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This article investigates how the political culture of Guan (care/control) in China is played out across the platforms of the state, the community and the family through the lens of caring for people with severe mental illness in urban Shanghai. Based on ethnographic data collected from six communities in a district of Shanghai, we provide a nuanced understanding of the roles of family members, street committees and other governmental organizations in their daily practices of caring for people with severe mental illness. We show the complicated and intertwined relationships between local governmental agents and the family. We argue that the political culture of Guan, which permeates the everyday life of Chinese people, tends to objectify its subjects and reflects a long history of patriarchy in Chinese society. Without further changing such political cultural arrangements, respect for the agency of mentally ill patients, the effort of bringing humanistic psychiatric reforms to China, will be in vain.

Anti-smoking campaigns are widely viewed as a success case in public health policy. However, smoking rates continue to vary widely across U.S. states and the success of anti-smoking campaigns is contingent upon states' adoption of anti-smoking policies. Though state anti-smoking policy is a product of a political process, studies of the effect of policies on smoking prevalence have largely ignored how politics shapes policy adoption, which, in turn, impact state health outcomes. Policies may also have different effects in different political contexts. This study tests how state politics affects smoking prevalence both through the policies that states adopt (with policies playing a mediating role on health outcomes) or as an effect modifier of behavior (tobacco control policies may work differently in states in which the public is more or less receptive to them). The study uses publicly available data to construct a time-series cross-section dataset of state smoking prevalence, state political context, cigarette excise taxes, indoor smoking policies, and demographic characteristics from 1995 to 2013. Political ideology is measured using a validated indicator of the ideology of state legislatures and of the citizens of a state. We assess the relationship between state political context and state smoking prevalence rates adjusting for demographic characteristics and accounting for the mediating/moderating role of state policies with time and state fixed effects. We find that more liberal state ideology predicts lower adult smoking rates, but that the relationship between state ideology and adult smoking prevalence is only partly explained by state anti-smoking policies., (Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Copyright of Studia Politicae is the property of Studia Politicae and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Anbar University for Law & Political Sciences is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article is devoted to one of the important issues of the development of the political space, political system, political life, and ideological and cultural structure of modern Afghan society. The article attempts to analyze and discuss various aspects of the current state of the political culture of Afghanistan. The main attention is paid to the attitude of citizens to politics and the political regime of the Taliban (organization banned in Russia). Afghanistan’s current political culture is based on the models and values of the Taliban government. They rely on traditionalist political models. The implementation of modern political processes, such as elections, is not far from being able to question the power of representatives. It can be argued that political culture is the link between people and political power. The main task of political culture is to include people in the political system of society and political activities. Political culture is a system of political knowledge, attitudes, beliefs, and values, as well as political activities of political subjects. For example, political culture manifests itself differently in different social groups and communities, political movements, and individuals. The study of the current state of the political culture of Afghanistan allows us to conclude that today the level of conflict is quite high, the mood of the Afghan society is at a disorganized level. A controversial political culture prevails in Afghan society. This conflict can be seen in social differences, institutional weakness, society’s distrust of functioning authority, and cultural differences.

