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Copyright of Zeitschrift für Politikwissenschaft is the property of Springer Nature and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Based on a systematic review of 192 scientific articles published from 2019 to 2023. In journals included in the list of peer-reviewed publications of the Higher Attestation Commission of the Russian Federation, two main strategies for studying the political orientations of Russians are distinguished: dominant and critical. Within the first, a consensus was reached that the basis of the political orientations of Russian citizens are ideas that can be united under the leadership of traditionalism and analytically examined in the conceptual prism of moderate conservatism. The authors adhering to the second strategy problematize the accepted interpretation of tradition and aim at revealing the contradictions present in the worldview of Russians, showing the significance of the chronic fragmentation of Russian society. A comparison is also made of the areas of research on political orientations in Russia and in other countries. It is indicated that foreign scientists pay very little attention to Russian political culture itself; the available works are focused on its protest aspects and on the historical context of the formation of its specificity. Unlike their foreign colleagues, Russian scientists are most interested in studying the current political orientations of young people. The author concludes that solutions to some of the most pressing research problems are revealed in the civilizational and other approaches developed by Russian researchers, which contribute to the convergence of both strategies, the unification of their positive potential and at the same time can shed light on what seems to be a long-standing and truly most important and the current problem of the political orientations of Russian society - inconsistency, polarization, fragmentation, which may have taken shape in the civilizational specifics of Russia.

The evolution of the European Union (EU) Common Security and Defence Policy (CSDP) raises questions about whether societies in member states share a common or convergent defence culture. Conceptual and methodological problems in the existing literature, however, make it difficult to measure this phenomenon. That is why this paper proposes a new model to measure the political culture relative to European defence, using a mixed factor analysis. In addition, drawing on a series of Eurobarometer surveys, it charts current attitudes towards defence in European citizenship and the impact of the war in Ukraine. The findings point to the existence of several political subcultures regarding defence in the EU. They also indicate various methodological strengths – and limitations – arising from the available Eurobarometer data.

This article concerns the endurance of political traditions brought to Palestine at the turn of the 20th century from the revolutionary milieu in Imperial Russia. The Russian Empire and its neighbors, which form most of today's Eastern Europe and large swaths of Central Europe, was the homeland of most early Zionist settlers. They had acquired experience in a range of clandestine political organizations in the Russian Empire. It is this revolutionary experience that constitutes the bedrock of Russian Zionists' influence on the political culture of the pre-state Palestine and Israel. Later, those who found themselves in Poland after Versailles became familiar with parliamentary rituals, even though the Polish state did not enjoy democracy for long. We suggest that this seemingly distant history continues to manifest itself in the political culture of contemporary Israel. We consider epistemology, tradition, ideology, and political action while looking at Israeli politics through the lens of its Russian roots. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article draws on rich qualitative data from two national parliaments—the UK House of Commons and the German Bundestag—to examine knowledge practices in political institutions. This is an important topic, not only because parliaments play a significant role in democratic decision-making, but because it sheds light on debates about how such decision-making is based on and interacts with knowledge and evidence. By adopting an interpretive analytical approach, I analyze the ways in which those practices are shaped by the beliefs and values of parliamentary actors. Indeed, in better understanding everyday practices, beliefs, and ideational traditions, it also contributes to better explaining how components of political and parliamentary cultures contribute to knowledge use more broadly. In the House of Commons, MPs draw on a highly trusted and independent parliamentary administration; meanwhile, committees have become fruitful avenues for MPs to develop policy expertise and engage with knowledge and evidence in a non-partisan way. In the German Bundestag, MPs also develop policy expertise—in fact, they interpret their role as specialists in a "working" parliament—but their knowledge practices are more openly partisan through the structuring role of parliamentary party groups and the skepticism of "neutral" advice from research services. Consequently, committees tend to be sites of political bargaining and conflict, rather than evidence-gathering. In both cases, parliaments' knowledge practices are shaped by wider webs of beliefs about the role of MPs within the institutions. This suggests that knowledge use in political and policy settings is shaped by broader cultural factors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of History Studies (13094688) is the property of History Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Marmara University Social Sciences Institute / Öneri is the property of Marmara University, Institute of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article "Political Humor Worldwide. The Cultural Context of Political Comedy, Satire, and Parody" published in the European Journal of Humour Research explores the multifaceted nature of humor in politics across different cultures. The book delves into various types of humor, such as incongruity, release/relief, and superiority, and how they shape political discourse. Through diverse contributions from scholars worldwide, the book highlights the importance of understanding humor as a significant tool in political communication, showcasing examples from countries like Greece, Israel, Italy, Japan, Philippines, Poland, Spain, UK, and USA. The text emphasizes the need to consider cultural differences and individual perspectives when analyzing political humor, offering insights into how humor can be used for both positive and negative purposes in society. [Extracted from the article]

