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A growing literature finds that the way governments are organized can impact the societies they serve in important ways. The same is apparent with respect to civil service organizations. Numerous studies show that the recruitment of civil servants based on their credentials rather than on nepotism or patronage reduces corruption in government. Political corruption in turn appears to harm population health. Up to this time, however, civil service organization is not a recognized determinant of health and is little discussed outside of political science disciplines. To provoke a broader conversation on this subject, the following study proposes that meritocratic recruitment of civil servants improves population health. To test this proposition, a series of regression models examines comparative data for 118 countries. Consistent with study hypotheses, meritocratic recruitment of civil servants corresponds longitudinally with both lower rates of corruption and lower rates of infant mortality. Results are similar after robustness checks. Findings with regard to life expectancy are more mixed. However, additional tests suggest meritocratic recruitment contributes to life expectancy over a longer span of time. Findings also offer more support for a direct pathway from meritocratic recruitment to population health rather than via changes in corruption levels per se, although this may depend on a country's level of economic development. Overall, this study offers first evidence that civil service organization, particularly the recruitment of civil servants based on the merits of their applications rather than on whom they happen to know in government, is a positive determinant of health. More research in this area is needed., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest The author declares that he has no known competing financial interests or personal relationships that could have appeared to influence the work reported in this paper., (Copyright © 2024 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

The East Asian experience in tackling COVID-19 has been highly praised, but this high-level generalisation neglects variation in pandemic response measures adopted across countries as well as the socio-political factors that shaped them. This paper compares the early pandemic response in Singapore and Hong Kong, two Asian city-states of similar sizes, a shared history of SARS, and advanced medical systems. Although both were able to contain the virus, they did so using two very different approaches. Drawing upon data from a cross-national, probability sample Internet survey conducted in May 2020 as well as media and mobility data, we argue that the different approaches were the result of the relative strength of civil society vs. the state at the outset of the outbreak. In protest-ridden Hong Kong, low governmental trust bolstered civil society, which focused on self-mobilisation and community mutual-help. In Singapore, a state-led response model that marginalised civil society brought early success but failed to stem an outbreak among its segregated migrant population. Our findings show that an active civil society is pivotal to effective outbreak response and that trust in government may not have been as important as a factor in these contexts.

This special issue considers the relationship of the life sciences to both public policy and public administration. This makes sense because the bureaucratic process and public administration are deeply involved in the policy process and the development of substantive public policy. The two subjects are intertwined. And a biological perspective can illuminate many aspects of both. That is the focus of this issue.

The study of bureaucratic behavior-focusing on control, decision-making, and institutional arrangements-has historically leaned heavily on theories of rational choice and bounded rationality. Notably absent from this research, however, is attention to the growing literature on biological and especially evolutionary human behavior. This article addresses this gap by closely examining the extant economic and psychological frameworks-which we refer to as "Adam Smith's bureaucrat" and "Herbert Simon's bureaucrat"-for their shortcomings in terms of explanatory and predictive theory, and by positing a different framework, which we call "Charles Darwin's bureaucrat." This model incorporates new insights from an expanding multidisciplinary research framework and has the potential to address some of the long-noted weaknesses of classic theories of bureaucratic behavior.

The rationale of this study is first hinged on research deficit in topic difficulty in the public administration curriculum in African universities. Further, there is no single study in the humanities, particularly public administration (PA), that has explored the efficacy of the Culturo-Techno-Contextual Approach (CTCA) in easing learning difficulties among undergraduate students except for identifying the difficulties. Without testing indigenous teaching methods in breaking difficulties in the study of PA, educational managers and teachers in African universities are unable to understand whether the lecture method or the indigenous method holds the key to breaking difficulties in the study of politics and bureaucracy within the African university system. These compelling deficits in the public administration literature necessitate this study to fill the gap. In resolving this identified problem, the study seeks to find out whether or not there is a statistically significant difference in the achievements in politics and bureaucracy between students taught using the CTCA and those taught using the lecture method. In line with this problem, the study seeks to answer the question -- is there a statistically significant difference in the achievements in politics and bureaucracy between students taught using the CTCA and those taught using the lecture method?