Abdurrahman Wahid (Gus Dur), Indonesia's fourth president (1999-2001) and leader of the traditionalist Islamic organisation Nahdlatul Ulama (1984-1999), continues to influence Indonesia in positive and meaningful ways despite his death in 2009. He proved that Islam and a pluralistic political culture were compatible and that Indonesian Islam had a global role. His legacy continues through the Wahid Foundation, Nahdlatul Ulama, and the National Awakening Party. The Wahid Foundation operates under the directorship of his daughter, Yenny Wahid, and is dedicated to improving Islam and Indonesian society through documenting religious intolerance and injustice and by issuing recommendations. Following Nahdlatul Ulama's National Congress in December 2021, its leadership has been dominated by Gus Dur's allies, including his wife and four daughters, and his former presidential spokesperson Yahya Cholil Staquf, all of whom have a deep commitment to his values. Gus Dur's former political party, the National Awakening Party, remains another institution which supports pluralism and secular inclusiveness. However, the relationship between Gus Dur's allies and this party remains fractured, just as it was before he died. Despite an impeached presidency, a fallout with the National Awakening Party, and the considerable time that has passed since his death, he has produced an enduring legacy. Public deference to the late Gus Dur is reminiscent of the nine saints who Islamised Java half a millennia ago. This is because traditionalist Muslims believe that one's deeds which produce on-going benefits to society will, in the afterlife, continue to accrue religious merit, and millions visit Gus Dur's grave every year to demonstrate this. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to show how local political culture can influence what makes the news, i.e. how it becomes a newsworthiness factor. A highlight on a news website can become news without any attribute (intrinsic factor), but only because of the power of the elite (extrinsic factor). We analyze the elite power factor in northeastern Brazilian state news in the pre-election period of the 2020 municipal elections. We examine eight regional websites from the two richest and two poorest regions of Bahia. We want to show how a highlight can become news without any intrinsic factor to the fact, but only by elite power as an extrinsic factor. As an alternative to traditional classifications, we suggested an analysis of news values with separation between intrinsic and extrinsic and then the study of the focus-event. We conclude that one in every ten highlights of the eight websites in the countryside of Bahia during the 2020 pre-election period has elite power as the only newsworthiness criterion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on data from a large-scale sample survey conducted in 2016 within the contemporary ethnic Japanese migrant community in Sydney, Australia, this article focuses on demographics and the political culture of this community to determine the context for Japanese migrants' attitudes, with a focus on gender. Findings suggest that the Japanese community is statistically less politically involved than the wider Australian population, possibly reflecting general attitudes towards politics in Japan, and unique social profiles within the Australian community. Superficially, the lack of interest in political commitment appeared to signify less integration into Australian society. However, our triangulation of the data, combined with follow-up interviews found a new form of political engagement within the Japanese community in contemporary Australia. This article contributes to a deeper understanding of the Japanese ethnic community in Australia and overseas, as well as broadening scholarship about the political awareness and activities of ethnic communities in settler societies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Toplumsal bir varlık olarak bireyler, etkileşim içinde oldukları çevrenin etkisinde toplumsallaşma sürecini yaşamaktadırlar. Birey ve toplum arasındaki karşılıklı ilişki aynı zamanda değer ve bilinç aktarımının gerçekleşmesine sebep olmaktadır. Dolayısıyla bireyler için yaşanan bu sürecin benzeri, toplumlarda da görülmekte, zamanla toplumsal bilinç düzeyinde belirli faktörlere bağlı olarak değişim yaşanmaktadır. Genel olarak kabul edilen görüşe göre kültür, nesilden nesile aktarılabilen, insanların davranışları üzerinde kalıcı etkiler bırakan, bir yaşam biçimidir. Siyasal kültür veya politik kültür ise birey ve toplumların politik anlayış ve tavırlarının tümü şeklinde açıklanmaktadır. Politik kültürün oluşumunda siyasal, sosyal, dini ve kültürel yapılar gibi ekonominin de etkisi kabul edilmektedir. Bu kapsamda toplumların politik geleneklerine ilaveten kamu kurumlarına hâkim olan özellikler, resmi ya da resmi olmayan kurallar, politik ideolojiler ve hedefler ön plana çıkmaktadır. Ayrıca kültürün siyasal yönleri olarak da açıklanabilen siyasal/politik kültür, toplumun yönetimle ilgili bilgi, değer, anlayış ve faaliyetlerinin ele alınmasıyla da siyaset biliminin ve siyaset sosyolojisinin ilgi alanını oluşturmaktadır. Bu çalışmada siyasal kültürün oluşumunda etkili olan faktörlere ve bu faktörler arasında ekonomik unsurlara da değinilmiştir. Ayrıca Türkiye’de, toplumsal siyasal kültürün oluşumunda önemli yeri olduğu düşünülen resmi ideoloji ve diğer faktörlerle birlikte son dönemlerde neo-liberal anlayışın politik kültür üzerine etkileri ele alınmıştır.