IntroductionPolitical apathy refers to someone’s disinterest, reluctance, and passivity towards political participation. The present research aimed to investigate the factors that contributed to political apathy during the period 2001–2022. To accomplish this, the study employed a meta-analysis approach to synthesize the results of scattered experimental studies and answer the question of what factors influenced political apathy and to what extent they explained it.Materials and MethodsThis study employed a quantitative meta-analysis approach to identify and categorize studies related to the factors influencing political apathy during 2001–2022. The statistical population comprised 23 research documents, from which 11 documents were selected based on the criteria such as method, validity, reliability, and scientific findings. The selection criteria included method, sample size, correlation coefficients, significance level, statistical population, and year of publication. Having been analyzed in terms of correlation coefficients, sample size, and significance level, the selected studies were entered into Comprehensive Meta-Analysis 2 software, and the final effect size of each research study was estimated. The funnel plot and Q-test were used to determine the homogeneity or heterogeneity. After confirming heterogeneity between the studies, the article used a moderating variable to explain the factors affecting political apathy in the period. The current research employed specific criteria to select the relevant studies for analysis, including:Specific subject area: The research must have examined the factors influencing political apathy, either as the primary or ancillary objective.Specific geographical location: Only scientific–research articles and theses conducted in Iran were examined in this study.Specific research method: Only quantitative studies were selected for analysis since meta-analysis focuses on quantitative research.Research validity: Given the fact that the validity of any meta-analysis depends on the validity of the studies analyzed, the present research selected the relevant studies based on their validity and reliability which were ensured through strict evaluation criteria such as validity and reliability reports.Clarity of statistical findings: In line with the protocols of meta-analysis, the studies were selected based on the accurate and correct reporting of statistical findings, as well as their compliance with the assumptions of statistical tests and input criteria of the software.The research studies on the factors influencing political apathy were selected based on the above criteria, which indicates the use of a purposeful sampling method. As a result, 23 research documents were selected for analysis in the current research.Results and DiscussionThe study revealed a significant and positive relationship between political, social, cultural, economic, and demographic factors and political apathy. Political factors such as political distrust, dissatisfaction, alienation, lack of citizenship rights, anomie, and low political culture were found to be closely associated with political apathy. Social factors, including social anomie, commitment, health, national identity, low social vitality, organizational and occupational identity, lack of social transparency, feeling of social injustice, lawlessness, and low quality of life, were also found to contribute to political apathy. Cultural factors such as domestic media consumption, the level of religiosity, social and satellite networks, cultural anomie, and individualism were identified as influencing political apathy. Concerning economic factors, economic capital, relative deprivation, unemployment, and socio-economic class were found to be associated with political apathy. Finally, demographic factors such as education, place of residence, age, and marital status had a significant relationship with political apathy.ConclusionThe study concluded that political apathy is influenced by various economic, political, cultural, and social factors. To prevent the emergence and occurrence of this phenomenon, it is necessary to encourage political participation of citizens in societal affairs by improving their socio-economic status, enhancing self-esteem and sense of efficiency, increasing political and social trust, strengthening religiosity, promoting social justice, and providing greater life satisfaction. Other strategies to increase people’s political participation and prevent political apathy include raising political awareness, fostering hope for future change, ensuring proportional reward for participation, promoting social satisfaction and sense of effectiveness, cultivating citizens’ optimism about the future, increasing political and economic efficiency, strengthening socio-political capital, enhancing political education, empowering citizens, fostering social belonging and individual motivation, promoting accountability of rulers, improving efficiency and effectiveness of institutions and organizations, preventing corruption and political violence, increasing incomes, expanding education, improving social status, building trust in the government, promoting economic development, expanding traditional political culture, and ensuring political and social equality.

