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This essay argues that an alternative conception of time to that underlying the ideology of productivism and growth is not only possible, but desirable. The creation of this time requires what I refer to as the practice of refusal via taking time: the self-determined arrangement of the nexus of time, action and utility that begins with the a-synchronous insertion of unproductive time into the synchronous horizontal time of productivism. The essay is divided into three sections. The first offers the reader a discussion of Jacques Rancière's notion of time as a social and political medium that partitions and distributes actions and utility. The subsequent section of the essay elaborates in aesthetic terms an account of unproductive time that is indifferent to the time of productivism. In the final section, I discuss examples that show how taking time to do 'nothing' can elicit an emancipatory politics that seeks to liberate us from the hegemony of productivism. I conclude that political theory should attend to time as a political medium and to the possibilities of its occupation, and that picturing the taking of time in terms of stopping the force of productivism's normalized horizontal time by entering the unproductive time of reverie and aesthetic experience, provides a promising perspective from which to apprehend a time for thriftless refusals, deliberate dis-identifications, and the forging of cooperation among people(s) and with nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Raymond Aron is well-known for a number of ideas but one of his most cherished has largely gone unnoticed. This is his concept of liberty. While he did not dedicate a particular volume or write many essays on this theme, it was one of his most important legacies to modern political thought. He was an ardent defender of the notion of liberty and his conviction regarding its importance is found in a series of lectures that he gave in California and later in his final lecture in France. This essay is intended to highlight Aron's notion of liberty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although they are often used as synonyms, emancipation and liberation constitute two distinct normative horizons in critical theory of society. In this article, I offer an analysis of these two concepts, including their historical and epistemological characteristics, pointing out similarities, differences and the possibilities for their combined use as basis of models of normative social criticism. I argue that the critical horizon of human emancipation emerges in post-Kantian European thought, while the horizon of liberation was developed in Latin American decolonial thinking in the second half of the 20th century. The horizon of emancipation arises with the critique of the primacy of systemic domination, while liberation emerges in the resistance to the primacy of the experience of oppression. The analytical distinction between these two normative horizons can be helpful to better understand both the foundations of epistemic decolonization and the potential for dialogue between the critical perspectives of center and periphery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Why is it important to live in a democratic state? A common response pictures democracy as an ideal of equal freedom: in a democratic state, individuals are free to determine under which rules they want to live. However, Niko Kolodny recently argued that freedom-based justifications of the democratic state are implausible. These justifications, characterised by Kolodny as Kantian-Republican, appeal to an ideal of non-domination which is self-defeating: far from being free from domination, individuals who live under the democratic state are dominated by the state itself. As the democratic state cannot be justified on the grounds of freedom, Kolodny defends a justification solely on the grounds of equality. This paper vindicates freedom as a ground of the democratic state. First, I summarise Kolodny's critique, as well as his alternative, egalitarian justification. Then, I highlight the cost of justifying democracy only on egalitarian grounds: the egalitarian justification cannot justify important elements of democracy, nor can it defend democracy over other egalitarian regimes. I argue that we do not have to bear this cost, as Kolodny's critique fails to undermine the Kantian strand of the Kantian-Republican justification of democracy. I show that in the Kantian approach, the state plays a necessary role in making non-domination possible, and that the fact that, empirically, it can become a source of domination does not undermine its normative necessity. I also suggest that the subjection of the people to the democratic will of the state does not raise problems for the Kantian approach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Robert Nozick's refusal to concede the moral high ground to socialist ideologies, as advised by his mentor David Schmidtz. Topics include the contrast between socialism's historical failures and capitalism's successes, the paradox of socialism's moral appeal despite its track record, and the differing interpretations of socialism among millennials.