Background: Seeing how governments formulate decisions on our behalf is a crucial component of their ability to claim democratic legitimacy. This includes being seen to draw on the knowledge and evidence produced by their civil service policy advisers. Yet much of the advice provided to governments is being increasingly withdrawn from public accessibility. Aims and objectives: To counter this diminishing transparency, I propose a framework for observing how evidence is made and used in the political decision-making process. Although my framework is constructed within the Australian context, I hope to encourage its use in other government and policy settings. Methods: Using an example from my own research into the language of rejected policy advice, I construct a framework for locating how policy actors formulate and communicate their evidence. With primary material drawn from Freedom of Information releases, my framework qualitatively examines three impact factors with which to situate policy advice: text, organisational influences and the interplay between the front and back regions of politics and policy. To counter releases' limitations, they are contextualised with publicly available, contemporaneous statements. Findings: Text displayed excessive detail, inviting multiple interpretations. Organisational influences suggested an insular culture over-reliant on its reputation. Interplay linked to evidence as ostensibly authority-imparting but ultimately adding to the lack of transparency around how political decisions were made. Discussion and conclusions: Even when processes are hidden from public view, they can be found. By connecting an array of impact factors, my framework here illuminated a complex choreography of civil servants communicating with their government about a contentious policy issue and revealed the political affordances they enabled in the process.

Graduate unemployment is especially problematic in a country where much emphasis is placed on furthering academic studies for economic and personal rewards. This article investigates the relationship between career choice and unemployment length among graduates from a South African university. Data were collected by means of a survey questionnaire distributed to graduates in the university's alumni database. An analysis of variance model was estimated and various descriptive analyses and an ordinary least squares regression were employed. The study finds that the specific majors held by graduates not only influence employment status but also the time taken to find employment. Although human resources, industrial psychology, labour relations management, public administration, public management and politics remain the most popular majors, many graduates in these areas have to wait a long time before securing a job. In light of their findings, the authors recommend that university courses should be as practically oriented as possible in order to help graduates in the job market and consequently to make the transition from education to work an easier one. For their part, graduates need to ensure that they make wise and informed career choices. The government needs to put into effect direct interventions that will enhance and augment teaching and learning throughout the educational system, bearing in mind that the choice to study a certain discipline may be affected by many factors, some of which are beyond the control of the student, such as the quality of school education or socio-economic background.

Modern bureaucracy faces trade-offs between public and congressional input and agency expertise. The U.S. Forest Service offers an opportunity to quantitatively analyze whether an agency that is required to be more open to the public and congressional input will be forced to ignore its technical expertise in managing resources. This study uses data on 83,000 hazardous fuels reduction activities conducted by the Forest Service from 2001 to 2011. Although the results show that managers are responsive to public and congressional considerations, this has not prevented them from utilizing their technical knowledge to restore lands most deviated from natural conditions. This suggests that managers can balance responsiveness to public and political principals with technically sound management. (Contains 8 tables, 1 figure, and 21 footnotes.)

This article analyses the progression of education policy by the Workers' Party (PT) in Brazil from its experience of municipal administration to national government. The first section presents this development, noting its progression from a participatory, social(ist) project to a more reformist, elite-directed model. The second section accounts for the domestic influences that led to a more reformist PT education policy by the 2000s. These include: (1) increasing electoral success, (2) changing membership composition, (3) policy innovations supported by its members and (4) a growing asymmetry in resources (and influence) towards the party leadership and its members. The third section presents the global changes in education thinking that coincided with the PT's entry into national government. It distinguishes between a neo-liberal and neo-conservative "first generation" and a state-oriented "second generation" Washington Consensus, associated with the New Right and the centre-left that emerged across the region after 2000 respectively.

This chapter analyses energy relations through a prism of three interlinked concepts: administration, politics and security. This triad describes the basic approaches to questions about technical, politicised and securitised energy. These three concepts are logically linked to one another and represent an elementary matrix; a prism through which different segments of the energy discourse can be analysed. The proposed scheme is of research interest for several reasons. First, it shows that many problems of communication between participants in energy relations arise when these three approaches are combined, whether consciously or unconsciously. Second, practice shows that one and the same country can have several different modes of communication in its arsenal. Third the interconnection between two concepts are important for understanding energy relations that are at first glance opposing, namely, transparency and security.