The successes of right -wing populist parties in Central and Eastern Europe, as well as a repeated distancing from the European Union, raise the question of whether there is such a thing as European citizenship at all. Citizenship is not understood as formal nationality, but as a sense of belonging. This ties in with the considerations of political cultural research. This article uses representative surveys to address the question: What about European Citizenship in Central and Eastern Europe? The results show that the feeling of belonging to the European Union in Eastern and Central Europe is better than its reputation and not lower than in Western Europe. However, there are differences in the recognition of plurality between the majority (not all) of Eastern European states compared to the majority of Western European states. In particular, the integration of Muslims is more strongly rejected. The same applies to the social acceptance of homosexuality. This partly explains the success of right -wing populists in Central and Eastern Europe and marks a certain cultural difference, which is primarily directed against a wet model of democracy that is considered too open to plurality. In short: Central and Eastern Europeans also see themselves as Europeans and EU members, but their ideas of a European democracy differ from Western ideas – especially in peripheral regions.

The article "In Memoriam: Donald S. Lutz (1943–2024)" from Publius: The Journal of Federalism pays tribute to the life and contributions of Donald S. Lutz, a respected Professor of Political Science at the University of Houston. Lutz, who passed away at the age of 80, was known for his work in American Political Theory, particularly in the area of constitutionalism. His impact extended beyond academia, as he was remembered as a beloved teacher, mentor, and family man. His legacy lives on through his writings, teachings, and the students he inspired. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Larq Journal for Philosophy, Linguistics & Social Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Max Skjönsberg's book, "The Persistence of Party," explores the dominance of the idea of party in eighteenth-century Britain. The book fills a gap in the history of political thought by examining the value of party itself, rather than just party ideology. Skjönsberg analyzes the historical and sociological context of the Whig-Tory divide and the creation of political organizations based on ideological principles. The book also discusses the perspectives of various writers, such as Rapin, Bolingbroke, Hume, and Burke, on the role of party in British politics. Skjönsberg's analysis highlights the importance of understanding the political circumstances and promoting a more civil and humane political culture. [Extracted from the article]

This paper investigates the role of the dark knight archetype in the theory of sovereignty. The dark knight archetype has repeatedly emerged in popular culture, but has never been fully explored in jurisprudence and political theory. The aim is to develop a new visual method to bridge the distance between the theory and the tropes that have historically been used to create and justify the notion of sovereignty. Sovereignty is understood here not only as a founding concept of modern legal theory, but also as a trope: a special kind of narrative, illustrated, capable of being modernized, and yet maintaining its initial trends; one that is foundational and colonial, and capable of institutionalizing subjects and sovereigns. Strategically following the works of Agamben, Benjamin, Jung and Warburg, this paper analyses – in a psychoanalytical sense – the unconscious dimensions of sovereignty from evidence collected in popular culture and political history. From fallen medieval knights to Zorro; from fascist Blackshirts to Darth Vader, this paper examines the pervasive repetition of dark knight figures in Western tropes of sovereignty and its consequences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

To curb the COVID-19 pandemic, governments took exceptional measures impacting citizens' daily lives, the economy, and democratic institutions. The literature has already discussed the various measures and their short-term consequences for institutions and decision-making, highlighting the risk of democratic backsliding. However, little is known about how and why consolidated democracies survived the pandemic without substantial damage to their democratic institutions and practices. Drawing on the flourishing literature on democratic resilience, we contribute to theory-building through a novel analytical framework consisting of three interrelated and complementary dimensions that make a country resilient to crisis: institutions, instruments, and actors. The accumulation of unperfect layers offers adequate protection against backsliding. Examining the case of Finland, this article shows how institutional design, legal rules, and political culture combined to confer a high level of protection against the weakening of democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author analyzes the development of the political and philosophical concept of republic as a common cause in the conditions of transformation of the value system of Western society. The main problem of the research is the reason why the existence of the republic in the conditions of modern ideological and theoretical foundations of the society of individual consumerism faces the impossibility of achieving the common good as the goal-setting of a common cause. The study traces the ontology of the republic in the political thought of ancient philosophers, medieval thinkers and modern representatives of Western political theory. The central role, in this sense, is played by Christianity, which for many centuries has been a systematic representation of the essence of the common good. In the conditions of modern Western society, it has ceased to be a transcendent system of values, giving way to relativistic concepts that are unable to act as a foundation for social harmony. The author comes to the conclusion that the modern era has led to the deprivation of the republic of goal-setting, replacing the collective essence of society with the individual egoism of a citizen, while postmodernism, rejecting any form of collective self-identification of a person, deprives him of the opportunity to act as a citizen.

