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This study investigates the vast potential for space-based technologies and applications in supporting governance to strengthen civil society, bolster democratic processes, and allow for socio-economic development throughout Africa. It offers a comprehensive analysis of African governance levels, existing e-governance systems, African challenges relating to e-governance adoption, and how e-governance solutions can assist in realising the continent's development goals. First, the study explores the integral role of good governance in achieving the UN Agenda 2030 Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and the AU's Agenda 2063 aspirations. Subsequently, the existing African governance structures established at a continental level are described to provide an overview of the frameworks informing governance within Africa. Specific challenges that need to be overcome to ensure good governance are then addressed and the current governance levels in Africa are evaluated. An assessment of e-government readiness levels both globally and within Africa is offered through an examination of the United Nations E-Government Survey from 2018. Specific barriers to e-government, both abroad and within Africa, are then analysed along with the associated risks relating to e-government systems. It then investigates how digital divides and lack of internet connectivity within Africa can be addressed by new technologies and commitments from both terrestrial and space actors. The opportunities afforded by rapidly growing satellite constellations being deployed to increase connectivity levels and reduce the costs thereof are then analysed in detail and the various planned constellations are assessed on a technical level. Lastly, the potential for Earth Observation and remote sensing data to assist with e-governance activities across sectors including healthcare, education, agriculture, water and sanitation, and emergency responses is investigated.

The thesis critically examines two important concepts in the discussion of public management, good governance, and good enough governance. It argues that current thinking about good governance is overly inclusive and lengthy. Good enough governance offers a more feasible governance strategy, but it is still results-based and neglects crucial elements in human development such as political and civil freedom. This thesis suggests an alternative concept for public management in developing countries—governance with rights-first. The alternative concept argues that the pursuit of effective and efficient management should be placed in a more humanistic frame that includes not just economic development, but also political, social, and civic development. Government policies should be based primarily on addressing the political, economic, social, and civil rights, and needs of the citizenry of the country. It also argues that there is no one-size-fits-all formula to improve governance. Policy interventions must be based on the specific context of the country.

