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Hace ya casi treinta años que ha comenzado el denominado giro afectivo en el ámbito de las ciencias sociales y con él han aparecido los primeros trabajos que profundizan en la importancia de la inclusión del componente emocional para el análisis del comportamiento, y en el caso que nos ocupa del comportamiento político. Partiendo de una revisión de estas aportaciones desde los años noventa del siglo xx en adelante, este trabajo pretende aportar evidencia empírica respecto de la importancia de la consideración de las emociones expresadas hacia los partidos políticos y los líderes a través de una visión basada en tres dimensiones de la emoción: presencia, intensidad y persistencia. Para llevar a cabo el análisis se utilizarán dos estudios demoscópicos propios realizados tras las elecciones generales de 2016 y 2019 en España.

El presente artículo analiza los usos políticos de las redes sociales en España y las funciones de las comunidades digitales que se generan a través de ellas. Para esto se han utilizado la Encuesta Social Europea del año 2018 para España, así como el Estudio Postelectoral Elecciones Generales de noviembre 2019 y el Barómetro Postelectoral del CIS de esa misma elección. Además, se analizan casi medio millón de tweets como respuesta a los mensajes emitidos en Twitter por los principales candidatos en los meses anteriores a las elecciones celebradas en abril. Como principales resultados, se constata un uso polarizado de las redes sociales para informarse y participar, así como la existencia de dos grupos dentro de las comunidades digitales que realizan el proceso de orientación o discusión. Igualmente, a medida que se acerca la fecha de las elecciones, las dinámicas de competición no se construyen en función de la lógica izquierda-derecha, sino en clave gobierno-oposición.

Introducción: La presente investigación analiza temáticamente los debates electorales televisados celebrados en las distintas Comunidades Autónomas de España que en el año 2019 celebraron comicios. Metodología: Codificación y agregación a través de una puntuación de los temas expresados por cada candidato, determinados por la estructura del debate realizado en cada televisión. Presentación en tablas y aplicación del coeficiente de correlación de Spearman para medir niveles de correlación. Resultados: Los issues crónicos (política económica, servicios públicos y empleo) ocupan las primeras posiciones en rango en la mayor parte de las Comunidades Autónomas, sumándosele el de “Ideología y campaña”, propio de los contextos electorales. Discusión y conclusiones: La presencia de partidos políticos nacionalistas o regionalistas en el gobierno tiende a generar problemas compartidos entre sus respectivos territorios.

The contemporary discussion about the political participation of citizens starts from the recognition of a new stage, but in which the consequences in terms of public deliberation and the strengthening of different democratic expressions is debatable. In order to examine the validity of some of the conclusions of studies that were carried out when cyberpolitics was an incipient phenomenon, a qualitative study was conducted in which thirty social science specialists in three Ibero-American countries were interviewed: Spain, Mexico and Peru. In summary, an important part of the interviewees agrees to question the true contribution of social media to strengthening the development of a plural democracy, while they also note both risks and opportunities regarding the quality of the information that is shared and consumed by users in the digital age.

Since the last century, various scholars have put forward and demonstrated a number of theories on the effects mass media have on citizens. However, these theories do not pay attention to one of the elements that have become the source of much attention in recent times in the field of political science and communication: the affective domain. In this article, we will approach the feelings towards politics by Spanish population from the point of view of what the effects are of being informed or not about politics. The aim is to find out whether an information deficit on this issue is associated with an increased degree of negative feelings or vice versa. To this end, we will use a battery of seven feelings towards politics. This battery will be subjected to a correlation analysis with the frequency with which political information is followed in the traditional media (radio, TV, press) and the Internet. Besides, we will use mean comparison analysis to find out whether there are differences between the feelings towards politics in those who prefer to inform themselves in digital media, print media or both. Among the main results, it was found that greater exposure to political information is correlated with the fact of showing positive feelings towards politics.

El proceso de asignación de atributos permite a los ciudadanos dotarse de esquemas de interpretación para temas, situaciones o actores que hagan comprensible la realidad que los rodea. En este sentido, la “imagen” que nos hacemos de los políticos deriva principalmente del ejercicio de mediación de los medios de comunicación, pero también del diálogo y de los mensajes que emiten los distintos protagonistas de la comunicación política en las redes sociales y que la propia comunidad tiende a asimilar e interpretar. El presente trabajo realiza una revisión de la teoría de la agenda melding y de la necesidad de orientación en el contexto de la sociedad digital, en dónde las redes sociales complementan un ecosistema híbrido de información caracterizado por la primacía de la televisión para consumir información política, con una creciente importancia de plataformas como Facebook, Twitter o Instagram.