The "quiet crisis" in federal service is due to absence of dominant political condition or consensus regarding model on which public administration should be based. Extensive changes will bring about fundamental alterations in federal service even in absence of agreement on whether and how to rebuild. The public administration community can play a vital role in negotiating coming changes. (JOW)

Using Latin American examples, this article examines the influence of four types of constraints (technological, cultural, clientelistic, and political) on bureaucratic-authoritarian, liberal-democratic and neo-patrimonialist regimes. Maintains that policy will be more effective if aided by an understanding of these constraints. (JDH)

Examines the role of policy evaluation research and the influences on such research of political regime shifts. Using data from a number of western countries, the authors conclude that conservative or liberal shifts in political regimes do influence the nature of policy evaluation research. (JDH)

Using data from several western nations, this article maintains that policy analysis has over-emphasized policy substance and neglected the influence of the political process. Focuses specifically on how political and institutional constraints influence policymaking in the Federal Republic of Germany. (JDH)

Reexamines Woodrow Wilson's contribution to public administration and arrives at four conclusions: (1) the study of public administration was developed in Europe; (2) Wilson's politics/administration dichotomy was different than the European model; (3) his dichotomy was based on an incorrect translation and abandoned; and (4) his dichotomy was rediscovered and found to be more appropriate for Americans. (JOW)

Discusses various approaches to incremental analysis and distinguishes incremental analysis from incremental politics and incremental politics from partisan mutual adjustment. (IRT)

An introduction to the literature of public administration with the goal of assisting in the development of administrative abilities for practitioners in mid-level higher education administration is provided. The bibliography is divided by areas within this discipline and is prefaced by a brief description of each area. (MLW)