This essay explores the figure of the 'virtuoso', as theorized by Paolo Virno, Isabell Lorey and others, as the contemporary contrarian par excellence. In particular, the essay looks at the role of language for virtuosity, and what analytical purchase might be offered by the notion of contrarian speech. Through a close reading of Peter Greenaway's Goltzius and the Pelican Company (2012), we will analyse the virtuoso's relationship with freedom, politics and power in connection with themes of creative enterprise and the public realm. The film permits us to explore virtuosity as contrarianism, that is to say: it helps us see how both mediate between freedom and servility, between ideas of self-grounding agency and a subjugating governmental logic and between different notions and practices of publicness in relation to symbolic forms of authority and power. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an otherwise amiable review of a book by Peter Boettke, McCloskey observes that the neo-institutionalism of North, Acemoglu, and Boettke is statist, top-down, centralizing, constructivist, and therefore inconsistent with Austrian liberalism. One source of the inconsistency and liberalism is a too-wide definition of "freedom." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article defends the significance of our encounters on the grounds of their distinctive contribution to our freedom. The variety and novelty of our encounters, and the spontaneity they allow us in the shaping of our selves, creates opportunities for us to revise our conceptions of the good, to try out new narratives of our lives, and different ways of presenting ourselves. Even when we don't take up these opportunities, still our encounters provide us with a sense of the openness and possibility of a human life. This role of encounters in a free human life challenges the overemphasis when conceptualising liberal freedom on the unimpeded pursuit of our plans or conceptions of the good: freedom is also about having a life that lies open before us. This defence also makes central not the fleeting contact between strangers on city streets and parks which has hitherto been the focus of political philosophers but, rather, our casual connections and weak ties with others, and in places beyond the city and its public spaces. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Politologija is the property of Vilnius University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Drawing on Black radical thought, some political theorists have elaborated a notion of 'fugitive freedom' that challenges us to understand freedom beyond the canonical concepts of 'positive' and 'negative' liberty. The idea of fugitive freedom concerns the vast liminal space between being enslaved and enjoying complete political (or ethical) liberty. Whereas for traditional political theory, there are two 'conditions' or 'statuses' assigned to subjects ('free' or 'slave'), reflection on slave narratives and the history of maroon communities points to freedom expressed in escape, flight, and movement away from domination. Fugitive freedom is enabled and sustained through quotidian, clandestine practices of communication, concealment, care, and refuge. Inspired by these exhortations to reimagine the forms that freedom can take, this paper finds in Spinoza a notion of fugitivity, understood as a counter-power, animated by the desire to escape domination, generate solidarity, and forge mental community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

English Romantic poets make it clear that Romanticism does not deal only with nature, the self's affective dimension, and the imagination; rather, the literature also reflects a great interest in politics. Generally, Romantic poets are rebellious. They revolt against the social and moral edicts of their societies, in addition to norms, customs, and habits. Both Lord Byron and Percy Bysshe Shelley are among those British Romantics who dwell on not only nature and its beauty, as well as the sublime, but also the political issues of their time. Through their poetry, they demonstrate that liberty, politics, and revolutions are deeply embedded in their works. This study seeks to highlight some of the key ideas of Lord Byron's poem Childe Harold's Pilgrimage and Shelley's poem Prometheus Unbound, focusing on how the two poets employ their poetry to reflect their views on politics and criticize oppressive and authoritarian systems. The approach that this article makes use of is New Historicism because it relates the meaning in the poems to the historical and political context in which they were written. In this regard, this article argues that Byron and Shelley are at once rebellious and reformist. They speak, both explicitly and implicitly, against tyranny and advocate love and peace, as well as nonviolent resistance. They also emphasize the importance of confronting tyranny and having courageous individuals who are willing to stand against injustice. Additionally, the study suggests how political Romantic literature can contribute to increasing contemporary readers' awareness of Romanticism's political discourse and its relevance today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Max Skjönsberg's book, "The Persistence of Party," explores the dominance of the idea of party in eighteenth-century Britain. The book fills a gap in the history of political thought by examining the value of party itself, rather than just party ideology. Skjönsberg analyzes the historical and sociological context of the Whig-Tory divide and the creation of political organizations based on ideological principles. The book also discusses the perspectives of various writers, such as Rapin, Bolingbroke, Hume, and Burke, on the role of party in British politics. Skjönsberg's analysis highlights the importance of understanding the political circumstances and promoting a more civil and humane political culture. [Extracted from the article]

