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Objective: A focus on bacterial contamination has limited many studies of water service delivery in slums, with diarrheal illness being the presumed outcome of interest. We conducted a mixed methods study in a slum of 12,000 people in Mumbai, India to measure deficiencies in a broader array of water service delivery indicators and their adverse life impacts on the slum’s residents. Methods: Six focus group discussions and 40 individual qualitative interviews were conducted using purposeful sampling. Quantitative data on water indicators—quantity, access, price, reliability, and equity—were collected via a structured survey of 521 households selected using population-based random sampling. Results: In addition to negatively affecting health, the qualitative findings reveal that water service delivery failures have a constellation of other adverse life impacts—on household economy, employment, education, quality of life, social cohesion, and people’s sense of political inclusion. In a multivariate logistic regression analysis, price of water is the factor most strongly associated with use of inadequate water quantity (≤20 liters per capita per day). Water service delivery failures and their adverse impacts vary based on whether households fetch water or have informal water vendors deliver it to their homes. Conclusions: Deficiencies in water service delivery are associated with many non-health-related adverse impacts on slum households. Failure to evaluate non-health outcomes may underestimate the deprivation resulting from inadequate water service delivery. Based on these findings, we outline a multidimensional definition of household “water poverty” that encourages policymakers and researchers to look beyond evaluation of water quality and health. Use of multidimensional water metrics by governments, slum communities, and researchers may help to ensure that water supplies are designed to advance a broad array of health, economic, and social outcomes for the urban poor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: We devised and implemented an innovative Location-Based Household Coding System (LBHCS) appropriate to a densely populated informal settlement in Mumbai, India. Methods and Findings: LBHCS codes were designed to double as unique household identifiers and as walking directions; when an entire community is enumerated, LBHCS codes can be used to identify the number of households located per road (or lane) segment. LBHCS was used in community-wide biometric, mental health, diarrheal disease, and water poverty studies. It also facilitated targeted health interventions by a research team of youth from Mumbai, including intensive door-to-door education of residents, targeted follow-up meetings, and a full census. In addition, LBHCS permitted rapid and low-cost preparation of GIS mapping of all households in the slum, and spatial summation and spatial analysis of survey data. Conclusion: LBHCS was an effective, easy-to-use, affordable approach to household enumeration and re-identification in a densely populated informal settlement where alternative satellite imagery and GPS technologies could not be used. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Approximately half of all slums(1) in India are not recognized by the government. Lack of government recognition, also referred to as “non-notified status” in the Indian context, may create entrenched barriers to legal rights and basic services such as water, sanitation and security of tenure. In this paper, we explore the relationship between non-notified status and health outcomes in Kaula Bandar, a slum in Mumbai, India. We illustrate this relationship using the findings of a four-year long series of studies in the community. By comparing Kaula Bandar’s statistics with those from other Mumbai slums captured by India’s National Family Health Survey–3, we show that Kaula Bandar has relative deficiencies in several health and social outcomes, including educational status, child health and adult nutrition. We then provide an explanatory framework for the role that Kaula Bandar’s non-notified status may play in generating poor health outcomes, by discussing the health consequences of the absence of basic services. We also highlight the criminalization by the government of activities necessary for fulfilling access to fundamental needs such as water, toilets and shelter. We argue that the policy vacuum surrounding non-notified slums such as Kaula Bandar results in governance failures that lead to poor health outcomes. Our findings highlight the need for cities in India and other developing countries to establish and fulfill minimum humanitarian standards in non-notified slums for the provision of basic services such as water, sanitation, solid waste removal, electricity and education. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In India, “non-notified” slums are not officially recognized by city governments; they suffer from insecure tenure and poorer access to basic services than “notified” (government-recognized) slums. We conducted a study in a non-notified slum of about 12,000 people in Mumbai to determine the prevalence of individuals at high risk for having a common mental disorder (i.e., depression and anxiety), to ascertain the impact of mental health on the burden of functional impairment, and to assess the influence of the slum environment on mental health. We gathered qualitative data (six focus group discussions and 40 individual interviews in July-November 2011), with purposively sampled participants, and quantitative data (521 structured surveys in February 2012), with respondents selected using community-level random sampling. For the surveys, we administered the General Health Questionnaire-12 (GHQ) to screen for common mental disorders (CMDs), the WHO Disability Assessment Schedule 2.0 (WHO DAS) to screen for functional impairment, and a slum adversity questionnaire, which we used to create a composite Slum Adversity Index (SAI) score. Twenty-three percent of individuals have a GHQ score ≥5, suggesting they are at high risk for having a CMD. Psychological distress is a major contributor to the slum’s overall burden of functional impairment. In a multivariable logistic regression model, household income, poverty-related factors, and the SAI score all have strong independent associations with CMD risk. The qualitative findings suggest that non-notified status plays a central role in creating psychological distress—by creating and exacerbating deprivations that serve as sources of stress, by placing slum residents in an inherently antagonistic relationship with the government through the criminalization of basic needs, and by shaping a community identity built on a feeling of social exclusion from the rest of the city.

Objectives: Rapid urbanisation has often meant that public infrastructure has not kept pace with growth leading to urban slums with poor access to water and sanitation and high rates of diarrhoea with greater household costs due to illness. This study sought to determine the monetary cost of diarrhoea to urban slum households in Kaula Bandar slum in Mumbai, India. The study also tested the hypotheses that the cost of water and sanitation infrastructure may be surpassed by the cumulative costs of diarrhoea for households in an urban slum community. Design: A cohort study using a baseline survey of a random sample followed by a systematic longitudinal household survey. The baseline survey was administered to a random sample of households. The systematic longitudinal survey was administered to every available household in the community with a case of diarrhoea for a period of 5 weeks. Participants: Every household in Kaula Bandar was approached for the longitudinal survey and all available and consenting adults were included. Results: The direct cost of medical care for having at least one person in the household with diarrhoea was 205 rupees. Other direct costs brought total expenses to 291 rupees. Adding an average loss of 55 rupees per household from lost wages and monetising lost productivity from homemakers gave a total loss of 409 rupees per household. During the 5-week study period, this community lost an estimated 163 600 rupees or 3635 US dollars due to diarrhoeal illness. Conclusions: The lack of basic water and sanitation infrastructure is expensive for urban slum households in this community. Financing approaches that transfer that cost to infrastructure development to prevent illness may be feasible. These findings along with the myriad of unmeasured benefits of preventing diarrhoeal illness add to pressing arguments for investment in basic water and sanitation infrastructure.