Purpose: One of the challenging topics among public administration theorists is the relationship between the two concepts of politics and administration. Various theories have been proposed regarding these two concepts; however, no consensus has been reached, and political science and public administration theorists still struggle to define the boundaries between administration and politics. Today, the concept of the state encompasses both bureaucracy and politics. However, understanding the nature of politics and bureaucracy and their interrelationship is difficult, as each can influence the other. This paper aims to separate the concept of politics from bureaucracy to better understand the extent of their influence. This influence can have positive or negative consequences, depending on the conditions and contexts of different societies. In practice, however, distinguishing between administration and politics is very difficult, and some theorists believe that separating these two concepts is not feasible in practice. Furthermore, this relationship may differ in developed and developing countries, taking on a distinct form. The aim of this paper is to examine and study the relationship between politics and bureaucracy in the public administration of Iran. Design/methodology/approach: The current research adopts a qualitative approach. To achieve the defined objectives, research data were collected through purposive sampling and semi-structured interviews with 11 executive experts from the Ministry of Energy. An inductive thematic analysis method was used to analyze the data and address the research question. Research Findings: After collecting and analyzing the data, 95 initial codes were identified. These were categorized and re-examined to extract 24 basic themes, ultimately leading to the identification of 7 organizing themes and a network of themes. The organizing themes include the dependency of decisions on personal opinions, consideration of political power in decisions, nepotism in selecting bureaucrats, the short-term nature of bureaucrats' service, the presence of formalism in selecting bureaucrats, the weakness in utilizing scientific findings and experts, and the weak connection between experts and decision-makers. The findings indicate that the public administration and bureaucracy in Iran have deviated from Weber's ideal bureaucracy. Previous research has shown that most developed countries have closer alignment with Weber's ideal bureaucracy in their public administration, implementing structural features such as administrative hierarchy, specialization, and meritocracy. Studies have shown that better results in public administration can be achieved if politicians' decisions and policies can be separated from the execution and administration of public affairs. Limitations & Consequences: The final model presented by the researcher may not be generalizable to all public sector organizations. Practical Consequences: The findings of the current research are based solely on one ministry due to the broad scope of the topic, which may pose limitations in terms of generalizability. Innovation or value of the Article: Most studies and research conducted to date on the relationship between politics and administration have been focused on developed countries, and the existing literature is predominantly related to developed countries and modern states. Therefore, the results of studies conducted in developing countries can offer both theoretical and practical innovation. The current research examines the relationship between politics and administration in the public administration of Iran, which, as a developing country, allows for deeper and more precise studies. Ultimately, the results can be used to reform the administrative and political systems. Additionally, this research can help address existing challenges in the country's public administration from a comparative studies perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: In February 2024, the South Korean government released a policy proposal for healthcare reform, with one of the main pillars being increased medical school admissions. This policy has sparked intense opposition from the physicians' top association. Most importantly, interns and residents--the bedrock of the medical workforce in Korean hospitals--began to leave en masse. Consequently, a medical crisis emerged, in which many medical and surgical procedures were delayed. Current Concepts: According to studies on comparative health policy and systems, the crisis could be attributed to the unique characteristics of the Korean healthcare system, in which the administration and doctors have failed to establish a substantive dialogue through which policy options are examined and deliberated. These dynamics necessitated the establishment of an institutional space for interest group politics, causing both to suffer from a lack of action repertoires. The stalemate we witness reflects the enduring patterns of the same issue. Discussion and Conclusion: To ensure the success of the current initiative, institutional arrangements must be established in which policymakers and physicians make a credible commitment to each other. Alternatives, for instance, include reactivating and regularizing the Health and Medical Services Policy Deliberation Committee, which could pave the way for establishing a venue where key stakeholders can discuss future agendas, such as how to ensure improved accessibility to "essential" care and mitigate its subnational variation, thereby creating a long-term vision for new health system governance in South Korea. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of African Journal of Reproductive Health is the property of Women's Health & Action Research Centre and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Voting and elections are regarded as quintessential democratic and policy behaviours. The problem with elections is that they do not fully mean democracy. The rationale behind the latter is that regular, free and fair elections do not provide for individual freedoms, political equality, empowerment, an independent civil society, a free press, or scope for deliberation-all key components of liberal democracy. Moreover, elections serve as a pivotal instrument designed to express and simultaneously reinforce the principles (representation, equality, and participation) on which democracy is founded. In democracy, communities exercise their voting rights to elect their representatives, who in turn hold the bureaucracy accountable for implementing decisions that affect the welfare of local communities. Looking at South Africa among African countries, the introduction of a democratic dispensation came with opportunities for the previously excluded citizens. Therefore, Section 195 (1) of the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996, emphasizes that 'people' needs must be responded to and the public must be encouraged to participate in policy making. The Paper seeks to give a comparison of democracy and elections in selected African countries. Often countries tend to practice elections and perceive democracy differently. This conceptual paper employed the use of a desktop study and has retrieved its basic contribution and argument from the existing literature on democracy and elections in Africa. Furthermore, the article discovered that in most cases citizens' beliefs, preferences and behaviors change through political engagement, and further recommends that during voting campaigns and elections, a diversity of issues such as culture, beliefs, tradition, and individual preferences should be considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social differentiation of society, its division into a huge number of social groups, each of which has specific economic, cultural and other interests, creates a need for representation and consideration of these interests in public administration courses. It is about establishing stable communication channels between society and the state. One of the most effective and widespread channels of such interaction is a political party. Transformations in Ukrainian society, changes in social development orientations, and modern military realities force us to pay close attention to political governance and, in particular, to parties as one of the main subjects of state governance. Political parties act as mechanisms of political acquisition of power through elections and influence the formation of state policy and decisions. Political parties appeared as a result of the development of parliamentarism, ideologies and the birth of democratic traditions in the 19th century. They became important in the context of the transition to democratic forms of government, replacing totalitarian, monarchical and authoritarian systems. The development of political parties is connected with economic progress and social development. Today, the presence of structured and multifunctional political parties is a sign of high development of society, civic culture and tolerance. They exist in most countries and in all political systems. The role of political parties is to create public policy and participate in public administration. The influence of political parties on state activity varies depending on the form of government and the type of electoral system in different countries. The study of power and management is impossible without analyzing the activities of political parties in power structures. They are the focus of attention when studying state policy and political processes. Ukraine also has a developed institution of political parties that participate in the formation of state policy and influence public administration. Given the importance of these processes, political parties are the focus of this article.