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The article discusses David James' book, "Practical necessity, freedom, and history: From Hobbes to Marx," which explores the relationship between necessity, freedom, and history in the works of influential political philosophers. James argues that the concept of "practical necessity" is often used to justify the persistence of capitalism and maintain power imbalances. However, he also acknowledges that practical necessity can sometimes lead to progress and the formation of new institutions. The book provides a critical analysis of the philosophers' arguments and offers a vision of a future society where freedom and necessity are reconciled. The author notes that while the book's methodological approach is intellectually challenging, it may lack philosophical depth in certain areas. [Extracted from the article]

This article discusses the book "Adam Smith reconsidered: history, liberty, and the foundations of modern politics" by Paul Sagar. The book aims to challenge the traditional interpretations of Adam Smith's political theory and argues that Smith's concern was more political than moral. It reconsiders Smith's historical approach, his reading of Jean-Jacques Rousseau, and the concept of commercial society. The article concludes that the book successfully revises the traditional understanding of Adam Smith and highlights the political aspects of his thought. [Extracted from the article]

Campos García–Calderón, Rafael. Politics and Existence. Two Facets of Individual Freedom and Their Common Origin. In this article I will try to reinterpret the notion of individual freedom in the light of existential philosophy. Building on this perspective I will attempt to understand political freedom, an institution forged in Western modernity, from the experience of existence and its constitutive elements. In this first part I will look at the concept of freedom as political freedom, in the way it was developed by modern classical liberalism. In the second part I will do the same with the concept of existential freedom, based on the postulates of the Danish thinker Søren Kierkegaard. Finally, I will turn to the writings of the German philosopher Karl Jaspers to show the common origin of these two facets of freedom in the realm of the encompassing, the primordial dimension from which subjectivity emerges simultaneously as existential freedom and political freedom. From this dimension I will attempt to clarify the dialectical relationship between the two forms of freedom as the opposition between exception and authority, respectively, such that I can propose the development of an ethical personality capable of taking responsibility for its own political consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intention of this article is twofold. On one hand it exposes the problems that fits the political theory of Hannah Arendt. To perform this first work, we discuss the concept of action which we consider the touchstone of all their theoretical proposal. On the order hand, this article analyses, in the third section, the critique of western political philosophy, in particular the concept of freedom and authority, made by this autor of the previously considered category. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eric Clifford Graf's book, "Anatomy of Liberty in Don Quijote de la Mancha," offers a comprehensive analysis of the classic novel. Graf explores various themes such as religion, feminism, slavery, politics, and economics, arguing that Don Quijote represents a shift from chivalric idealism to bourgeois common sense. The book provides valuable insights into the historical context and teachings of Cervantes, making it a useful resource for readers seeking to understand the complexities of the novel. It also discusses the concept of bourgeois virtues as presented by Deirdre McCloskey and applies it to the analysis of Don Quijote, examining the tension between the old code of chivalry and emerging bourgeois values. The text delves into the themes of money, honor, and societal shifts depicted in the novel, exploring Don Quijote's evolving relationship with money and responsibility, as well as his motivations and allegiances. It also examines the role of social mobility and meritocracy in the novel, highlighting the transition from pre-modern noble virtues to modern bourgeois virtues. [Extracted from the article]