Presidential elections were held in Nigeria on 25 February 2023. The candidate of Nigeria's ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) party Bola Ahmed Tinubu won the election. He was known as a political 'godfather' in the South West. His major contender, Atiku Abubakar, 76, running on behalf of the major oppositional People's Democratic Party (PDP) lost, as well as the third, Peter Obi, 61, a candidate for the little-known Labor Party. He had hoped to break the two-party system that ruled the country since the end of military rule. But he failed despite enjoying passionate support on social media, especially among the Nigerian youth. Acting President Buhari, whose term has ended, had renewed his call for foreign powers not to interfere in Nigeria's internal affairs. Given the recent history of military coups in West Africa, including Russia's involvement, the military command again dismissed coup rumours. However, the latter were largely ignored by the general public anyway. Most people focused on more pressing concerns such as insecurity, fuel shortages and a shortage of new banknotes. Although Nigeria is a resource-rich country and oil and gas revenues have funded national budgets for decades, around 40% of Nigerians (83 million people) live below the poverty line while another 25% (53 million) are at risk. So far, Nigeria has not been able to benefit from rising global oil prices. Oil production has fallen to historic lows since 2021. Gasoline subsidies continue to consume too much of oil revenue. Nigeria's growth prospects are bleak due to further declines in oil production and heightened uncertainty. The new president has to cooperate closely with ECOWAS to tackle gang violence and insecurity in the West African region. The cooperation documents Nigeria's role as a political, economic and security policy hegemon in West Africa, often said 'too big to fail', as it is by far the largest and most powerful nation in sub-Saharan Africa alongside South Africa. Am 25. Februar 2023 fanden in Nigeria Präsidentschaftswahlen statt. Der Kandidat der nigerianischen Regierungspartei All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Ahmed Tinubu, gewann die Wahl. Er war im Südwesten als politischer „Pate“ bekannt. Sein größter Konkurrent, Atiku Abubakar, 76, der im Namen der größten oppositionellen People's Democratic Party (PDP) kandidiert, verlor ebenso wie der dritte, Peter Obi, 61, ein Kandidat der wenig bekannten Labour Party. Er hatte gehofft, das Zweiparteiensystem zu durchbrechen, das das Land seit dem Ende der Militärherrschaft regierte. Aber er scheiterte, obwohl er in den sozialen Medien leidenschaftliche Unterstützung genoss, insbesondere unter der nigerianischen Jugend. Der amtierende Präsident Buhari, dessen Amtszeit abgelaufen ist, hatte seinen Aufruf an ausländische Mächte erneuert, sich nicht in die inneren Angelegenheiten Nigerias einzumischen. Angesichts der jüngsten Geschichte von Militärputschen in Westafrika, einschließlich der Beteiligung Russlands, wies das Militärkommando Putschgerüchte erneut zurück. Letztere wurden jedoch von der breiten Öffentlichkeit ohnehin weitgehend ignoriert. Die meisten Menschen konzentrierten sich auf dringendere Probleme wie Unsicherheit, Kraftstoffknappheit und einen Mangel an neuen Banknoten. Obwohl Nigeria ein rohstoffreiches Land ist und Öl- und Gaseinnahmen seit Jahrzehnten die Staatshaushalte finanzieren, leben rund 40 % der Nigerianer (83 Millionen Menschen) unterhalb der Armutsgrenze, während weitere 25 % (53 Millionen) gefährdet sind. Bisher konnte Nigeria nicht von steigenden globalen Ölpreisen profitieren. Die Ölförderung ist seit 2021 auf historische Tiefststände gefallen. Benzinsubventionen verschlingen weiterhin zu viele Öleinnahmen. Nigerias Wachstumsaussichten sind aufgrund weiterer Rückgänge der Ölförderung und erhöhter Unsicherheit düster. Der neue Präsident muss eng mit der ECOWAS zusammenarbeiten, um Bandengewalt und Unsicherheit in der westafrikanischen Region zu bekämpfen. Diese Kooperation dokumentiert Nigerias Rolle als politischer, wirtschaftlicher und sicherheitspolitischer Hegemon in Westafrika, der oft als "too big to fail" bezeichnet wird, da Nigeria neben Südafrika die mit Abstand größte und mächtigste Nation in Subsahara-Afrika ist.

