent effect so that the defendant can not repeat it again. There is cooperation between law enforcement and the community in minimizing the crimes that occurred.

This qualitative study focuses on the use of extortion and kidnapping for ransom as sources of financing terrorism by the Kurdistan Worker’s Party, which is popularly known by its acronym ‘PKK’. Us...

Local governments suspected of Mafia infiltration can be dismissed in Italy through an administrative act not increasing formal deterrence but potentially signaling improved law enforcement among local communities. This paper finds that dismissals are associated to a persistent fall of petty crimes (e.g. thefts) but have little consequences on offenses more closely related to the activity of organized crime, as homicide, extortion, drug-trafficking or usury. Petty crimes are estimated to fall by around 10%, on average, a result that seems driven by the perception of enhanced deterrence (through media pressure, the signaling role of the policy, and other forms of social control) rather than induced by organized crime itself.

The causes of the Diponegoro War or the Java War often get a disproportionate reading. Amongs are the assumptions that interpret the war as Diponegoro's struggle to protect his personal interests (land security) or also the presumption that saw the war to establish an Islamic state. This assumption turned out to be very contradictory to the process of the war. In the war that occurred for five years (1825-1830 AD), it turned out that the backbone of the Diponegoro army was ordinary people (not the army of the Ngayogyakarta Palace). This fact suggests that the war was a universal people's defense consisting of several layers of society (santri, jawara, nobility, etc.). This fact undermines the assumption that the cause of war is religious exclusivism and the interests of Diponegoro's personal priperty. By conducting library research through reading the Volume 1-4 of the Diponegoro Chronicle of Manado and other relevant main works, the researcher found that the causes of the war included the struggle to defend the honor of religion and the state which was symbolized in the public interest. The religious aspect is aimed at the spirit of sub-fertilizing religious elements in the form of resistance to tyrannical actions and the practice of immorality. The public interest is addressed by the spirit of struggle for the property right that is transformed into a spirit of resistance to extortion with an offer of prosperity. The land conflict and the demolition of Diponegoro's residence in Tegalrejo became a symbol of the seizure of property rights which had actually been in the form of extortion to the people in the name of taxes. The feeling of the same boat aroused awareness of ordinary people, santri, jawara and Diponegoro supporters to fight together (universal people's struggle). Keywords: Diponegoro War, Religion, Property Rights, Universal People's Struggle.

Este trabajo tiene como propósito analizar la violencia como fenómeno transnacional articulado al crimen organizado. Por lo tanto, la investigación que se expone encuadrada de acuerdo a su naturaleza en un enfoque postpositivista, cualitativo, tipo documental sociojurídica. Asimismo, utiliza un diseño multi-métodos, basándose en el estudio interpretativo-crítico, el cual corresponde a trabajos fundamentados en la revisión exhaustiva de documentación. De igual forma, basa su desarrollo en un diseño bibliográfico. Arrojando como resultado que en los cuatro países examinados, la violencia generada producto de factores económicos, políticos y sociales, así como la ingobernabilidad en estos Estados, se encuentra vinculada directamente con la generación del crimen organizado, ya que es evidente su afianzamiento en todas las modalidades, trayendo consigo deterioro de las instituciones públicas garantizadoras del bienestar social, debido a la impunidad ante las acciones delictivas. Al igual que en otros países del mundo, este flagelo no solo afecta la institucionalidad del Estado al hacerlo ingobernable, sino la seguridad de las personas, quienes se sienten constantemente amenazadas en su integridad física. Adicionalmente, estimula la corrupción, favoreciendo otras acciones delictivas como el secuestro y la extorsión. Concluyendo que Colombia, Brasil, Guatemala y Venezuela comparten ciertos indicadores facilitadores de la presencia de actividades delictivas fomentadas por el crimen organizado, las cuales afectan de manera significativa no sólo a las poblaciones de estos países, sino también a aquellos estados por donde estos grupos transitan para realizar sus transacciones.