Although representing half of the world population, women remain largely excluded from political power and government structures. Various strategies have been introduced to increase women’s political representation, including electoral gender quotas. This paper explores the impact of electoral gender quotas on women’s quantitative participation in politics of Bosnia and Herzegovina, analysing quota impact in combination with other related factors, such as the quota design, implementation and broader political context. A diversity of techniques has been used to collect a combination of quantitative and qualitative data, including academic resources collection and analysis, desk research, statistical data analysis and online questionnaire. The paper argues that electoral gender quotas have generally had a positive impact on getting women elected in BiH, though their efficacy depends on their formulation and other aspects of electoral law. Still, quantitative representation of women is not sufficient to facilitate their agency in politics. Social attitudes also continue to affect the electoral success of women once they secure a spot on the candidate list. Therefore, quotas must be implemented within a broader democratic, accountable and gender-sensitive political context to deliver qualitative representation of women in politics. Finally, the paper offers concrete recommendations to promote women’s political participation in BiH.

The book "Venezuela - Dimensions of a Crisis: A Perspective on Democratic Backsliding" edited by Miguel Angel Latouche, Wolfgang Muno, and Alexandra Gericke provides a multidimensional analysis of the crisis in Venezuela. The book is divided into three sections, covering theoretical perspectives, domestic factors, and international interactions. It explores the rise of Chavismo and the decline of liberal democracy in Venezuela, examining ideological factors, the role of political parties, and the impact on public administration and the military. The book also discusses the international dimension of the crisis, including the positions of the European Union and the United States, as well as the relationship with neighboring Colombia. While the book does not extensively explore the role of China and Russia, it offers valuable insights into the limits of democracy in Venezuela. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Político is the property of Revista Internacional de Pensamiento Politico - Universidad Pablo de Olavide and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on Raffaele Romanelli's examination of the relationship between Italy and its republican Constitution, exploring its genesis, evolution, and the challenges faced in reform efforts. Topics include the influence of various political cultures on the formation of the Constitution, the debates surrounding the form of government, and the recurring theme of Italy's struggle with liberalism, particularly its anti-capitalist and anti-individualistic tendencies.

The article in Safundi pays tribute to Tom Lodge, a prominent scholar in South African history, focusing on his work "Red Road to Freedom." Lodge's book is praised for its meticulous research, contextual sensitivity, and balanced critique of the Communist Party's history in South Africa. The article highlights Lodge's intellectual formation in the British left of the 1970s, which shaped his democratic sensibility and commitment to humanistic scholarship. Lodge's global perspective in "Red Road" illuminates the complex interweaving of South African Communists with the British left, offering a nuanced understanding of the party's history. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of HUM: Journal of the Faculty of Arts at the University of Mostar is the property of University of Mostar, Faculty of Arts and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Lua Nova is the property of CEDEC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Ciencia Política is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this article, I have chosen a specific perspective from which to identify and analyse what has gone wrong for the Italian Left in the past thirty years. I will take as my starting point the demolition of the Berlin Wall (1989) and continue with the foundation of the Partito Democratico (Democratic Party [PD] 2007), its vicissitudes, its current state of health and its status. I will do so by attempting as far as possible to consider what has been done, or not done, by other left-wing parties in Europe. My main hypothesis is that the Left has declined because it has been unable to renew or reinvigorate its political culture. When dealing with the PD I will briefly analyse the motivations behind its birth, and especially the frequently repeated intention to amalgamate – through the so-called and never-achieved hybridization – the best of all Italian reformist political cultures. My final remarks will be devoted to what can be done to (re)formulate a left-wing political culture in Italy (and elsewhere in Europe). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the possibility that the subjects of managerial decision-making have an objective need for the institutionalization of corruption. The authors consider the issues of integrating institutional corruption into the managerial and political-legal subsystems, which leads to multiple functional distortions in the system of state institutions in the interests of latent structures. The purpose of the article is a comparative analysis of the two main types of corruption in modern society. The authors use a neo-institutional methodological approach characterized by the principle of methodological individualism and a number of scientific methods. Although market corruption exerts a certain financial burden on business, it does not violate the principles of market competition. Institutional corruption may hypothetically not impose additional financial burden on business, but it introduces significant restrictions on the competitive environment itself. Progress in the fight against corruption is possible only if civil society interacts with state authorities and institutions, and the values of civic activism are actualized in the socio-political participation of citizens.