Abortion is a highly contested issue and one where the fault lines are often drawn along religious lines. In the United States, the most famous and timely example, anti-abortion attitudes and activism are strongly identified with conservative Christian values. But what is the role of religion in abortion debates in a more secularised context? Does religion 'work' as a justification for opposing abortion rights in such contexts? We analyse debates in the Finnish parliament regarding two Citizen's Initiatives concerning abortion. Using discourse analysis and descriptive statistics of speech patterns and voting behaviour, we draw three conclusions from the parliamentary material: (1) religious discourse is rarely used; (2) it is not effective, and its use is considered inappropriate; and (3) voting patterns in abortion cases are better explained by instrumental than religious concerns. Although the Finnish political system is not particularly secularist, the secularisation of political culture means that religion is marginalised as a source for justifying politics. In other words, religion is a troublesome resource for political legitimation in the Finnish context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This conversation text responds to Larry A. Swatuk's thoughtful review of our book The Culture and Politics of Populist Masculinities (Hakola, Salminen, Turpeinen & Winberg, 2021). Swatuk inspired us to consider what inclusive populist masculinity could look like. In our conversation, we argue that Ukrainian President Volodymyr Zelenskyy offers us a case, where the evolution of Zelenskyy's political persona from his roots in entertainment to his presidency brings forward an inclusive gender potential. Initially challenging traditional gender norms, Zelenskyy's early presidency sought to deconstruct hierarchical political cultures and gender assumptions. However, with the onset of the Russian invasion in 2022, his gender performances evolved towards more conventional masculinity, yet leaving room for inclusive interpretations. Zelenskyy, along with other figures, has redefined masculine archetypes in intersections of popular culture and politics, which shows that any deterministic categories to understand populist masculinities downplay the cultural complexity and varied contexts of the phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim is to continue the reconstruction of the socio-political context of the incipience and activity of the Shevchenko Scientific Society in the late 19th -- first third of the 20th centuries, which was directly or indirectly written about by its contemporary members, modern scholars, and members of the Shevchenko Scientific Society. The actuality is substantiated by the state of the present-day historiography of this matter, in which the socio-political aspect of the activity of the Shevchenko Scientific Society is insufficiently outlined, primarily during the interwar period. The author considered it necessary to continue asserting the opinion that a scientist has no right to stand aside from socio-political and military events in Ukraine and the world, especially now, during the latest Russo-Ukrainian war. The importance of covering the socio-political context of the activity of the abovementioned society actualizes the commemoration of the 150th anniversary of its foundation. The theoretical and methodological background has been built upon the principles of historicism, multi-dimensionality, consistency, impartiality, and comprehensiveness. It facilitated the overcoming of certain historical clichés about the impossibility of combining unbiased scientific research and socio-political activity by any individual. The scientific novelty lies in the coverage of socio-political challenges that were actualized/solved by the members of the Shevchenko Scientific Society in their scientific, political, and professional activities in the times of Austro-Hungarian Empire, Ukrainian People's Republic, and interwar Poland. Conclusions. Socio-political activity of the members of the Shevchenko Scientific So ciety, especially representatives of the socio-humanitarian studies, has become an important factor in shaping political culture, historical and cultural memory, a means of national and political mobilization for the development of the Ukrainian Piemonte and the integration of the population of diff erent lands into the all-Ukrainian national space. The prospects for further studies. There is a need to compile bibliographical indexes about prominent figures of the Shevchenko Scientific Society, as well as collections of documents and materials on the history of the society, its sections and commissions, and to digitize the most important collections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Discussing and contesting politics on Twitter has taken centre stage in Zimbabwe. In this discursive cyber-scape, political celebrities have emerged. Professor Jonathan Moyo is one of the popular voices (re)configuring the ideological and conceptual (dis)continuities of Zimbabwe's post-coup d'état political culture. Moyo was ejected from his position as a ZANU PF political insider after the military-led ousting of long-time ruler Robert Gabriel Mugabe in November 2017. His knowledge of the ruling party invokes a political forecast, retro-cast, and insight that is puzzling and transforming political discourse. This article argues that Moyo's tweets use carefully selected ideas and concepts to expose, undermine, and predict ZANU PF political manoeuvres in the post-Mugabe era. It analyses the celebrity politician's tweets after the November 2017 coup d'état, showing how they capture and influence the political mood in the post-Mugabe nation-state. The article confirms that Twitter has taken a central role as a platform for democratic