Esta investigación hace un análisis de la historia, evolución, audiencias y agenda temática de los debates electorales televisados celebrados en España, comparándolos con los celebrados en Francia, Alemania y Reino Unido, con la intención de observar las posibles semejanzas y diferencias dentro del contexto audiovisual, político y normativo europeo. Se realiza un estudio cuantitativo y cualitativo de las audiencias, comparando los resultados a nivel nacional y autonómico con los programas más vistos de la televisión en los años de celebración de cada debate, además de analizar los bloques temáticos y agenda pública. Como conclusión, en el caso de España, la audiencia relativa de los debates televisados y, en el contexto europeo, la falta de uniformidad y armonización de formatos, debido tanto a la diversidad de los sistemas políticos y partidistas de cada país, como a la ausencia de normativas electorales específicas de los estados nacionales y de la propia Unión Europea This research analyses the history, evolution, audiences and thematic agenda of the televised electoral debates in Spain, comparing them with those held in France, Germany and UK. It aims to observe the possible similarities and differences within the audio-visual, political and legal European context. A quantitative and qualitative study of the audiences has been conducted, comparing the national and regional results with those of the most viewed shows in the year of celebration of every debate. Moreover, their thematic blocks and public agenda. To conclude, in the case of Spain the relative audience of the televised debates is remarkable. In the case European context, it is necessary to highlight the lack of evenness and harmonization in the formats, due to both the diversity of the political and party systems in each country and the lack of specific electoral laws in the national states and the own European Union Esta investigación forma parte de los trabajos desarrollados en el marco del proyecto de investigación “DEBATv, Debates Electorales Televisados en España: Modelos, Proceso, Diagnostico y Propuesta” (CSO2017-83159-R), proyecto de I+D+I (Retos) financiado por el Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades y la Agencia Estatal de Investigación (AEI) del Gobierno de España, con el apoyo del Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER) de la Unión Europea (UE). Igualmente, del proyecto del proyecto de investigación (RTI2018-096065-B-I00) del Programa Estatal de I+D+I orientado a los Retos de la Sociedad del Ministerio de Ciencia, Innovación y Universidades (MCIU), Agencia Estatal de Investigación (AEI) y del Fondo Europeo de Desarrollo Regional (FEDER) sobre “Nuevos valores, gobernanza, financiación y servicios audiovisuales públicos para la sociedad de Internet: contrastes europeos y españoles” SI

Political communication has evolved to new practices that, in the field of television, involve going beyond the borders of purely informative formats and working with the presence of candidates and institutional managers in entertainment programs, the so-called infoentertainment spaces, present in practically the programming of all generalist chains. In this context, the electoral debates also evolve in form and content, abandoning the rigid classical format and moving towards a type of program with a greater weight of entertainment, more purely television. This paper analyzes the presence on television of the candidates of the main political parties in the General Cortes Elections held in Spain on December 20, 2015. For this is taken as a sample the intervention of all of them in the Mediaset (Telecinco) morning magazine El Programa de Ana Rosa.

On the Internet, as the greatest global information platform today, an unceasingly important element is revealed and deployed: the social network. With the generation of these web portals, a huge and deep change in social relations and communication models of the contemporary generation is undergoing. A reality no different in the atmosphere of political, activism and speech communication from the digital site. The objective of this research is to compare the contents and discourse of the two Twitter accounts, the personal one (@realDonaldTrump) and the institutional one (@POTUS), of the President of United States, Donald Trump, through the crossing of the data analysis, obtained between March 9th and April 5th, and by the application of the Pearson Correlation Coefficient (PCC). Therefore, based on the Agenda-Setting Theory, the method managed has been the analytical one, based on a mixed methodology (quantitative and qualitative) and effected with the FanPage Karma software and analytical file. And from this analysis, the results are summarized in three main ideas: a clear similarity between both accounts as to the contents of their posts, though not quite in its form; so, an equivalent agenda was also perceived between the two digital accounts; by contrast, concerning the actors of the tweets and the use, there were prominent dissimilarities that face the standardization and customization of Twitter as two systems of use from the position of an international public leader.

One of the distinctive features of the current citizenry is its growing demand for an increasing ethical commitment and transparency from its political representatives and the public or private institutions related to them. This growing demand should also apply to public television broadcasters, since they are usually funded by state resources. Moreover, they play an important role in the citizens' full enjoyment of their right to information, thereby favoring a formed public opinion and, in consequence, having an impact on the quality of democracy in their countries. Therefore, this paper proposes 58 indicators aimed at generally analyzing and assessing the transparency of television broadcasters and being applied to state-owned public broadcasters in the Iberian Peninsula: Spain and Portugal.

One of the distinctive features of the current citizenry is its growing demand for an increasing ethical commitment and transparency from its political representatives and the public or private institutions related to them. This growing demand should also apply to public television broadcasters, since they are usually funded by state resources. Moreover, they play an important role in the citizens’ full enjoyment of their right to information, thereby favoring a formed public opinion and, in consequence, having an impact on the quality of democracy in their countries. Therefore, this paper proposes 29 indicators aimed at generally analyzing and assessing the transparency of television broadcasters and being applied to state-level public televisions in the Andean countries: Bolivia, Colombia, Ecuador and Peru.

The political agenda in an electoral context has multiple supports on which to be built: besides traditional media, social networks have adopted a leading role in the strategies of the parties. The current research analyzes for 28 days the official Twitter accounts of the two main presidential candidates in Argentina, Peru, Ecuador, Honduras and Chile, during the elections held in Latin America in the 2015-2017 period. The thematic agendas of the candidates and the countries are exposed through the use of a quantitative methodology, content analysis and the use of tools such as Python Twint, NVivo and SPSS, whilst Spearman’s Rho coefficient was applied for the extraction of correlations. In conclusion, the absence of a particular digital agenda in Latin America has been inferred, within a coherent thematic behavior through the left-right axis and the national politics.