Presidential elections were held in Nigeria on 25 February 2023. The candidate of Nigeria's ruling All Progressives Congress (APC) party Bola Ahmed Tinubu won the election. He was known as a political 'godfather' in the South West. His major contender, Atiku Abubakar, 76, running on behalf of the major oppositional People's Democratic Party (PDP) lost, as well as the third, Peter Obi, 61, a candidate for the little-known Labor Party. He had hoped to break the two-party system that ruled the country since the end of military rule. But he failed despite enjoying passionate support on social media, especially among the Nigerian youth. Acting President Buhari, whose term has ended, had renewed his call for foreign powers not to interfere in Nigeria's internal affairs. Given the recent history of military coups in West Africa, including Russia's involvement, the military command again dismissed coup rumours. However, the latter were largely ignored by the general public anyway. Most people focused on more pressing concerns such as insecurity, fuel shortages and a shortage of new banknotes. Although Nigeria is a resource-rich country and oil and gas revenues have funded national budgets for decades, around 40% of Nigerians (83 million people) live below the poverty line while another 25% (53 million) are at risk. So far, Nigeria has not been able to benefit from rising global oil prices. Oil production has fallen to historic lows since 2021. Gasoline subsidies continue to consume too much of oil revenue. Nigeria's growth prospects are bleak due to further declines in oil production and heightened uncertainty. The new president has to cooperate closely with ECOWAS to tackle gang violence and insecurity in the West African region. The cooperation documents Nigeria's role as a political, economic and security policy hegemon in West Africa, often said 'too big to fail', as it is by far the largest and most powerful nation in sub-Saharan Africa alongside South Africa. Des élections présidentielles ont eu lieu au Nigeria le 25 février 2023. Le candidat du parti au pouvoir, le All Progressives Congress (APC), Bola Ahmed Tinubu, a remporté l'élection. Il était connu comme un « parrain » politique dans le Sud-ouest. Son principal concurrent, Atiku Abubakar, 76 ans, candidat du principal parti d'opposition, le Parti démocratique populaire (PDP), a perdu, ainsi que le troisième, Peter Obi, 61 ans, candidat du parti travailliste peu connu. Il avait espéré briser le système bipartite qui dirigeait le pays depuis la fin du régime militaire. Mais il a échoué malgré un soutien passionné sur les réseaux sociaux, en particulier parmi la jeunesse nigériane. Le président par intérim Buhari, dont le mandat est terminé, avait renouvelé son appel aux puissances étrangères pour qu'elles ne s'immiscent pas dans les affaires intérieures du Nigeria. Compte tenu de l'histoire récente des coups d'État militaires en Afrique de l'Ouest, y compris l'implication de la Russie, le commandement militaire a de nouveau rejeté les rumeurs de coup d'État. Cependant, ces derniers étaient de toute façon largement ignorés du grand public. La plupart des gens se sont concentrés sur des préoccupations plus urgentes telles que l'insécurité, les pénuries de carburant et la pénurie de nouveaux billets. Bien que le Nigeria soit un pays riche en ressources et que les revenus du pétrole et du gaz aient financé les budgets nationaux pendant des décennies, environ 40 % des Nigérians (83 millions de personnes) vivent en dessous du seuil de pauvreté tandis que 25 % (53 millions) sont à risque. Jusqu'à présent, le Nigeria n'a pas pu profiter de la hausse des prix mondiaux du pétrole. La production de pétrole est tombée à des niveaux historiquement bas depuis 2021. Les subventions à l'essence continuent de consommer trop de revenus pétroliers. Les perspectives de croissance du Nigeria sont sombres en raison de nouvelles baisses de la production pétrolière et d'une incertitude accrue. Le nouveau président doit coopérer étroitement avec la CEDEAO pour lutter contre la violence des gangs et l'insécurité dans la région de l'Afrique de l'Ouest. La coopération documente le rôle du Nigeria en tant qu'hégémon politique, économique et de sécurité en Afrique de l'Ouest, souvent qualifié de "trop grand pour échouer", car il s'agit de loin de la nation la plus grande et la plus puissante d'Afrique subsaharienne aux côtés de l'Afrique du Sud.

Research Question: The purpose of this paper is to construct knowledge on the working processes of nomination committees (NCs) in sport and analyze their potential to shape board composition. The significance of such an effort lies in its potential to shed light on the processes preceding the structures and practices created for the wielding of power in sport organizations. Research Methods: This paper reports findings based on telephone interviews with NCs of 64 Swedish national sport organizations. Results and Findings: The analyses show how NC processes may be distinguished into six components: election of the NC at the general assembly (GA), monitoring of the incumbent board, preparation for nominee identification, assembly of a list of potential nominees, evaluation of potential nominees, and submission of proposed nominees to the GA. Within and across these components, the analyses reveal three aspects particularly powerful in their potential to shape board composition: degree of formalization, network reliance, and transparency. Implications: These findings have implications for research and practice. Regarding the former, the study provides a baseline description that can be used in future explorations of the NC process and its determinants and effects in varying contexts. As for the latter, the findings suggest that sport organizations carry an untapped potential in considering NCs’ shaping potential, regardless of whether an ‘adequate’ board is one that is equipped to improve organizational efficiency or one that safeguards representation and democracy.