This paper embarks on a substantive intellectual journey to dissect the philosophical underpinnings of Jean-Paul Sartre's existentialism, with a particular focus on the symbiotic relationship between freedom and responsibility. The paper utilizes a multi-faceted analytical framework to scrutinize the ontological and ethical dimensions of Sartre's conceptualization of freedom, its inherent connection to human responsibility, and the resultant ethical quandaries. By expanding the scope of discourse, the paper introduces a meticulous critique from the vantage point of Christian Personalism. This counter-perspective serves not only as a critique but also as a platform for dialogue, elucidating points of convergence and divergence between existentialist and personalist philosophies. Beyond mere theoretical examination, the paper illuminates the contemporary relevance and application of these philosophical traditions, especially in grappling with pressing ethical, social, and political issues. Concluding with a richly textured comparative analysis, the paper aims to contribute meaningfully to the ongoing scholarly discourse on existentialism and personalism, thereby enriching our collective understanding of complex philosophical constructs like freedom, responsibility, and human dignity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Put simply, Sagar argues that Smith did not need to defend commercial society from Rousseau's criticisms, simply because the Scottish philosopher did not regard the "citizen of Geneva" as a worthy opponent to be fought. A key part of scholarship on Adam Smith has been devoted to reconciling or seeking unity between the moral theory presented in I The Theory of Moral Sentiments i and the economic insights found in I The Wealth of Nations i . Moreover, these studies have reached an impasse: should not Smith be concerned with, or even be a critic of, the unpleasant moral effects produced by a society regulated by the market?. [Extracted from the article]

First of all, Kukathas draws on Michel Foucault's works in order to emphasize the dangers of a surveillance state and underline the threat that the normalization of migration controls poses to the freedom of the host society. In the first four chapters, Kukathas scrutinizes the everyday practices of migration policing and controls, and he examines how they undermine basic liberty-rights of the citizens and residents in contemporary societies. Normative approaches to migration, mobility, and citizenship have been a growing area of interest in political theory in the last two decades. [Extracted from the article]

An attempt to shake the established world order of Western society, based on International Law, by the waging of war, has reached its peak. This is evidenced not only by Russia’s war in Ukraine, but also by Russia’s political attempts to destabilise Moldova’s approach to Western values, along with the recent unrest in Georgia, where there is a risk of restricting individual freedom of expression, and the constant threats against the Baltic States. Conflicts of values have existed throughout world history, but the events we are witnessing now are not an accident, but a systematic reiteration of Russia’s influence, with the aim of maintaining its influence and, perhaps, increasing its power in the region. The aim of this article is to show the clash of contemporary values in the current socio-political situation from the perspectives of theory and practice. Russian political leaders had long used alarming language in their rhetoric, up to and including the moment of the Russian invasion of Ukraine. In Europe and throughout the Western world there was a belief in universal values with peaceful/stable global institutions, a belief which has proved to be misguided. On the other hand, military aggression against a free and independent country can be interpreted as a direct and clear attempt to destabilise the values of Western civilisation, without which no democratic society can exist. The timing of the military aggression was chosen after a decline in civic confidence from the perspective of the COVID-19 crisis; European countries were experiencing a reduction in political activity among their citizens, dissatisfaction with the political elite, and a certain decline in confidence in the EU institutions. The course of the pandemic reflected the lack of critical thinking in societies, as individuals were also at risk of manipulation in the information sphere. The Russian invasion of Ukraine caused some indignation in the Western world and a failure to react quickly to the rapid turn of events. After the first year of the war, the EU Member States managed not only to change their position but also to give unwavering and unequivocal support to the victim of the war, namely, Ukraine. So far, the EU slogan “United in Diversity” has become “United in Solidarity”, helping Ukraine to hold on and possibly win the war against the aggressor state, because no war, especially a war of values, ends on the front lines. As a result of current events, EU and transatlantic cooperation has undergone a major transformation involving extensive cooperation, a clear position on international law, and a desire to preserve and strengthen Western values.

