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As the culture of silence that once surrounded cancer has gradually given way to greater public awareness, normative visions of what cancer survivorship should entail have proliferated. These visions emphasise positivity and perseverance in pursuit of cure. While these visions provide comfort to many, for people with metastatic cancer, the emphasis on cure can undermine their sense of belonging to the broader collective of people living with cancer. Drawing on semi‐structured interviews with 38 Australian women living with metastatic breast cancer, we explore how incurable cancer inflects understandings of self and transforms interpersonal relationships. Extending ideas around biosociality and belonging, we explore the tenuousness of social bonds, revealing how (in)visibility, (in)authenticity and (in)validation circulate within the daily lives of women with metastatic breast cancer. We conceptualise accounts according to four social bonds: (1) threatened bonds where a relationship is strained by misunderstanding, (2) severed bonds where a relationship is ruptured due to misunderstanding, (3) attuned bonds whereby a relationship is based on shared identification and (4) flexible social bonds when a relationship is based on mutual understanding. More broadly, we illustrate the persistence of normative visions of cancer survivorship and their enduring effects on those whom such visions exclude. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Chronic health conditions represent a key challenge for contemporary public healthcare. Current policy promotes self-management support to reduce demands on health services and improve patients' health and wellbeing. Though there is emerging recognition that self-management is achieved in collaboration between health professionals and patients, how chronicity is managed in interaction remains relatively underexplored in research. In this paper we report on research examining how people are supported to self-manage their conditions through their healthcare encounters. We draw on observational data from consultations between people with multiple chronic health conditions and their healthcare professionals, and semi-structured interviews with both patients and professionals about these consultations. We illuminate points of disconnect between patients and health professionals and demonstrate how these disconnects unfold in self-management support interactions. We argue that self-management is temporally and socially situated, incorporating past, present and (anticipated) future experiences. However, there is a disjuncture between the temporal logics of self-management enacted by health professionals and the subjective temporalities of people's lived experience of chronicity. Health professionals focus on patients progressing toward optimistic futures but give less attention to the complexities of patient life histories that render self-management more difficult. For self-management support to be effective, we argue that health professionals need to consider the complexities of people's life histories and how these shape imagined futures. Policy guidelines, we argue, should attend to how relations between patients and professionals shape self-management support, and the historical and social factors that shape experiences of living with chronic conditions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An extensive body of scholarship focuses on cultural diversity in health care, and this has resulted in a plethora of strategies to "manage" cultural difference. This work has often been patient-oriented (i.e., focused on the differences of the person being cared for), rather than relational in character. In this study, we aimed to explore how the difference was relational and coproduced in the accounts of cancer care professionals and patients with cancer who were from migrant backgrounds. Drawing on eight focus groups with 57 cancer care professionals and one-on-one interviews with 43 cancer patients from migrant backgrounds, we explore social relations, including intrusion and feelings of discomfort, moral logics of rights and obligation, and the practice of defaulting to difference. We argue, on the basis of these accounts, for the importance of approaching difference as relational and that this could lead to a more reflexive means for overcoming "differences" in therapeutic settings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: A cancer diagnosis is an emotive and challenging time for patients. This study aimed to systematically explore patients' accounts of experiencing their cancer diagnosis. The purpose of this article is to offer a typology of patient responses to receiving a cancer diagnosis as a means through which to affirm the range of patients' experiences and to guide clinicians' practice.Methods: Qualitative semi-structured interviews were conducted between 2015 and 2017 with 80 patients living with cancer: 34 females and 46 males, aged between 31 and 85, diagnosed with a range of cancer types, stages and treatment trajectories, from two metropolitan hospitals on the east coast of Australia. Interview data were analysed thematically, using the framework approach.Results: A typology of responses to the cancer diagnosis was derived from the analysis and included (1) the incongruent diagnosis, unexpected because it did not 'fit' with the patient's 'healthy' identity; (2) the incidental diagnosis, arising from seemingly unrelated or minor medical investigations; (3) the validating diagnosis, as explanation and confirmation of previously unexplained symptoms, pain or feelings; (4) the life context diagnosis, where the cancer diagnosis was positioned relative to other challenging life events, or as relatively inconsequential compared with the hardship of others.Conclusions: A diagnosis of cancer is not always (or only) experienced by patients with shock and despair. Diagnosis is perceived and experienced in diverse ways, shaped by broader social or life contexts, and with important implications for the clinical encounter and communication from an oncology perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A person-centered approach to goal-setting, involving collaboration between patients and health professionals, is advocated in policy to support self-management. However, this is difficult to achieve in practice, reducing the potential effectiveness of self-management support. Drawing on observations of consultations between patients and health professionals, we examined how goal-setting is shaped in patient–provider interactions. Analysis revealed three distinct interactional styles. In controlled interactions, health professionals determine patients' goals based on biomedical reference points and present these goals as something patients should do. In constrained interactions, patients are invited to present goals, yet health