IntroductionPolitical–ethnic violence arises from abrupt, heterogeneous, and disruptive social development and changes that lead to social disorganization and multidimensional anomie. Related to the social structure, political violence results from the unequal distribution of opportunities, discrimination, and deprivation, carrying destabilizing consequences for the political system. Experts identify several factors as causes of political–ethnic violence, including the erosion of social capital, increasing individualism, declining civil cohesion, economic pressures, widening class gaps, discrimination, and external provocations. In this respect, the present research aimed to investigate the factors underlying political–ethnic violence by adopting a meta-analysis approach, focusing on the researches conducted during 2007–2021. Materials and MethodsThe research method employed in this study is a quantitative meta-analysis. The researcher identified relevant studies by conducting a comprehensive review of the literature and researches conducted during 2007–2021, focusing specifically on political–ethnic violence. A sample size of 20 documents was selected after careful consideration of methodological rigor, reliability, and validity. The documents were then categorized and organized according to the research method, sample size, correlation coefficients, significance level, statistical population, and publication year. The values of correlation coefficients, sample size, and significance level, were entered into the second edition of Comprehensive Meta-Analysis (CMA) software. The Q-test, together with the funnel chart, was utilized to assess the homogeneity or heterogeneity of the studies. After confirming the heterogeneity hypothesis, the research employed a moderating (contextual) to measure its impact on political violence.Table 1. Summary of Meta-Analysis Research Results and DiscussionThe findings of the study revealed a significant relationship between various factors and the political–ethnic violence. The identified factors are related to discrimination (including social, political, and economic discrimination), identity (including religious identity, ethnic identity, ethnic subculture patterns, and national identity), deprivation (including cultural, political, and social deprivation), social capital (such as sociopolitical cohesion, trust, participation, awareness, and low political culture), psychological makeup (involving feelings of ethnic dignity, social satisfaction, ethnic tension and difference, alienation, and social isolation), and context (such as education, income, and social class). According to the results, there is a higher tendency towards political–ethnic violence among males (18%) compared to females (15%). Furthermore, the study indicates that the level of political–ethnic violence is higher Turkish (19%) and Lur and Arab ethnic groups (17%) followed by a more moderate level in Kurdish (12%) and Persian (11%) ethnic groups. The Baloch and Turkmen ethnic groups exhibit a lower tendency towards political-ethnic violence with the figure of 10%. In addition, the findings suggest that the inclination towards political violence is higher in less developed areas (18%), moderate in developing regions (13%), and lower in developed areas (10%). ConclusionThe results indicate that political violence is deeply rooted in society and culture, often triggered by rapid and sudden social changes, class and economic gaps, and social disorganization over time. The failure of social institutions to regulate class dynamics effectively creates a sense of multiple deprivation among ethnic groups, leading to the emergence of political–ethnic violence. Media advertisements, both domestic and foreign, and the influence of sectarian movements in the real world and cyberspace also play a significant role in initiating, perpetuating, and intensifying political violence. The decline in sociopolitical capital, widening social and class disparities, and a sense of multiple deprivation and multidimensional anomie provide fertile ground for violence to flourish. The greater the sense of failure, deprivation, and frustration, the higher the likelihood of aggression towards the perceived source of these problems. Moreover, the severity of deprivation directly correlates with the intensity of violence. Mass media amplifies and accelerates psychological pressure for radical and violent actions. The weakening management, control, organization, and efficiency of social structures provide the ground for anomie and social disorder, ultimately leading to the emergence of political violence as a response to the relative deprivation, discrimination, and social isolation.

Research on political legitimacy encompasses two distinct traditions, one institutionalist and another drawing on political culture accounts of legitimacy. Recent contributions argue in favor of an integration of these two vantage points in the study of political legitimacy. Following these lines of reasoning, we investigate empirically whether a two-dimensional approach in political legitimacy research integrating the institutionalist and political culture perspectives can contribute to establish a more comprehensive and nuanced view on political regimes and their legitimacy. We conceptualize political legitimacy in combining an external normative with an internal empirical perspective, collect data for both and compare the relationship between these two dimensions of political legitimacy in an internationally comparative framework. Using data from Integrated Values Surveys and Varieties of Democracy we find that both dimensions are closely linked in general, discover important deviations from this pattern in the case of citizens' performance evaluations, pinpoint a particular group of hybrid cases that either lost internal or external legitimacy while collecting positive evaluations on the other dimension, and discuss the consequences of these findings for regime stability and future research on political legitimacy.

