Search

Copyright of Araucaria is the property of Araucaria-Revista Iberoamericana de Filosofia, Politica y Humanidades and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) Summit (2023) in virtual format only exposed the growing disconnect between India and the members of this multilateral framework. Given the precarious state of India's relations with its immediate neighbors, China and Pakistan, and the growing camaraderie between Beijing and Moscow, this article examines the reasons behind New Delhi's continued need to engage with this multilateral framework. While India seeks to use the SCO as a "bridge" to improve its ties with Central Asian nations and act as a "check and balance" within the organization, Beijing's ascendancy as the "primary" external actor in the Af‐Pak and Central Asia region has meant that India's ability to gain advantages from its association with the SCO will be severely limited. As the protracted war in Ukraine continues unabated, India's attempts to find a "middle ground" between competing interests and principles will be put to the test. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This forum focuses on the overlooked areas of the moment surrounding the nature and progression of Russia's invasion of Ukraine in 2022. It brings together scholars of different disciplines, backgrounds, and locations to provide analyses of the Russian aggression from varying perspectives such as history, law, military studies, politics, and media and communications, to name a few, encouraging the authors to focus on intricacies to deliver a deeper analysis of the invasion. Each author offers a unique take on the analyses of the past and present. The forum has two aims. First, the collection raises the question "What did we miss?" and it aims to highlight the lack of attention by Western scholars to Russian perceptions of Western threats and the concerns of former Soviet countries regarding Russia's aggressive foreign policy. Second, the forum intends to start a conversation on different non-Western perspectives of thinking about the Russian invasion. The forum covers the events of the period from the beginning of the invasion up to July 2022, with some post-revision comments in the introduction and conclusion mentioning the events up to February 2023. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In February 2022, the so-called Special Military Operation launched by Vladimir Putin activated the conflict between Russia and Ukraine. This article seeks to answer why the conflict between Russia and Ukraine can be configured as a fifth-generation war. The research found that the confrontation between Russia and Ukraine can be categorized as a fifth-generation war because the fighting is taking place in cities, which are categorized as the military, political and economic centers of gravity. Furthermore, the confrontation, despite taking place on the traditional plane of warfare, has also involved the fifth domain of warfare, cyberspace, and finally, the involvement of private military companies in the conflict was identified. In this respect, the qualitative methodological approach allows us to analyses the characteristics of fifth generation warfare in the light of an international case study. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Analyses de Population & Avenir is the property of Population & Avenir and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

RESUMO Este artigo parte do discurso e artigo de Vladimir que questionam, com argumentos históricos, a viabilidade nacional e estatal independente da Ucrânia e dos ucranianos. Pelo lado político, isso permite que se aproprie da cultura historiográfica russa para construir relações entre Rússia e Ucrânia que, em última instância, visam a garantir o direito à guerra e à posse territorial. No artigo, isso servirá de base para uma análise comparativa de algumas das principais narrativas historiográficas tanto da Rússia quanto da Ucrânia sobre o assunto. Especial importância será dada à obra do clássico historiador ucraniano Mykhailo Hrushevsky, principal esteio da narrativa nacional daquele país em termos de sua afirmação como nação independente. Na conclusão será apresentada uma proposta teórica provisória de tentativa de síntese das teorias modernista e perenialista sobre o fenômeno do nacionalismo a partir do caso ucraniano.

Copyright of Ge-Conservación is the property of Instituto del Patrimonio Cultural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since Putin executed his invasion of Ukraine on February 24, 2022, it has generated various responses in the real world and on social media. Among the most active users worldwide, Indonesian netizens contribute significantly to social media debates. It is intriguing since the past pattern indicates that Indonesian social media seldom generate a massive response to international affairs issues, especially those unrelated to Indonesia. However, in the case of Putin's Invasion, the Indonesian netizens behaved out of pattern by reproducing extensive narratives to support Russia's invasion by glorifying Putin's masculine side. In this paper, we trace how the narrative glorifying Putin's masculinities is constructed within Indonesian netizens' responses by interpreting Twitter data right after the first Russian attack from February 2022 to March 2022. Further, we also explain under what conditions the narratives emerge. We found that the narrative created two different patterns: the first pattern radiated romanticizing Putin's machoism aspect and, at the same time, feminizing the Indonesian government. We then argue that the supporting narratives are linked with how Indonesian gender relations are imbued with hegemonic masculinity products of the past Indonesian colonialism that shaped the praise for the hegemonic masculinity point of view. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Diversitas Journal is the property of Diversitas Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Brasileira de Historia is the property of Associacao Nacional dos Professores Universitarios de Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