En el periodo 2004–2013 se presentaron cambios en el presupuesto destinado a seguridad y defensa, con rubros especiales para la consecución de resultados de primera necesidad en ese momento, como el de la protección del territorio nacional y sobre el cual se desarrollaron dos procesos de paz y una política intensiva de seguridad. El trabajo acá presentado deja entrever que dentro de un mundo globalizado es muy difícil alcanzar Seguridad y Defensa al mismo tiempo para una nación, si no se cambia el comportamiento del ser humano, es decir, la formación en valores con principios de autorregulación, para de esta forma favorecer la gobernabilidad y la legitimidad. In the period 2004-2013 changes were made in the budget for security and defense, with special areas for achieving results staple at that time, such as the protection of national territory and which were developed two processes intensive peace and security policy. The work here presented suggests that in a globalized world is very difficult to achieve security and defense at the same time for a nation if human behavior, ie, the formation of values with principles of self-regulation is not changed, and in this shape promote good governance and legitimacy.

PurposeThis essay draws on my experience in the democratic development of Albania and Kosovo. These leadership insights are shared in the contemporary context of the changes in the past ten years to the international development landscape in the Western Balkans and Central and Eastern Europe. My professional reflections on leading efforts to establish democratic institutions form the basis of these case studies on Albania and Kosovo. Drawing on these reflections (Schon, 1982) can generate a deeper understanding of the leadership practices that facilitated a successful transition, as well as make explicit the implicit practices in leadership that resulted in less than successful efforts.Design/methodology/approachThe analysis of the democratic development challenges in Albania and Kosovo are based on my experience in managing multi-million dollar nation building programs in both countries.FindingsThe democratic development of Kosovo and Albania illustrate the challenges that most leaders in governments and civil society face working in transitional societies. It should come as no surprise that their respective roles and goals will come into conflict as local leaders fight to hold onto power, while many Western good governance programs promote sharing of power. This conflict is complicated by the question of to whom the NGOs and international organizations are accountable – their donor or the community they are working in?Originality/valueThe analysis is based on personal experience in developing and implementing nation-building programs in Albania and Kosovo.

Mutual benevolence is commonly set up by mosque committees in Malaysia. Any community member can voluntarily join the mutual benevolence. However, compared to mutual benevolence managed by organisations, the management of mutual benevolence by the mosque committees are more unstructured. The State Islamic Religion Administration Enactment prescribes certain rules to regulate the collection, documentation and distribution of the fund. However, these rules are very brief and general. Guidelines on how to interpret and apply these rules are not available. This study intended to discover the member's perceptions on how much the mosque committees demonstrated their accountability and good governance in managing mutual benevolence in Malaysia. Using a questionnaire, this research found that a majority of members were satisfied with the mosque committees. The members agreed that the mosque committees had been transparent, competent, and provided sufficient information to the members on matters relating to the collection and benefits of mutual benevolence. However, there were still room for improvements in matters pertaining to effective communication and welcoming comments and feedback from the members. Findings from this study provide insights into how the mosque committees in Malaysia fulfil the two elements of accountability and good governance, namely the duty of care and duty of competency, to the members. These findings may help the mosque committees and the state Islamic authorities in formulating strategies and initiatives that can lead to the better management of mutual benevolence by the mosque committees in Malaysia.

Purpose Corruption is commonly seen as a primary impediment to economic development, and its eradication has therefore featured high on development agendas. Most anti-corruption efforts in international development however fail. This paper aims to review recent attempts to unpack the “black box” of corruption to better understand its functioning in developing countries and find ways to combat corruption effectively. Design/methodology/approach The study has been undertaken through a comparative literature and case analysis of some of the primary findings within the field of anti-corruption in international development of the past decade. Findings The research finds that the black-and-white conceptualisation of corruption as an impediment to economic development, which is dominant in development circles, commonly fails to understand corruption as an alternative form of problem-solving in specific institutional settings. This has both hindered anti-corruption efforts and given unwarranted primacy to anti-corruption efforts in international development, to the loss of other priorities. Practical implications Policy-makers need to accept that there are no “magic bullets” against corruption and work in a much more contextual manner, while accepting the fact that corruption might not be the primary impediment to economic growth in their country. Originality/value The paper strengthens recent calls for a more contextualized approach to combat corruption, which have been given insufficient attention in policy design and most of the literature on corruption, providing a novel starting point for “functional”, politically-aware anti-corruption and development efforts.