Legitimacy is a central resource for all political systems. This include democracies as autocracies. For democracies, you need the acceptance of the normative concept of democracy by the citizens. Simply put, this norm requires an empirical legitimacy. The empirical legitimacy focus on different understandings of democracy. Mostly the aspect of individual freedom is dominant. Empirical analyses show this idea do not only work for Europe. The article first shows what empirical legitimacy means conceptually and then analyzes this existence of legitimacy in a comparative perspective. It is the erosion of legitimacy that can lead a political regime to collapse. Current survey data from political culture research show not only differences in the legitimacy of democratic and autocratic regimes, but also an increase in the importance of different understandings of democracy. Some of these are no longer democratic.

This study conducts a comparative analysis of Ukraine and the Republic of Kazakhstan, two post-Soviet states facing ongoing contradictions and challenges in mutual understanding. Following the collapse of the Soviet Union, these states embarked on their own paths of national development, influenced by various political, economic, socio-cultural, and ethnic factors. This study examines the formation of political parties, the development of political and electoral culture, and the legal approaches to organizing the electoral process in Ukraine and Kazakhstan. Additionally, it explores the manipulation of electoral behavior through a specific case study. The study employs standard political research methods such as comparative analysis, anthropological and structural-functional approaches, content analysis, and a systematic approach. The findings of this study serve as valuable information for experts involved in organizing electoral processes, researchers in comparative political science, and readers interested in the subject matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the importance of the public use of reason and freedom of the press in the formation of public opinion in Mexico between 1808 and 1832. During this period, three political currents developed and political literature flourished as a means to express political ideas and shape public opinion. Political pamphlets, especially dialogues, were used to debate and express political ideas. Prominent writers such as José Mariano Beristain de Souza, Rafael Dávila, and José Joaquín Fernández de Lizardi are mentioned, who addressed political issues in their literary works and newspapers. These writers sought to balance the enlightened spirit with traditional forms of expression and translate the language of the powerful into common terms. [Extracted from the article]

Thearticledealswiththeneedtofurtherimprovement ofthefunctioningofthepoliticalsystemofmodernUkrainiansociety. The relevance of this task is determined by the severity of manifestations of opposition from higher authorities. Today, there is a rather complex and contradictory system of relations between the institution of the head of state and the supreme bodies of all branches of power in Ukraine. The most acute contradictions have developed in the executive branch, which are manifested primarily in the relations between the Office of the President of Ukraine and the Cabinet of Ministers of Ukraine. The author substantiates the objectively existing need to develop new theoretical foundations and define practical tasks for modernizing the political system of modern Ukrainian society. At the same time, the author prioritizes measures to harmonize the foundations of a particular form of government with the most effective practices of organization. The author emphasizes that there are a number of contradictions inherent in the regulatory framework, which significantly complicate the organization of interaction between the supreme bodies of all branches of government. It is emphasized that the process of further development of the political system of Ukrainian society requires a thorough restructuring of the regulatory framework for the organization and functioning of the leading political institutions of modern Ukrainian society. First of all, improvement of the regulatory framework for interaction between the branches of power in Ukraine should be aimed at overcoming the manifestations of power dualism enshrined in the powers of all supreme bodies of state power.The author substantiates the tasks of regulatory support for the main directions of optimization of the political system of Ukrainian society through a more complete implementation of one of the classical forms of government.

The article considers political culture of the national regions in Russia as part of the all-Russian political culture. The authors examine existing typologies of political culture as a scientific tool for the study of national regions. The goal is to identify typologies applicable to the analysis of regional political culture and capable of explaining the dynamics of the national regions’ development. The methods used are systematic, comparative, and typological approach, G. Almond and S. Verba’s explanatory scientific paradigm of the political culture. The parochial-subject type of political culture, which combines clan values with passive political participation, reflects the modern socio-political reality in national regions. The political culture of national regions develops based on the peculiarities of Russian statehood. Among the modern political culture typologies, most suitable for the study of national regions are G. Almond and S. Verba’s parochial-subject type of political culture as well as W. Rosenbaum’s integrated political culture type.