O conflito na Ucrânia, deflagrado em fevereiro de 2022, catalisou uma reconfiguração profunda e irreversível do sistema energético global e da ordem geopolítica contemporânea. Este artigo explora a transformação estrutural das políticas energéticas da Rússia e da União Europeia (UE), impulsionada pelo acirramento das tensões geopolíticas decorrentes da guerra. A pesquisa examina o redirecionamento estratégico da Rússia em direção à Ásia, com destaque para a China, como uma resposta às sanções impostas pelo Ocidente e à perda do mercado europeu, bem como as iniciativas emergenciais da UE para diversificar suas fontes de energia, com ênfase na crescente dependência do gás natural liquefeito (GNL) proveniente dos Estados Unidos. Os resultados revelam que essas mudanças não apenas alteraram dinâmicas regionais, mas também estão redefinindo as estruturas de poder globais. A energia, tradicionalmente um pilar do poder internacional, assume agora um papel central na ordem geopolítica em evolução, influenciando alianças, cadeias de suprimento e estratégias de segurança. Este estudo contribui para o entendimento das complexas interações entre energia, poder e geopolítica em um mundo fragmentado e competitivo, enfatizando a importância dessas mudanças na antecipação de futuras crises e na identificação de novos movimentos na redistribuição do poder internacional.