The village head has an urgent function in development, empowering village communities. As a village head, as a public office, the decisions taken must comply with legality, the principle of protection of human rights, and the general principles of good governance. The fact is, the village government's problems do not always run smoothly because they get rejection and resistance from the community. The refusal and resistance, even to the point of legal issues or resolved through reporting. One of the cases occurred in the Berora Village administration, Lapok District, Sumbawa Regency, in the form of a decision by the Village Head to dismiss four Regional Heads. The above case basically will not happen if the principles of legal certainty and orderly administration of government according to the Sumbawa Regency Regulation Number 3 of 2015 can be carried out correctly. Researchers made in-depth observations of the subjects involved, starting from the Village Head, Hamlet Head, BPD Desa Berora, Camat Lapok, and possibly an in-depth investigation of the regional regulations themselves through the Sumbawa Regency law bureau. The results showed that the Dispute on the dismissal of the Village Apparatus by the Village Head of Berora resolves through two media, namely Administrative Efforts and the Mataram State Administrative Court. The decision has given through administrative efforts (Camat, strengthened by the Head of the Village Community Empowerment Service and the Regional People's Representative Council through Commission one decided that the dismissal of the Berora Village Apparatus must be annual.

As a response to mass mobilizations against the political and social status quo, a multiparty agreement activated a process to replace the constitution in Chile, three decades after the country’s transition to democracy. I argue that this process has three features that are not only desirable on normative grounds but also shared by successful episodes of constitutional replacement in democratic regimes: the drafting of the new text in an assembly bound by preexisting rules, inclusive mechanisms of representation and decision making, and direct citizen involvement. These features, in interaction with the popular repudiation of the elite-biased institutions inherited from the Pinochet era, might lead to a new constitutional arrangement that deepens democratization by expanding citizen rights, strengthening executive constraints, and removing restrictions on majority rule. Yet the realization of the full democratic potential of this constitutional change depends on the still uncertain ability of constitution makers to compromise on a text that is not only seen as legitimate among ordinary citizens but also promotes coherent goals, effective institutions, and good governance.

Majoritarianism rarely, if ever, accompanies good governance, and Sri Lanka is a case in point. Unwilling to build on a history of pluralism, the island’s post-independence elites manipulated ethnoreligious fissures for political gain. Besides leading to a civil war that lasted nearly three decades, it has also unleashed violence on Muslims and Christians even as the island has consolidated its status as a Sinhalese Buddhist ethnocracy. The ensuing political Buddhism has compromised Buddhism and democracy and placed the country on a militarised and authoritarian trajectory.

This study aims to implement the implementation of village financial management and the implementation of the principles of good governance. With the increasing number of Village Funds accompanied by good village government governance in managing Village Funds by looking at 9 principles, namely the principle of rule of law, the principle of participation, the principle of transparency, the principle of responsiveness, the principle of consensus, the principle of effectiveness and efficiency, the principle of justice, the principle of accountability, strategic vision principle. This type of research is a qualitative descriptive research using normative juridical research methods. Research data collection techniques using literature studies and field studies. Based on theresults of this study and in accordance with the Legislation document and the answers given by the respondents to the researcher, that there is a discrepancy between Government Regulation Number 60 of 2014 and Regent's Regulation Number 2 of 2020 regarding the amount of Village Funds given to each village, in addition to that the level of community participation in the supervision of village fund management. However, in planning, the community is actively involved in village Musrenbang activities, and community participation is also seen in the implementation of village development.