Mill's System of Logic (1843) indicates that the definition of 'nationality' he offered in Considerations on Representative Government (1861) is not a throwaway comment but a carefully considered causal hypothesis tailored to his politico‐ethological research programme. This matters because Lord Acton's critique of Mill's claim that free institutions are almost impossible in multinational states ignored the definition, thereby obscuring subsequent scholars' vision of the conceptual dimension of this famous dispute. Although Mill struggled in his politico‐ethological endeavour, he was sufficiently confident to judge that, if nationalities seek self‐determination through exclusive control of the state, liberal democratic institutions would be unlikely to emerge in multinational states, let alone survive and prosper. Since Acton's critique presupposed an undemocratic conception of free institutions and a far weaker notion of national self‐determination, it failed to contradict that judgement. Indeed, once their conceptual disagreements are clarified, Acton's empirical analysis can be seen to support it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracies come in many different forms with significant variations in their institutional architecture, and some supposedly well-functioning democracies have no (or very weak) constitutional courts (e.g., the Scandinavian countries; see Larsen, [52]; Wind, [79]).[2] Arguably a useful general account of democratic backsliding must be able to explain deteriorations of democracy in such "nonconstrained" democracies, too. The system of rights is an abstract framework for positive democratic constitutional law that, as Ingeborg Maus puts it, is intended to leave room for the "political autonomy of constitutional lawmaking and law-giving citizens who first develop rights from their own vantage point, bring them historically to consciousness, and enact them into positive law" (also see Habermas, [26], pp. 160-162; Habermas, [27], p. 90). Much recent political commentary suggests that a "backlash", "revolt", or "counter-revolution" is unfolding against liberal constitutional democracy (e.g., Eatwell & Goodwin, [18]; Galston, [23]; Mounk, [58]; Norris & Inglehart, [61]; Zielonka, [82]). So long as citizens' rights to an equal opportunity to participate in political law giving are protected in other ways,[7] Habermas' system of basic rights does not even require that democracies hold elections. I speak of a "particular species of regressions" because the relevant regressions concern those fundamental constitutional rights that correspond to the basic rights Habermas sketches in the system of rights: as I will explain more below, at issue is either the outright suspension of those rights or that the exercise of those rights is obstructed without them being suspended. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Ideas y Valores is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although McKean focuses on how critical orientations toward supply chains could emerge under conditions in which supply chains are operating normally, system breakdowns might offer uniquely advantageous opportunities for transforming supply chain subjectivity. This Du Bois likely offers more fecund material for the organizers whom McKean wants to set loose on supply chains than the Rawlsian avatar of Du Bois favored in I Disorienting Neoliberalism. i McKean rightly underscores the immense political challenge of fostering solidarity in a society that is governed as a whole by confluent dynamics of capitalist, racial, and gender power, even as those same forces incessantly generate highly variegated social experiences and thought-orientations among countless situated groups. McKean argues that individuals who do not have to endure the dangerous and precarious labor conditions that many supply chain workers face can be moved to seek solidarity with such workers in order to gain relief from an impasse in moral reflection. The problem, McKean contends, is that the supply chain economy makes it impossible for consumers, who do not depend (directly) on supply chains for employment, to affirm the justice of the society that has shaped them as moral agents. Meanwhile, as McKean points out, workers who manufacture, assemble, and distribute the goods channeled through supply chains feel the "uncanny" condensations of space and time thereby produced, and the way these elude full cognition, no less than those who mainly relate to supply chains as consumers. [Extracted from the article]