Copyright of Brazilian Journal of Law & International Relations / Relações Internacionais no Mundo is the property of Relacoes Internacionais no Mundo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article reviews the analysis of the historian Stephen F. Cohen (1928-2020) on what he called the "New Cold War", i.e., the confrontation between the United States and Russia caused by the expansion, promoted by the United States, of NATO to Eastern Europe. The theoretical framework is the theory of imperialism, and the methodology consists in the analysis of primary sources, academic works and journalistic articles. The conclusion is that Cohen's analysis was vindicated by the outbreak of the current war in the Ukraine, but that his "Russo-centric" view is too narrow, and that his analysis must be placed in the larger global context within which the war in Ukraine takes place: US's two-pronged aggression against both Russia and China. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Russia's invasion of Ukraine began on February 24, 2022 and is still ongoing, generating impacts at different levels and with different degrees of intensity both in Europe and in other regions. This crisis cannot be disjointed from the first invasion carried out by Russia in February 2014: rather they are directly related, generating on this occasion a more unpredictable and truly systemic crisis. This article uses a wide range of categories or axioms of contemporary realism, as well as a review of primary and secondary sources, to point out the main security and geopolitical implications, the energy impact, and to discuss the use of economic and financial sanctions as a weapon of war in the old continent, mainly by the United States, the European Union and Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Geopolitica(s): Revista de Estudios Sobre Espacio y Poder is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Analisi: Quaderns de Comunicacio i Cultura is the property of Universitat Autonoma de Barcelona and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Relações Internacionais is the property of Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The aim of this paper is to examine the visual disinformation produced in the context of the Russian-Ukrainian war, analyze its international scope, study the reaction of fact-checking journalism and compare the disinformation strategies adopted by both contenders. A descriptive and inferential statistical quantitative research of the fake visual content verified by fact-checkers between January and April 2022 was conducted. The results confirm the dominance of the strategy based on false context, the relevance of Facebook and Twitter in the distribution of fake news, and the production of an increased number of fake images during the two weeks following the invasion. The most frequent narratives are those consisting of false decisions and military attacks that seek to impute atrocities and war crimes to the opposing side. Pro-Russian visual disinformation makes greater use of fabricated content. If the concentration of messages on a few platforms is the logic that characterizes the Ukrainian disinformation, Russia utilizes a more expansive strategy by using a greater variety of media to spread their narratives. Stories about fake attacks are more usual in Ukrainian visual disinformation. Fake news stories about the international community's reaction to the Russian attack are more prevalent in pro-Kremlin disinformation. It is also observed that as the conflict progresses, fake content from the Ukrainian side is less frequent, while Russian disinformation increases in proportion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Introduction: On February 24, 2022, the Russian invasion of Ukraine began. The conflict has also spread on social networks, where both the invader and the invaded are responsible for building their own story. Objectives: To carry out a comparative analysis of the social audience on Twitter of the profiles o f t he Government o f t he Russian Federation (@GovernmentRF) and t he Office of the President of Ukraine (@APUkraine). Methodology: Two social analytics tools based on the application of audience intelligence algorithms have been used, with a double objective: on the one hand, to carry out an analysis of the composition of the social audience of the chosen profiles; and on the other hand, through the choice of keywords, identify which profiles achieve greater reach and authority. Discussion and results: The applications have allowed us to study the audiences of the two selected profiles, providing a detailed description of the segments or communities that shape that audience, their demographic and psychographic data, while allowing segments to be connected. of audiences with other social listening and analytics platforms, influencer marketing tools, digital advertising platforms and other social analytics applications. Conclusions: The analysis carried out is of great importance to know the profile and interests of the Twitter audience of the followers of the official accounts of Russia and Ukraine, showing that words such as "no war" or "reject" are among the most repeated. in the tweets published between March 18 and April 17, 2022, as well as Hashtags about cities hit by war are the most used in these publications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Sociales (13159518) is the property of Revista de Ciencias Sociales de la Universidad del Zulia Venezuela and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista UNISCI is the property of Unidad de Investigaciones Sobre Seguridad y Cooperacion International (UNISCI) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Comunicación 'Vivat Academia' is the property of Facultad de Ciencias de las Informacion de la Universidad Complutense (Espana) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this paper is to analyze the conflict between Ukraine and Russia -from 2014 to mid-2022- and its impact on the international community. In turn, different episodes that occurred in the context of the conflict will be presented, from the perspective of International Humanitarian Law. Finally, the possible outcomes will be evaluated within the framework of International Criminal Law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes the evolution of the European security system and its evolution since the end of the Cold War. Also, the consequences that the Ukraine crisis of 2014 and currently the invasion of Russia have had. This system has three fundamental actors: NATO, the EU and Russia, the first being the nuclear piece of the system. Since 1990, the main characteristic of the security system has been an imbalance of power and different processes of inclusion and exclusion concerning Russia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After examining the global impact generated by the war in Ukraine, caused by Russia's invasion of that country, the article asks if we are in the presence of a new global scenario in the making. He also wonders about the causes behind the failure of peace in Europe and the instruments on which it was based. And it tries to offer elements to promote an alternative, which is directly related to its unequivocal conclusion: if you want peace, work for peace. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The invasion of Ukraine is one more step in a strategy aimed at creating a new framework for international relations. In developing that strategy, the Putin government has had no qualms about breaking international consensus on issues such as gender equality. This has manifested itself in the Security Council, with Russian reluctance to advance the Women, Peace and Security Agenda. The participation of women in peace processes is fundamental to achieving the establishment of a lasting peace and this article also analyzes the participation of Ukrainian women in the response to the Russian aggression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The starting thesis of the article is that there is no mistake: the only way out of the war in Ukraine is a negotiated settlement. Attempting to resolve war on the battlefield is not only useless, it prolongs the suffering of those who suffer from the conflict. Based on personal experience, regarding the war that devastated Central America, the conclusion is that negotiating directly with the leaders involved is the only possible way out. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of International Journal on Criminology is the property of Policy Studies Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Conjuntura Austral is the property of Conjuntura Austral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A guerra entre Rússia e Ucrânia, iniciada em 2022 é um dos eventos de maior impacto das primeiras décadas do século XXI, pois ocorre no coração do continente eurasiano e envolve, direta ou indiretamente, grandes potências do sistema internacional. A presente análise de conjuntura do conflito tem como foco a disputa pela Eurásia e parte da perspectiva russa. A hipótese sustentada é a de que a guerra russo-ucraniana representa uma nova inflexão na política externa russa decorrente do fracasso de sua estratégia voltada para a Eurásia em curso desde 2012. Ao longo do texto é abordada a relevância da Eurásia no sistema internacional, o desenvolvimento da política externa russa, em especial a partir de 2012, a crise ucraniana de 2014 e o conflito referido. Ao final a análise discorre sobre os impactos do conflito para os alinhamentos na Eurásia e para a política externa russa.