This study was conducted to determine the barrier to the development of selected municipalities of Sulu province. It aimed to find out the Suluanos’ concept of development in terms of political, economic, socio-cultural, technological, and ecological aspects, including how these perceived barriers affect the development of Sulu. This research utilized the descriptive method where the Quantitative aspect gathered the data from 400 adults of ten big municipalities using a checklist questionnaire. The respondents were selected through systematic sampling. For the qualitative part, the collected data were from 90 participants through focus group discussions. The statistical tools used were frequency, percentage, mean, standard deviation, and group means. The finding revealed that the Suluanos’ concept of development upheld the development policies which are participatory, equitable, appropriateness, concertizing, and environment friendly and the corresponding functions of development such as the political, economic, socio-cultural, technological, and ecological aspects. Of the five development functions, the economic aspect (2.95) was the main barrier to development. It is followed by the technological aspect (2.91), the political (2.79), and ecological (2.42) as the fourth rank. On the other hand, the socio-cultural part (2.21) was the least encountered barrier. The perceived barriers that affected the development of Sulu were related to lack of high ethical standards, transparency, accountability, effectiveness, and lack of respect for and commitment to social justice, human rights, environmental life protection, and people's empowerment. Based on the data gathered, the findings made the researcher conclude that the political, economic, technological, socio-cultural, and ecological aspects in Sulu were considered barriers to development. They were not within the bounds of good governance. Bureaucracy was weak due to the leaders' personalities, who were neither transactional nor transformational. At the same time, they were not within the context of the alternative model of development. To minimize if not eliminate the barriers to development, the government's efforts should be geared towards accountability to improve the quality of governance and dispensation of justice. Further studies are recommended to determine other predictors that can similarly evaluate the development conditions of Sulu Province.

Colombia posee un gran potencial en recursos naturales donde el oro es un actor principal de ese potencial. En las últimas décadas, este metal precioso a jugando un papel importante y fundamental en la dinámica social y económica de regiones como Antioquia, Chocó, Bolívar y valle del Cauca entre otras. Mostrando que la minería aurífera puede desempeñar un rol importante en la reactivación económica, aporte a la diversificación económica y creación de contenido local en las regiones donde se desarrollan los proyectos mineros. Lo anterior es posible siempre y cuando el proceso de extracción y beneficio del metal precioso se realice bajo el control y supervisión de un buen sistema de gobernanza que garantice un correcto aprovechamiento de los recursos naturales genere las condiciones que den soporte al aparato económico de las regiones y la nación en general.

The local government system is considered to be the main regulator of good governance in a country. Although the local government system in Bangladesh is very old, it has tiny achievements in terms of its effectiveness, decentralisation of power, democratic practices, and public participation. After the country's independence, almost all the governments have come up with the innovation of different levels of local government structures was just nomenclature. They never allowed the local people to enjoy autonomy by their elected representatives in the way directed by the constitution. On the other hand, various local and international development partners have been implementing various programs to strengthen the local government system in Bangladesh, decentralise it and ensure public engagement in local government. Through which some positive elements have been added to the issue of autonomy and participation of the people in the local government system; however, it is significantly minor than required. This research paper seeks to understand the process of democratisation and decentralisation in the local government system of Bangladesh by fieldwork-based research knowledge and review various initiatives taken for the development of the local government system. Besides, drawing on literature and the observations and research on Union Parishad (the lowest tier of local government in Bangladesh), the interrelationship between local government elections and power structure has also been analysed in this article. Ultimately, this paper argues that the process of decentralisation and strengthening of the local government system in Bangladesh through development interventions. Though the interventions of development programs could have been mammoth achievements in the path of democratisation and decentralisation, the party politicisation has made massive impediments to attain the targets.