The purpose of the article is to identify major problematic issues related to the construction of criminal law provisions in the area of corruption offenses, both in the Criminal Code of Ukraine and in the draft General Part of the Criminal Code of Ukraine of 2020, as well as to identify ways to solve them. The article employs a set of research methods, namely: terminological, system-structural, formal-logical, comparative-legal. The theoretical basis of the study is constituted by the works of Ukrainian and foreign scientists, by provisions of the Criminal Code of Ukraine, as well as by the practice of their application. The scientific novelty of the article is based on the following: 1) the problems of determining a corruption offense and ways to solve them have been revealed; 2) shortcomings in the definition of corruption, provided for in the draft General Part of the Criminal Code of Ukraine 2020 and formulates proposals for their elimination have been identified; 3) main advantages and disadvantages of the list of corruption offenses contained in the note to Art. 45 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine have been identified; 4) classification of corruption criminal offenses according to the method and subject of their commission has been improved; 5) the content, positive and negative sides of the criminal-legal consequences of a corruption criminal offense have been revealed. According to the results of the study, the following conclusions have been drawn: 1) the lack of definition of the term «corruption criminal offense» in the Criminal Code of Ukraine does not allow to clearly understand the criminal nature of this group of violations, and, accordingly, to establish criminal offenses and crimes that belong to them; 2) when creating such definition, it should be taken into account that it must be consistent with the definition of a criminal offense, corruption offense and corruption; 3) the concept of a tripartite understanding of illicit gain (as the subject, purpose and means of crime commission) in the definition of corruption should be transformed into a construction, such as «acts consisting in the offer or promise of illicit gain, its provision, acceptance or promise of such benefit, its receipt, request or extortion to provide»; 4) as presented in the note to Art. 45 of the Criminal Code, the list of corruption offenses, on the one hand, does not cover all criminal offenses that should be attributed to corruption, and on the other – includes some criminal offenses, which should not be attributed to corruption; 5) it is proposed to divide corruption criminal offenses according to the method of commission into: a) illegal possession of certain property by abuse of official position by a public official; b) abuse of power, official position or authority; c) an offer, a promise to provide an illegal benefit, as well as the provision of such a benefit for committing or failing to commit certain acts (active bribery); d) acceptance of an offer or promise of such benefit, its receipt, request or demand to provide (passive bribery); e) other corrupt criminal and illegal acts (conditionally corruption, quasi-corruption and criminal offenses, which have been unreasonably included in the note of Article 45 of the Criminal Code of Ukraine); 6) analysis of the negative criminal law consequences of a corruption criminal offense demonstrates that the legislator in certain cases has equated these torts to serious and especially serious crimes; 7) in the context of reforming criminal legislation, it is necessary to improve the grounds for various types of confiscation, prohibition to engage in certain activities or hold certain positions, as well as to consider the feasibility of criminalizing concealment of corruption offenses. Keywords: corruption; corruption crime; corruption offense; counteracting corruption; official; confiscation; undue advantage.

O presente trabalho se dedica ao estudo das associações criminosas do tipo mafioso na Itália, e mais especificamente, da “Cosa Nostra”, a organização mafiosa mais poderosa de Palermo, na Sicília. Para tanto, inicia-se por uma breve análise evolutiva acerca das características territoriais, políticas e socioeconômicas que favoreceram o surgimento da máfia na Itália. Na sequência, é delimitado o objeto de estudo, definindo-se o delito de associação criminosa do tipo mafioso, diferenciando-o de categorias afins por meio de suas peculiaridades, conforme critérios que influam no estudo da problemática do concurso de agentes, tais como o método mafioso e o “omertà”. Os delitos correlatos (delitos-fim) são também estudados sob a ótica de seu fundamento material, em especial, a extorsão, a usura, a corrupção e a lavagem de capitais. Por fim, procede-se a um estudo das iniciativas dos órgãos encarregados da investigação e da persecução penal para o fortalecimento da prevenção e da repressão às atividades da máfia, com destaque para o sequestro e o confisco de bens dos mafiosos, expondo e avaliando os desafios atuais no enfrentamento à globalização das atividades dessas associações.