engagement while also being exploited by disgraced politicians. It provides an open and free digital medium for citizens to interact and share their concerns as well as disagreements over state politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is dedicated to understanding and explaining the electoral dilemma "Dishonest, but competent" and "Honest, but incompetent" in the elections of legislators, governors and municipal presidents in 2018 in Mexico and Brazil. The research questions that guided the investigation are: Why are there voters in Mexico and Brazil who vote for "dishonest" candidates? And how do the voters of those countries decide their vote in the face of this dilemma? The theoretical approach of this work is Social Psychology through two analytical tools: the Funnel of Causality and the Tripartite Model of Attitudes. The methodology is mixed, quantitative and qualitative, using statistical models with data from the international surveys World Values Survey and Comparative Studies of Electoral Systems, as well as the application of Focus Groups in the distance modality. In this way, four categories of voter are proposed: moralist, moralist-moderate, pragmatic-moderate and pragmatic. The arguments of this work are: first, that regardless of cultural differences, there is an "affective voter" "non-rational" who makes decisions based on emotions and intuition, demonstrating that the affective components of attitudes are more relevant than the cognitive ones in electoral choice; second, that voting for "dishonest" candidates is determined under a greater influence of "short-term factors" such as candidate characteristics and short-term events rather than "long-term factors" such as party loyalties and ideology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Yüzüncü Yil Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsü Dergisi is the property of Van Yuzuncu Yil University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article reflects on the importance of raising awareness of human rights in Latin America. The author mentions that outside academic circles and human rights organisations, little is known about human rights, their concept, foundations, history, and protection systems in this part of the world. The author highlights Gregorio Peces-Barba's enlightening, popularising work in the legal and political culture of Spain and abroad and argues that something similar needs to be done in Latin America. The author of this article mentions that in Chile, the human rights issue has recently returned to the forefront in the context of the constituent process and there have been very interesting public debates on fundamental rights, including those of a social nature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper deals with Robert Putnam as a political thinker from a viewpoint of the conception of social trust as a fundamental element of civic community and democratic governance, which is based on his study: Making Democracy Work: Civic Traditions in Modern Italy from 1993. The focus is on one of the key elements of his reasoning, namely the concept of confidence and an argumentative statement of his evolutionary view of building social trust in the civic communities of northern Italy and the reasons for its absence in the southern regions of Italy. Attention is also paid to Putnam's normative concept of spreading and building social trust. The final part summarizes Putnam's work and its possible use to analyse the prospects of democracy and democratic political culture in the countries of Central and Eastern Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The current article considers the issues concerning perspectives and methodological peculiarities of developing the model of governance in the Republic of Armenia. The history of developing the form of governance in the Republic of Armenia, advantages and disadvantages of different forms of governance, factors and circumstances, which should underlie the selection of the form of governance are studied in the article. The author concludes that, while speaking on the forms of governance, we are often guided by fictional perceptions, which should be overcome and cannot serve as the basis for reforms concerning the aforementioned issue. Moreover, in the result of processes of legal convergence, the forms of governance have borrowed from each other the mechanisms that are not originally typical of them, and from this aspect their rapprochement can frequently be noted. The author notes that the problems, solution of which is the main reason for continuous changes of the form of governance, will not be solved in conditions of new reforms implemented by the same logic. Hence, the axis of the problem of the further improvement of the model of governance in the Republic of Armenia should be transformed from the issue of making a choice between this or that form of governance, and the attention should primarily be focused on improving the mechanisms of separation and balance of powers, as well as forming and strengthening constitutional and political traditions and culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nostalgic appeals to an idealized past are often employed in radical‐right discourse. In this study, we examine precedents for this strategy in mainstream politics. We make use of recent advances in natural language processing—specifically Transformer‐based neural language models and active learning—to identify instances of nostalgia in U.S. presidential campaign speeches from 1952 to 2020. We then ask what form nostalgia takes, when it has been most salient, what aspects of the nation it has been used to glorify, and how it relates to populist, nationalist, and authoritarian frames. Our findings demonstrate that nostalgic appeals tend not to involve rich