This paper analyses the performance and appropriateness of the Indonesian government’s ‘good governance’ institutional reform aimed at stimulating infrastructure construction. During the 15 years after the 1997 Asian financial crisis, the government attempted to strengthen formal institutions with the goal of improving public investment efficiency and attracting private investors. By analysing policies in the construction industry in terms of company registration, procurement and state enterprises, the paper finds that the outcome was far from what was expected by technocratic-bureaucratic reform promoters as interest groups frequently succeeded in capturing the new institutional system. This paper then challenges the dominant narrative that overwhelmingly blames incomplete institutional reform for Indonesia’s slow infrastructure construction. Given the inherent market failure and political challenges in institutional reform, the paper argues that passive developmentalist policies, which resulted in conflictual state–business relations and insufficient public investment, were a prime cause that then set the stage for the emergence of state-led infrastructure development strategy from the mid-2010s.

In modern legislative institutions rely on Parliament to oversee government action, particularly through select committees (PSCs). PSCs are used in democratic parliaments to achieve good governance and hold the ruling government accountable. Nonetheless, the inadequacy of the current structure hinder the PSCs from operating effectively and efficiently. Therefore, the main objective of this article is to critically analyse the practices of the PSCs in the Parliament of Malaysia during Barisan Nasional from 2004 – 2012. This article adopts a qualitative approach of parliamentary ethnography through analysing documents as instruments in collecting data and library research. This study critically assesses the composition, membership and chairperson of the PSCs based on the provisions in the Standing Orders and other relevant statutes that govern parliamentary select committees in the Parliament. Based on the analysis, the article concluded that the composition of members and chairperson of PSCs during Barisan Nasional (2004 -2012) should be revisited and improved for future practice. Unlike the standards indicated in the Commonwealth Parliamentary Association (CPA) Recommended Benchmarks for Democratic Legislatures, 2018, the study found several areas that need revisiting, including composition, membership and chairperson of PSC.

Purpose: The purpose of the study was to explore the reflection of church members on the involvement of lay or ordained leaders in active politics specifically in MCK Kaaga Circuit Methodology: This study employed descriptive research design. The target population was 11 Kaaga circuit local churches. The study used simple random sampling method to obtain 30% of the 11 local churches to obtain 3 local Methodist churches in Kaaga circuit. The study used purposive sampling method to get a sample of 12 respondents who included 6 church leaders and 6 members. These 12 respondents were purposely selected based on their past experience as political aspirants in various political position in the just concluded 2013 national elections. The study used unstructured interview guides to collect the data. Results: The study results have proved that it is not wrong for spiritual leaders to join politics since they cultivate and incorporate the virtue of honesty, Holy spirit led administration of resources, democracy and bring Godly light in their political platforms. However, one cannot serve two masters (politics and church leadership) since one may bring division in church. In addition, politics is seen a breeding ground for engagement in corruption, unfulfilled promises hence making politicians liars, deviation from God’s purpose of spreading the gospel and accumulation of huge masses of wealth so as to terminate opponents. Nevertheless, politics are not all that bad when their contribution to the community is considered. Politics have been seen to expand of leadership skills of the politicians, growth in developmental agendas and social interactions skills. This reasons therefore makes the church to greatly support the few leaders who have shown interest in politics since they would represent the church members in politics more than what was being done outside the church. In addition, the church also prays for them before venturing into political journey and the church members are requested to vote for them. Unique contribution to theory, policy and practice: The study recommends that church members get empowered with information on the relevance of politics and how they interrelate with religion. The spiritual leaders should be trained on good governance skills before they engage into politics so that they can practice them effectively when they get positioned. The church management should work hand in hand with the government on delivering various projects of the society. This would make it easy and realistic to church members to believe that a spiritual leader has societal interests when they contest any political positions. The church should engage external institutions such as universities that offer leadership and theological courses to its members on how to translate church language to a language the community can understand for effectiveness.