professionals' language and questions orientate goals toward biomedical issues. In flexible interactions, patients and professionals both contribute to goal-setting, as health professionals use less directive language, create openings, and allow patients to decide on their goals. Findings suggest that interactional style of health professionals could be the focus of interventions when aiming to increase the effectiveness of goal-setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Metastatic breast cancer is a disease of changing status--once an imminent death sentence, now a chronic (albeit incurable) disease. Medical intervention advances mean women with metastatic breast cancer now have symptoms alleviated and, potentially, life extended. Living with this disease, however, requires more than a medical approach to symptoms. We were interested to know whether women manage, and if so, how, to "live well" with metastatic cancer. We conducted interviews with 18 women. Women differed in the approaches they used. Most common was the attempt to reestablish a sense of normality in their lives. However, a second group reevaluated and reprioritized their lives; and a third group was restricted in their capacity to live well because of symptoms. The findings provide the foundation for future research exploring normalization of experiences of metastatic cancer, and other chronic illnesses, where people are living with knowledge that they have contracted time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In many contemporary healthcare systems, individuals are expected to be rational actors – weighing up available knowledge and making choices about their healthcare needs. In the policy context, this has been most explicitly applied to the financing of healthcare where there is encouragement for the purchase of private health insurance. However, perceptions of public and private healthcare provision, knowledge about healthcare needs, and the types of services people choose, are far from straightforward. Drawing on Bourdieu's concepts of habitus, field, and capital, and a study of individual experiences of choice in Australian healthcare, we explore the knowledges used by people as they navigate through the healthcare system. Such navigation takes place in a milieu where authoritative medical knowledge intersects with knowledge from other sources, including the Internet and lived experience. However, our study reveals that navigation of healthcare is assisted most of all by the capacity to draw on 'system knowledge'. System knowledge takes two, sometimes overlapping, forms. First, acquired system knowledge is produced through drawing on experience, formal knowledge and the capacity to undertake research (primarily cultural capital). Second, assumed system knowledge enables navigation of the healthcare system through accessing and utilising networks of privilege (primarily economic and social capital). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we examine the choice to use a complementary and alternative medicine product (St John’s wort) for the management of mental health risk. We draw on data from a study in which we conducted in-depth, semi-structured interviews with 41 adults who self-reported depression, stress or anxiety, in Melbourne, Australia, in 2011. We identified three groups of users – regular St John’s wort users, whose use was continuous; irregular users, whose use was occasional; and non-users, who had stopped or were contemplating use. In each group, St John’s wort use centred around managing risk, taking control and self-management. Participants described a process of weighing up risks and benefits of different treatment options. They viewed St John’s wort as a less risky and/or safer option than antidepressants because they perceived it to be more natural, with fewer side effects. They saw their use of St John’s wort as a means of exercising personal control over mental health risks, for example, to alleviate or self-manage symptoms of depression. Their use of St John’s wort was also linked to perceptions of broader social risks including the stigma and shame of needing to use antidepressants. The findings deepen our understanding of notions of mental health risk by pointing to the importance of localised knowledge of risk in decision-making, and the ways in which perceptions of, and hence responses to, risk differ between groups. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Introduction This study explores what types of information obese individuals search for on the Internet, their motivations for seeking information and how they apply it in their daily lives. Method In-depth telephone interviews with an Australian community sample of 142 individuals with a BMI ≥ 30 were conducted. Theoretical, purposive and strategic samplings were employed. Data were analysed using a constant comparative method. Results Of the 142 individuals who participated in the study, 111 (78%) searched for information about weight loss or obesity. Of these, about three quarters searched for weight loss solutions. The higher the individual's weight, the more they appeared to search for weight loss solutions. Participants also searched for information about health risks associated with obesity ( n = 28), how to prevent poor health outcomes ( n = 30) and for peer support forums with other obese individuals ( n = 25). Whilst participants visited a range of websites, including government-sponsored sites, community groups and weight loss companies, they overwhelmingly acted upon the advice given on commercial diet websites. However, safe, non-judgemental spaces such as the Fatosphere (online fat acceptance community) provided much needed solidarity and support. Conclusions The Internet provides a convenient source of support and information for obese individuals. However, many turn to the same unsuccessful solutions online (e.g. fad dieting) they turn to in the community. Government and community organisations could draw upon some lessons learned in other consumer-driven online spaces (e.g. the Fatosphere) to provide supportive environments for obese individuals that resonate with their health and social experiences, and address their needs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objectives: To investigate obese men's health behaviors and strategies for change. Methods: Qualitative interviews with 36 men (BMI 30 and over). Results: All men felt personally responsible for their weight gain. Sedentary lifestyles, stress, lack of worklife balance and weight-based stigma were all significant causes of weight gain and barriers to weight loss. These factors also contributed to men's unwillingness to seek help for their overweight. Conclusion: Addressing the self-blame and stigma associated with obesity is important in developing strategies to improve the health and well-being of obese men. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]