descriptions of bygone historical periods, but instead take the form of brief and multivocal statements with a consistent lexical signature. Moreover, nostalgia is frequently used by challenger candidates from both parties to reinforce populist claims and expressions of low national pride. This points to discursive continuities between mainstream and radical‐right actors. Where their respective messaging diverges is in the use of nostalgia to frame exclusionary nationalist and authoritarian claims, a practice limited to radical‐right campaigns (in our data, those of Donald Trump). Rather than inventing their rhetorical strategies de novo, therefore, it appears that radical‐right actors tend to adopt and creatively recombine frames already widespread in political culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on a literature review, this paper addresses how political science and sociology incorporate religion in their theories and research. A particular focus is placed on how both sciences theorise the relationship between religion and politics. The paper argues that political science and sociology struggle with incorporating religion into their main theories, which reflect different views on religion's importance and its overall role in contemporary societies. Some key concepts, such as 'politicisation' and 'religionisation', are also discussed. A brief overview of the scholarship of religion in Central and Eastern Europe since the fall of communism is used as an example of how the radically changed social and political context was reflected in the scholarship. The paper's final section summarises current debates on religion, populism and culture in political science and sociology. It shows how a new way of communicating political messages produces complex and contradictory references to religion. While this is captured in the literature by interpreting religion as a cultural identity marker, the argument is that this should not be dissociated from the role of secular actors in imposing cultural features on some religions or political features on others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Five years after the murder of British MP, Jo Cox, during the European Union referendum campaign in 2016, this article examines the More In Common initiative through two sites of participatory practice: on Twitter via two related hashtags–#MoreInCommon and #LoveLikeJo–and the 'More In Common' exhibition (2021–2022) at the People's History Museum in Manchester. We consider how both spaces help to organise public feeling and consider the ways in which these sites draw on Cox's identity politics and values to curate her political legacy. We identify three emergent logics through our thematic analysis of the tweets posted with the hashtags in the month following her death: connected, visual and resistant. Considering the political legacy of 'more in common' 5 years later, we then trace the movement of the campaign from the digital to the physical and assess the ways in which Cox's values are crystalized through co-created participatory artistic projects displayed in public gallery space. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1442, the authorities of London issued a formal prohibition against the spread of a lie that the first and best mayor of London was a cordwainer (shoemaker) named Walsh. This article investigates the context for this story by examining contemporary uses of foundation narratives for important institutions of London life, including the city, corporation and mayoralty. These foundation legends grew from a distinctive urban 'historical culture'. This article argues that historical culture and foundation legends were important means of cultivating cultural prestige, defining the purposes of institutions, discussing the power relationships between different political institutions and engaging in political communication. By comparing the 'Walsh' legend to other variants of the London mayoral origin story, we can discern contemporary political debates about the purpose, powers and political control of key institutions in London life. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Middle East conflict has been identified as one of the most polarizing issues in the history of foreign relations of Nigeria during the First Republic (1960–6). The Christian-majority southern regions supported close relations with Israel, while the Muslim-majority Northern Region aligned with Arab states. The Sardauna Ahmadu Bello, Premier of the Northern Region, is remembered as particularly hostile to Israeli incursions in Nigeria. Reviewing new evidence from the Israel State Archives, this article introduces more complexity into portrayals of the Sardauna's positions. Contending with the enormous challenges of decolonization, the Sardauna continually vacillated in his approach to Middle East relations, weighing opportunities against drawbacks in establishing ties. Examining the more accommodating approach that the Sardauna adopted beyond the public eye, we gain new insights into his attempts to achieve political and economic objectives with regard to the Northern Region, while navigating the contentious political landscape of Nigeria's First Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The system of governing a state is based on its political culture and no political system can be adequately run which is not in harmony with the psyche of the nation. Pakistan was liberated in 1947, and the subcontinent's Muslims separated under the leadership of Quaid-e-Azam. So, at the same time, Pakistan faced many initial challenges but the most important was the formation of a constitution. But the task of constitution-making proved to be more difficult for the Pakistani nation. Whenever a nation accepts its full independence and political existence