Community service activities are one of the activities that aim to assist the government in improving Good Government. Community participation is still very low in implementing the principles of good government. Yet society is a very important part of these principles. Because the role of the community is still very low, community service is held in the form of counseling and socialization about the importance of community participation in improving good government. To realize a civil society, good governance is needed, both at the center and at the local level so that they can work well together so that the goals desired by the community are carried out, and this is not the task of the central government alone but the government under it starting from the village government and local government. that is what we know as the implications of village autonomy. The village community is expected to become a useful community, especially in the process of administering government (at the village level in particular). Because the participation of the village community is a real embodiment of Good governance. This kind of society will be solid and actively participate in determining various government policies. In addition, this kind of society will also carry out an effective supervisory function in the implementation of government administration. If the community is not yet effective in front of the government and there are still many social problems in it such as conflict and group anarchism, it is very unlikely that Good governance can be implemented.

Engaging citizens through a community-based organisation is not a newphenomenon. Research around the world has shown that citizenengagement is one of the most significant ways of combating corruption and promoting good governance. Transparency International Bangladesh (TIB) is undertaking similar types of activities through the Committee of Concerned Citizens (CCCs) and Youth Engagement and Support (YES) Groups. The question is, how much difference is it making in society vis-à-vis preventing corruption? Considering TIB as a case study drawing in-depth interviews, participation observation and document analysis, this paper has found that both CCCs and YES activities are dominated by coercive and mimetic isomorphism to prevent corruption. Second, TIB has managed to create awareness through engaging citizens, the whole process as a ‘tortoise movement.' This suggests that the movement against the corruption of these groups is prolonged and time-consuming, and more importantly, it does not make ‘direct impact’ on service delivery. Third, it also suggests that donor-driven ‘isomorphic’ approach may prove to be less effective, considering the societal context of Bangladesh. Finally, this paper also identified some loopholes that are mainly linked with the ‘tortoise movement.

Between the mid-1990s and the mid-2010s, the Chinese government was distinctly open to the Western offer of democracy-assistance programs. It cooperated with a number of Western organizations to improve the rule of law, village elections, administrative capacity, and civil society in China. Why did the Chinese government engage with democracy promoters who tried to develop these democratic attributes within China? The author argues that the government intended to use Western aid to its advantage. The Chinese Communist Party had launched governance reforms to strengthen its regime legitimacy, and Chinese officials found that Western democracy assistance could be used to facilitate their own governance-reform programs. The article traces the process of how the government’s strategic intention translated into policies of selective openness, and includes evidence from firsthand interviews, propaganda materials, and research by Chinese experts. The findings show how democracy promoters and authoritarian leaders have different expectations of the effects of limited democratic reform within nondemocratic systems. Empirically, reflecting on the so-called golden years of China’s engagement with the West sheds new light on the Chinese Communist Party’s survival strategy through authoritarian legitimation.

La finalidad de esta investigación es detallar y examinar la aproximación conceptual de la gestión de los municipios y su influencia en la gobernabilidad como un factor muy importante en el bienestar de los ciudadanos, el fundamento está centrado en la teoría organizacional como principal fuente que se debería impulsar el estado en sus instituciones públicas, así mismo mejorar las capacidades de los recursos humano para un mejor desempeño eficiente para el logro de sus objetivo del mismo modo en la investigación realizada hacemos relevancia que es muy importante que los ciudadanos participen ya que esto contribuye al desarrollo de las localidades. Para ello se ha hecho revisión sistemática de artículos publicadas en revistas científicas de scielo, Redalyc y revistas indexadas latindex cuyas publicaciones estén comprendidas entre el 2015 al 2020 para el cual se ha desarrollado una base de datos de 10 artículos los resultados obtenidos de estas investigaciones nos permitirá hacer las discusiones y con ello llegar a las conclusiones de como la gestión municipal efectiva tiene un impacto positivo para una buena gobernabilidad y su estudio, diagnostico incidirá de manera oportuna para futuras investigaciones.