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Copyright of Political Science Studies / Studia Politologiczne is the property of University of Warsaw and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Even though the need is great, there are too few resources available to political science faculty who seek to integrate antiracist pedagogy into their courses and curriculum. To date, there are no publications that focus on the special considerations that must be taken into account when teaching political science courses in an antiracist way due to the relationship between our discipline and the political actors and institutions we study. In this article, I discuss some of the foundational principles in antiracist pedagogy and consider how they can be implemented in political science courses that involve direct advocacy. Following hooks, Kandaswamy, and Kishimoto, I argue that that antiracist teaching requires instructors to engage in critical reflection on their own positionality—both as individuals in a society structured by racial capitalism, and as faculty members in particular departments, within an academic discipline. Further, that the course design process must take into consideration whose perspectives are being centered in the course design process and how students' emotional needs are reflected in our teaching practices. Finally, that when it comes to antiracist pedagogy how we teach is as much or more important than what we teach. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article is devoted to identifying key differences between Ukrainian and Russian political identities. It is ascertained that the basic parameters for Ukrainian political identity are individualism, rejection of the authoritarian principle, love of freedom, etc. The idea of freedom has been long embedded in the mentality of Ukrainian people. By contrast, as regards the Russian people (Muscovites) mentality, slavish obedience has long been considered a virtue. According to eyewitnesses, Muscovites considered deception to be a proof of great intelligence. They are not ashamed of lying. Ukrainian political identity representatives should not be expected to automatically submit to the authorities, as the reputation and legitimacy of the leader are important for them. Ukrainians can force an illegitimate official who is also acting illegally to relinquish the power. The bearers of Russia’s political identity are dominated by the need for a supreme leader who will make all important decisions on his own. This state of Russian political culture, where decision-making is delegated only to rulers, and the role of the population is to implement these decisions, is determined by long-standing practices of authoritarianism. Atomization, that is, the disunity of society, is one of the dominant features of Russia’s political identity nowadays. Due to the atomization of society and people being unable to trust each other, all sorts of significant protests or rallies in Russia are impossible.

The articles researches the concept of political culture as a system of inherited political notions expressed in symbolic forms and generalizes the differences between the political culture of Ukrainians and Russians. It stresses that the cultural identity of Ukraine is established on one of its basic tendencies – penchant for archaization of all symbolic forms; it researches the place of the heroic political myth in this process; it analyzes sacral projections of the political in the myth through which the subject-and-object order of the Ukrainian politics world is explained. Thus, the pattern of the heroic monomyth (a structured ontological range of symbols) serves as a program of political reality (as a structured order of political objects). The symbols of the heroic monomyth have sacral significance because they present an idea of political order, stability, forecastability of politics (the latter is lacking in the crisis context of development) when there is unwillingness of a part of citizens to bear responsibility for prospects of future development of events in the country in the conditions of long-term uncertainty. The article researches peculiarities of the how the structure-image of the hero builds the constitution of political reality in Ukraine and Russia.

The paper aims to test the mechanism of autocratic populism (term which will be used as a synonym for illiberal democracy) in Hungary and Romania. A mechanism could help to better explain the phenomenon of populism across different spatiotemporal settings in which it occurs, therefore it is suitable for a common understanding of populism. I am going to use a minimal definition of liberal democracy as well as authoritarian populism and compare Romania and Hungary along three major components of the mechanism: constitutionalism (division of powers), the cultural construction of "the people" and the different conditions of the emergence of a charismatic personality. Investigating political processes will show why authoritarian populism or illiberal democracy has gained prominence in Hungary but has failed in Romania.

Dedicated especially to the idea of government by a moral elite, Chinese political culture is rooted in tradition, marked by the idea of harmony and realistic moralism, before it was marked in the twentieth century by propaganda, control, civic obedience, the cult of personality, concern for material welfare - to reach attempts to recover spiritual concerns in the beginning of the twenty-first century.

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sexuality, Gender & Policy Journal is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Understanding the process of genesis and formation of political identities is a compelling theme of political science and sociological analysis not only of the electoral behavior, but also of the manner and forms of political participation and the nature of political culture. The aim of the article is to describe and explain the interrelationship of the dimensions of historical consciousness on the formation of political identities in the Czech Republic. The basic research hypothesis is that political identities of the population aged 40 and over differ with respect to patterns of historical consciousness and related sociodemographic characteristics. Based on the general hypothesis, we formulated three specific hypotheses: 1. differences in political identities result from historical consciousness measured in terms of its various dimensions and related sociodemographic characteristics. And consistently, memory of the past is influenced by current political attitudes, regardless of self-expression or sociodemographic characteristics. 2. It is possible to identify several different patterns of historical consciousness, i.e., there are some significant communalities in respondents' relationship to the dimensions of historical consciousness. 3. It is possible to relate different patterns of historical consciousness to different political identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