Copyright of Journal of Business & Projects / Revista de Gestão e Projetos is the property of Revista de Gestao e Projetos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The development of society is inextricably linked with the course of action in response to the public problems of the real world adopted by each government through public policy. One of the difficulties faced by Romanian authors is finding terms equivalent to those used in English to adequately translate the terms "politics/policy". Public policy is not reduced to a single point act considered in isolated form. Behind each activity, there is a general framework in which the activity is integrated. Although the framework is not explicitly and clearly defined, such as by law or political discourses on government programs, links between activities can be identified. Public policies are defined by their responsibility or by members of society whose interests are affected by provisions and acts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: People with intellectual disabilities' voting rate within the United Kingdom remains significantly below the population average despite government enacted voting promotion measures. No published academic literature directly involves people with intellectual disabilities when considering their UK general election experiences – this study aims to address this omission. Methods: Semi‐structured interviews were conducted with people with intellectual disabilities (N = 20) about their election experiences during the 2017 (n = 18) and 2019 (n = 8) general elections. Six participants were interviewed around both elections. Data was analysed with template analysis. Results: Eight themes were produced – election information, political knowledge, political opinions, voting choice process, polling station experience, voting outcome, capacity and support. Theme interactions impacted on election experiences. Conclusions: While acknowledging diverse experiences, voting outcomes and experiences were particularly impacted by factor interactions concerning election information and/or polling station accessibility, capacity and support. Voting promotion interventions and future research should consider these areas. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Politics and administration are inextricably linked in government. As a model, the Weberian dichotomy implied that policies were developed by politicians and implemented by civil servants, with a rigorous division of tasks and no overlap in functions. The public administration reforms that have occurred in recent decades, particularly under the New Public Management and Post-New Public Management paradigms, have had an impact on the landscape of politico-administrative relations. It is evident that dealing with the interface between politico-administrative poses significant challenges for South African local government. Political meddling in administrative matters and as strained relations between key political and administrative officials in municipalities appear to be the norm. The paper explores the impact of good governance on the political-administrative interface. The article seeks to establish the effects of political interference on good governance and service delivery. The paper adopted a qualitative methodology using the desktop approach to review existing literature, such as journals, books and legislation. The study relied heavily on secondary sources for data collection to achieve its overall goal. The study will contribute to the existing theoretical and empirical literature as well as in the public administration domain with reference to the political-administrative interface. The main findings are the African National Congress cadre deployment policies, which have resulted in a variety of governance and service delivery challenges that have negatively affected municipal performance. Secondly, the study revealed that political interference creates a fuzzy dividing line between political and administrative duties. The study uncovered the global, regional, and South African contexts of politics and administrative interfaces. The study recommends a separation of powers that will ensure a clear structural division of authority between elected and administrative officials to eliminate or minimise undue political influences on public administration as well as potential conflicts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Performance-based financing (PBF) was introduced to Kilifi county in Kenya in 2015. This study investigates how and why political and bureaucratic actors at the local level in Kilifi county influenced the extent to which PBF was politically prioritised at the sub-national level. Methods: The study employed a single-case study design. The Shiffman and Smith political priority setting framework with adaptations proposed by Walt and Gilson was applied. Data was collected through document review (n = 19) and in-depth interviews (n = 8). Framework analysis was used to analyse data and generate findings. Results: In the period 2015-2018, the political prioritisation of PBF at the county level in Kilifi was influenced by contextual features including the devolution of power to sub-national actors and rigid public financial management (PFM) structures. It was further influenced by interpretations of the idea of 'pay-for-performance,' its framing as 'additional funding,' as well as contestation between actors at the sub national level about key PBF design features. Ultimately PBF ceased at the end of 2018 after donor funding stopped. Conclusion: Health reformers must be cognisant of the power and interests of national and sub national actors in all phases of the policy process, including both bureaucratic and political actors in health and non-health sectors. This is particularly important in devolved public governance contexts where reforms require sustained attention and budgetary commitment at the sub national level. There is also need for early involvement of critical actors to develop shared understandings of the ideas on which interventions are premised, as well as problems and solutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Analecta Política is the property of Universidad Pontificia Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Book review: Sullivan H., Dickinson H., Henderson H. (eds). 2021. The Palgrave Handbook of the Public Servant. Palgrave Macmillan, Cham. 1737 р. https://doi.org/10.1007/978-3-030- 29980-4