Aim. The aim of this study is to provide a selected theoretical-methodological analysis of the concept of negative freedom in relation to the political sphere of its application, to reveal and clarify the main political implications and normative claims that its recognition implies for political theory. Concept. From a methodological point of view, the study is based on three justified assumptions: (1) that in modern political philosophy the idea of individual freedom is the main normative basis for political theories, (2) that philosophical development has brought several competing concepts of this idea and (3) that from its own content the concept implies basic requirements for its social and political application. For the purposes of theoretical-methodological analysis, we distinguished two different moments in the concept of individual freedom (freedom as a question of will and freedom as a question of practice) and from their point of view we examined the selected concept of negative freedom in an attempt to reveal its implicit claims at the political level. Results. In the article, we have succeeded in formulating and arguing for the thesis that the concept of negative freedom in its applicability programmatically leads to a modus vivendi model of politics. We have shown that the concept of freedom and the model of politics are interrelated and normatively interdependent. Conclusion. The main conclusion of the study is that the above model of politics cannot be generalised and considered equally acceptable for all conceptions of freedom and the good life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governments around the world have been implementing measures to contain the COVID-19 pandemic and ease its economic fallout, and there has been extensive variation in the speed and extent to which they have introduced new policies. This article examines the role that regime type plays in determining the decisiveness of government policies to tackle the coronavirus pandemic and its spill over effects. We hypothesize that democratic regimes may be slower to introduce restrictions on civil liberties due to a "freedom commitment" and may be faster to provide economic protections due to a "welfare commitment". We use event history analysis and data from the Oxford COVID-19 Government Response Tracker to examine whether less democratic regimes are more likely to implement restrictions faster, and spending programmes slower. Contrary to expectations, our findings suggest that more authoritarian regimes do not implement constraints more quickly or spending more slowly than more democratic regimes. The finding holds across various regime measures and model specifications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on an exploration of the archipelago as a figure of thought in relation to poetics and politics. It discusses the conceptualization of the archipelago as a metaphor for openness, mobility, and relationality, as well as its potential for decolonizing governance. It also highlights the ambivalence of the archipelago as a concept, acknowledging its potential for both liberation and exploitation.

While freedom has traditionally been discussed in philosophy and political theory, this paper proposes an anthropological approach to the study of freedom. The focus is on the Japanese word amae, which Takeo Doi calls the 'key' to Japanese culture and contrasts with the 'Western' concept of freedom. After discussing Doi's influential work, meanings are reconstructed from interviews and group discussions with Japanese people about amae. The interviewees define amae literally in terms of social 'non-independence' and, unlike Doi, understand it in a complex intertwining with freedom on the one hand and autonomy on the other. Overall, the paper argues that amae can hardly serve as a 'key' to understanding the Japanese, but can stimulate fruitful anthropological reflections not only on Japanese culture, but also on the concept of freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Civic Freedom in an Age of Diversity: The Public Philosophy of James Tully" is a book edited by Dimitrios Karmis and Jocelyn Maclure that explores the work of political philosopher James Tully. The book is structured into six sections and includes 19 chapters that cover topics such as Tully's philosophy in relation to John Rawls, feminist philosophy, civil disobedience, global governance, Indigenous views and concerns, federalism, and thinking and acting differently. The book also includes Tully's responses to each chapter, providing a comprehensive and engaging dialogue. Overall, this collection of essays serves as an excellent introduction to the work of James Tully. [Extracted from the article]

In the analysis that I propose for Borderlands / La frontera. The New Mestiza I undertake a reading of Gloria Anzaldúa’s philosophical thought mediated by Hannah Arendt’s question in The Promise of Politics as to whether politics still makes sense. The categories that I recover from Arendt’s political theory to demonstrate that Anzaldúa’s writing is also ontological are thought, action, freedom, and necessity. With these four categories, I draw a symbolic and territorial space to defer the allegory of aporia in the Chicana writer border thinking. Analysis in which I deploy the political ontology of the woman who claims to be a frontier woman. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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As a Western citizen, am I responsible for the serious injustices, such as sweatshop labour, characterising our global economy? Benjamin McKean's terrific new book, Disorienting Neoliberalism: Global Justice and the Outer Limit of Freedom, shows why this is a misleading question – one that will not properly orient us in relation to the neoliberal economy. McKean argues that we need to recognise that we are unfree under unjust transnational economic institutions and thus we have a shared interest in resisting neoliberalism. This means that we should become disposed to heed the calls for solidarity by others across the world whose freedom is also impaired by neoliberal institutions. McKean's book offers a powerful and persuasive new account of global (in)justice and solidarity; it is an inspiring call to arms for egalitarian theorists. Although I will raise two friendly critical observations about McKean's argument, I recognise that this book is a major contribution to international political theory and that it sets a superb example of how to combine scholarly rigour with what might be called activist theorising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]