Copyright of Carta Internacional is the property of Associacao Brasileira de Relacoes Internacionais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The research describes the storytelling created by the European creative community in response to the invasion of Ukraine. Methodologically, it includes a content analysis of the #CreativesForUkraine project creations and two questionnaires addressed to authors and recipients. The results show high harmony of sense and interpretation between the two poles of the communicative process. Among the conclusions, the storytelling that sympathizes with Ukraine prevails, reserving the role of dystopian villain to Vladimir Putin. Digital communication and transmediality are the critical factors for spreading the message and calling to action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John Bellamy Foster analyzes the origins and context of the war in Ukraine, as well as the interests of the United States and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (nato) that support it, which in some way also originate it. Likewise, he reflects on nuclear supremacy, the policies that the United States, Russia, and China have followed on this issue, and what is at stake for the world with the war in Ukraine in this regard. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Conjuntura Internacional is the property of Conjuntura Internacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cuadernos Europeos de Deusto is the property of Universidad de Deusto and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Ao traçar um percurso histórico e cultural entre o passado e o presente da Ucrânia, este artigo analisa, sobretudo, as contradiçōes e vicissitudes que marcam, ao longo dos séculos, as relaçōes desse país com a Rússia, e que se desdobram, na era de Putin, em uma crise profunda.

A invasão da Ucrânia iniciada em fevereiro de 2022 se baseou em uma política de expansão de poder e influência que se compreende por uma digressão das relações entre Rússia e Ucrânia, desde o fim da guerra fria. Desde a fundação do Estado da Ucrânia em 1991, diferentes identidades e alinhamentos da população, elites governamentais e oligarquias disputam interesses e influência política no país. Visando a uma contribuição modesta, mas cumprindo um nicho de reflexões e estudos sobre o tema dos conflitos da Ucrânia no Brasil, este artigo parte do conceito de “putinismo” (LAQUEUR, 2015; TAYLOR, 2018; SNYDER, 2013; 2019; McFAUL, 2020), enquanto uma expressão de designação da política interna e externa do presidente Vladimir Putin. Em seguida, o artigo explora duas dimensões de análise e interesse do Kremlin sobre a Ucrânia: uma perspectiva social e cultural e outra geopolítica, que se complementam. Os argumentos do artigo buscam introduzir um aporte ao entendimento de fatores que se revelam estratégicos no sistema político de Vladimir Putin, o primeiro presidente da Rússia eleito no contexto da transição econômica ocorrida a partir do fim da Guerra Fria, ainda ocupando de forma alternada o governo, seja como primeiro ministro ou presidente, desde 1999.

This article was submitted in late 2021, and became dated after Russia’s demonstrative preparation as well as start of an open, large-scale invasion of Ukraine early 2022. We nevertheless publish this commentary here in order to document the debate about the events leading to the escalation. No adaptations to the original 2021 article were made after the outbreak of high-intensity war on 24 February 2022. Avoiding a larger military escalation in the Russian–Ukrainian conflict is an important aim. Yet, historical experience suggests that concessions Ukraine or its Western partners toward Russian revanchist aspirations in Donbas may not help achieve it. On the contrary, Western softness, and Ukrainian weakness vis-à-vis the Kremlin will lead to further confrontation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Intersecoes: Revista de Estudios Interdisciplinares is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)