If the controversy between Lu and Sima says anything from a purely academic point of view, it is Sima's unsatisfaction with some technical problems with work based on historical empiricism by a self-taught, learned overt historical empiricist. To put it another way, a major weak spot in Lu's book is not some empirical mistakes that Sima spots on but that Lu's treatment of sources is too empirical. To paraphrase Lu's phraseology printed on the book cover, I would say: thanks to Sima, we not only have the world of professional historians but have the world of Sima, through which university-based scholars can reflect ourselves and our own problems. [Extracted from the article]

Introduction: The transition to democracy or even the beginning of the democratization process is affected by various factors that researchers have pointed out based on their theoretical tendencies: modernization, economic situation, external pressure, integration of trust networks in public policy, trust in the government. Institutions have been introduced as effective factors in the transition. Political culture, which is generally based on the link between politics, culture, and especially the influence of culture, beliefs and values in the cultural structure of political societies, is included in this matter. The participation of citizens in political issues and government affairs is very important in the establishment of the system and it requires the active participation of people in their destiny and their society with rational judgment for intervention and be effective in making decisions to achieve national goals and at the same time in determining public policies and how to govern the country. In the last hundred years, Afghanistan has gone through many periods to achieve the rule of law, the right to vote, the enjoyment of civil rights and liberties and the limitation of the powers of rulers and politicians to enact laws and constitutions. Research Question: This research seeks to answer the question that according to the political and cultural conditions of Afghanistan, what factors have hindered the transition to a democratic and participatory political culture? Research Hypothesis: Due to the structural weaknesses and widespread administrative corruption of Afghanistan's previous political system, democracy has had less opportunity to grow and spread in this country. Methodology: In this research, due to the researcher's inability to travel to Afghanistan after the Taliban took control of this country, it was not possible to identify a statistically significant population for the survey. Therefore, interviews were conducted with selected individuals by asking a series of questions. The interview consisted of 17 questions and a personal information table. Factors that were important for the interviews included indicators such as gender, religion, ethnicity, literacy level and residence in Afghanistan. Therefore, people were identified who were either living in Afghanistan or recently immigrated from Afghanistan or came to Iran for a trip. After providing necessary infrastructure for conducting the interviews and identifying the selected individuals, the data for this study were collected through semi-structured interviews, the sample size of this study. In this study, through open coding, more than 120 concepts were extracted from meaningful sentences. These concepts were combined in 22 subcategories and 13 main categories and a final core category, "Obstacles to Participatory and Democratic Political Culture in Afghanistan," was extracted from all the main categories. Results and Discussion: In this research, the central and fundamental issue that always emerges from the data and to which all other main issues are related is "obstacles to a participatory and democratic political culture in Afghanistan". The central phenomenon of this study explains what obstacles prevent the establishment of a democratic and participatory political culture in Afghanistan. Additionally, because the central phenomenon is constructed from key concepts such as "inefficiency of the national government in the context of historical developments", "weakness of national and local political institutions", "marginalization and elimination of women and political elites in society", "political passivity and disillusionment of people in the shadow of a rent-seeking and independent government", and "lack of political outlook growth and structural and administrative corruption as barriers to democracy", it is called "obstacles to a participatory and democratic political culture in Afghanistan." Conclusion: The main concern of this research is to identify the structural and mental obstacles that have prevented the democratization of the political system in Afghanistan for years. According to Huntington's action-oriented approach, which focuses on the analysis of factors preventing the transition to democracy, the structure of the non-democratic political system of Afghanistan from 2001 to 2021, with fewer opportunities for political expansion and development within the framework of democracy, can be viewed from the perspective of nationalism. He has analyzed monopolization, administrative corruption and rent-seeking, suppression of political parties and organizations, lack of rule of law, unhealthy and nontransparent elections, and factors of this kind, all of which contribute to the failure to transition to a democratic and participatory political culture in the country. An important point that is constantly visible under the comments of the participants and has been mentioned in the main and sub-categories, is the strong demand of the people to hold safe and transparent elections and of course to emphasize the constructive and effective activities of political institutions. Although the level of political participation in Afghanistan is low due to the above-mentioned reasons, the result of this research points to the lack of development of the desired political attitude of democracy in this country, therefore this does not mean that people feel the need for constructive and decisive participation in their political destiny. They don't have it, except that the maximum demand is to hold safe elections with the presence of candidates from various ethnic and religious spectrums, which will be postponed for the time being when the Taliban comes back to power. Successful democratization in Afghanistan depends on the existence of developed socio-economic structures with the condition of the presence of civil society, the positive role of foreign and international factors and the appropriate democratic model among political elites, which increases the possibility of achieving it. Without any of these elements, democratization will not take place. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)