In 1938, the British enacted Section 377A of the Straits Settlements Penal Code, criminalizing male same-sex acts in Singapore. Although the law was neither the first nor only attempt to regulate same-sex activity, it represented a stark intensification in sexual policing. Yet, the reasons for the introduction of Section 377A remain elusive. New sources, including recently declassified documents, reveal that Section 377A intersected with the colonial state's wider project of social control. In the early 1930s, intensified policing of female prostitution inadvertently magnified the visibility of male prostitution in Singapore, just as homosexuality was emerging as a distinct conceptual category. Meanwhile, scandals about sexual liaisons between European officials and Asians men threatened British legitimacy. This “discovery” of homosexuality led the British to introduce Section 377A. As British troops arrived in Singapore in the late 1930s in response to Japanese expansionism in the Far East, concerns about blackmail, military discipline, and the colonial color line governed the enforcement of Section 377A. Between 1938 and 1941, the British disproportionately used Section 377A to punish Asian male prostitutes whom they thought had seduced European men. Secondarily, the British used the provision to deter European soldiers, sailors, and non-officials from exposing themselves to extortion. Seen in this light, Section 377A served as a response to changing configurations of race, class, and sexuality in colonial Singapore.

Why do drug trafficking organizations (DTOs) sometimes prey on the communities in which they operate but sometimes provide assistance to these communities? What explains their strategies of extortion and co-optation toward civil society? Using new survey data from Mexico, including list experiments to elicit responses about potentially illegal behavior, this article measures the prevalence of extortion and assistance among DTOs. In support of our theory, these data show that territorial contestation among rival organizations produces more extortion and, in contrast, DTOs provide more assistance when they have monopoly control over a turf. The article uncovers other factors that also shape DTOs’ strategies toward the population, including the degree of collaboration with the state, leadership stability and DTO organization, and the value and logistics of the local criminal enterprise.

This article analyzes extortion by terrorist groups. A three-factor theoretical framework borrowed from the literature on organized crime informs the qualitative analysis of several terrorist organ...

Definitions of police corruption are usually associated with bribery and extortion. Police culture entails internalised and uncodified norms, rules and values that may enhance susceptibility of corruption within a police force. This article provides an empirical study on police corruption within the lower levels of the Afghan police due to the lack of studies conducted with them. Undertaking a social constructivist approach, the aim of the study is to provide the perceptions from Afghan police officers on the causes and practices of police corruption. The findings reveal that the main causes are heavily linked to unprofessionalism, low pay and the lack of controls. Police accountability is low and solidarity appears high. Moreover, patronage and the acceptance of corruption as a means to getting things done are part of social practices engrained in Afghan culture which leads to the practices of biased recruitment, bribery and extortion. In relation to noble cause corruption, there is no sense of mission and the idea of policing, as part of a mandate, has been lost in the Afghan police force. An understanding of police corruption and police culture from the perspective of street-level police officers is relevant to understand the main causes and practices of corruption and mitigate them to restore public faith in the police as a main port of security. This can prevent potential Taliban resurgence by deterring alternative security promoted by the insurgency.

This article presents the results of a piece of research into extortion in the city of Palermo between 2004 and 2015. Highlighting the importance of the territorial context among the factors that explain the mafia phenomenon, the study draws on two different georeferencing databases: the first relating to the distribution of extortion across the Sicilian capital's various districts, and the second relating to the distribution of Palermo businesses that had joined the Addiopizzo anti-extortion movement. Although the empirical material is problematic, marked territorial variations emerge from a comparative analysis of the two databases, prompting a number of potential interpretations.