with certain territories, its first requirement is to develop a formal constitution. Forming the constitution is an important step in achieving the country's independence. This paper discusses the complete story of the constitutional and political dilemma in Pakistan and describes the major factors behind the weak political system and how these factors were involved and become a reason to delay the process of constitutionmaking in Pakistan. The research-related data was collected from secondary sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the elite construction of cultural landscapes in Harare. Since assuming the reins of power in the Zimbabwe African Nation Union (ZANU) in 1977, Robert Mugabe invented a political culture that conflated him with spirit mediums whom the nationalist movement had elevated to national deities and dead kings. Mugabe continued to cultivate this political culture in the post-colonial era using different discourses of self-presentation. The place-renaming exercise that the Mugabe regime implemented immediately after independence was part of Mugabe's self-legitimating efforts. This article establishes that the place-renaming system in Harare projected Mugabe as a divine king. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of the study is conditioned by the need for an in-depth investigation of young people's position in the Russian Federation and the prospects for political socialization due to its importance to society and the degree of participation in the current transformations in the country. Transformations cannot be considered successful if they do not allow young people to fully enter the world of politics. The transformations globalize the vision of young people, which is based on the principles and standards of democracy, reflects the present political climate and takes the experience of previous generations into account. The purpose of the study was a detailed political analysis of the essence, priorities, and features of the political socialization development of modern Russian youth, and the development of recommendations for the optimal activity of youth policy management institutions in the Russian Federation. The study analyzed the features of the political socialization of youth in Russian society due to changes in the value paradigm of youth development. Political pluralism is common in the modern democratic political culture. Therefore, the authors provided reasoning for the thesis that the political socialization involves young people in democratic political values. Therewith, it is necessary to promote an intolerance to any hostility and violence that contradicts the civilized forms of human life. This base allows performing the role of an active political subject of transformations in Russian society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the context of its activities, since the NU Muslimat was established, it was almost all the archipelago had the same activities called religious activities, which included (1) manaqiban (2) dibaan, (3) reboan, (3) Muslimat Hajj Association and, (4) recitations with themes around the pillars of Islam. But there is a phenomenon of shifting understanding of the elite and NU Muslimat members to the themes of recitation and the movement of political da’wah, especially at the place where the research was conducted. The activities at NU Muslimat carried out not only as a routine activity of the Muslim community but also for the wider role of the NU Muslimat in general and its members to occupy strategic positions in the government or legislative members. From the above phenomena, the objectives of this study are to understand the culture and political understanding of NU Muslimat citizens in East Java. This research was conducted using a qualitative approach. Data collection uses observation, interviews, and documents. Data analysis was carried out using the Interactive Analysis Model of Miles, et al. Dalam konteks kegiatannya, sejak Muslimat NU didirikan memiliki kegiatan yang sama yang disebut kegiatan keagamaan, yang meliputi (1) manaqiban (2) dibaan, (3) reboan, (3) Ikatan Haji Muslimat , (4) kegiatan pengajian dengan tema seputar rukun Islam. Tetapi ada fenomena pergeseran pemahaman elit dan anggota Muslim NU dari kegiatan-kegiatan di atas ke tema-tema gerakan dakwah politik, terutama di tempat di mana penelitian dilakukan. Kegiatan-kegiatan Muslimat NU yang telah dilakukan tidak hanya sebagai kegiatan rutin, tetapi untuk peran yang lebih luas dari Muslimat NU pada umumnya dan anggotanya untuk menduduki posisi strategis di pemerintahan atau anggota legislatif. Dari fenomena di atas, tujuan dari penelitian ini adalah sebagai berikut: untuk memahami budaya dan pemahaman politik pada warga Muslimat NU di Jawa Timur. Penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. Pengumpulan data menggunakan observasi, wawancara, dan dokumen. Analisis data dilakukan dengan menggunakan Model Analisis Interaktif Miles, Hubermen, Saldhana.

This article analyzes the role of the institution of leadership in the formation of a new political culture in conditions of sovereignty. It should be noted that experience shows that the institution of leadership has really had a decisive influence on the whole further course of development of social and political processes in society. As a result, an activist type of political culture based on democratic principles emerged and affirmed in society.The culture of participation as the main element of human culture in general was characterized by rationality, awareness and expediency. At the same time, it is necessary to know that the level of perception of new cultural values depends on the level of political culture of the political leader itself, since any leader is a reflection of the cultural environment in which it was formed.

Copyright of Zeszyty Naukowe KUL is the property of John Paul II Catholic University of Lublin, Wydawnictwo KUL and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The questions, which observe the evolution of the concept «political culture» are investigated in the article. Particularly, the main preconditions and the stages of its formation are depicted. It is shown, that the political culture is the important historical component of the political, social, economic and cultural development of the country. The phenomena of the political culture is described and the condition, role and the further perspectives in the state formation process of the Ukrainian society is also defined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cumhuriyet Ilahiyat Dergisi / Cumhuriyet Theology Journal is the property of Cumhuriyet Universitesi, Ilahiyat Fakultesi / Cumhuriyet University, Faculty of Theology and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This work aims to describe and analyze aspects of politicians credibility in the Slovak Republic. I will perform the given description and analysis through the following terms: political culture, ethics, morality, virtue. In this work, I will focus on the analysis of negative manifestations of selected politicians. For the plurality of opinions and ideas, I chose one politician from the governing coalition and the other from the opposition. From the government coalition, I chose the chairman of the strongest government political party, Igor Matovič, and from the opposition, I chose the chairman of the Smer-SD party, Robert Fico. In the case of Robert Fico, I will discuss his populism, statements, relationship with journalists and the degree of self-reflection. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Frequency and continuity of military interventions in politics in different societies have led to the fact that the analysis of the interrelationships of the armed forces and the government has become one of the most important issues in political sociology studies. Military interference in politics in different forms and levels is a general phenomenon that exists in almost all countries of the world. This phenomenon in its most gentle and most extensive levels is seen in the forms of exerting influence over politicians and on the process of political decision-making and policy- making, and at the highest levels, it occurs in the form of overt political interference and resort to military coups and obvious presence at the head of political power. This article reviews the book "The Military and Politics", as one of the newest works presented in Persian, in the field of mutual relations and interactions of the military institution and the government, and it tries to review the book using a critical analysis, and considering various aspects of this topic.

Copyright of Reti Medievali is the property of Firenze University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Reti Medievali is the property of Firenze University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociedade e Estado is the property of Sociedade e Estado and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the ambivalent status of local authorities in postcolonial state building in Timor‐Leste. We deploy two sets of empirical data to analyse the role ambiguity plays in particular power dynamics: the East Timorese legislation on community authority, and ethnographic descriptions of a local form of conflict resolution at the village level. The ethnographic analysis points to the fact that local authorities see themselves and are seen by villagers as state representatives. However, the legal framework may be seen as an effort by the Timorese national authority to detach itself from local leaders, but it does so ambiguously. While the state positions local authorities as community representatives of the people it also assigns them an increasing number of functions over time, many of which would be elsewhere considered state responsibilities. We argue that this ambiguity plays a vital role in a long‐term strategy to legitimise the state by appropriating local elements of political culture. That being so, local governance complexes are used to transpose and internalise modern practices and projects of social organisation and subjectivation, although they tend to be considered by many as longstanding cultural institutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the depiction of women's revolutionary activism in Berta Lask's mass dramas Die Befreiung (1925) and Leuna 1921 (1927). Building on Sabine Hake's concept of the 'proletarian dream', it argues that Lask uses the performative structures of the mass drama in an attempt to create gendered communities of proletarian identification that transcend the boundary between actor and spectator. Her use of the mass drama to foster revolutionary sensibilities is nevertheless underpinned by an ambivalent approach to women's emancipation that can be explained by reading her work in the context of the competing discourses of the Communist Women's International and the KPD in the 1920s. The article thus sheds light on the place of women in the communist political culture of the Weimar Republic and the discursive construction of gender roles in the wake of World War I. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Weimar Republic has an important place in the history of Germany democracy, but a recognition of the strength of German women's political cultures and their role in shaping the post-war political landscape has been elusive. Women's experiences in the First World War and Weimar Republic have been extensively discussed, but often in ways that threaten to erase women's political agency. Moreover, the seismic shift signalled by women's suffrage has not been foregrounded in accounts of democratic history, and women's roles in the revolution of 1918 have been largely overlooked. Taking a gender historical approach, this article makes women's political cultures visible in two arenas important for an understanding of the post-war era: women's suffrage and women's revolutionary activism. While the focus is on the German national context, it is important to note that German women's organisations were embedded in international and transnational network organisations campaigning for women's social, professional and civic rights, and that their political cultures developed in dialogue with and awareness of what was happening elsewhere in the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]