Search

Humans can read and comprehend text rapidly, implying that readers might process multiple words per fixation. However, the extent to which parafoveal words are previewed and integrated into the evolving sentence context remains disputed. We investigated parafoveal processing during natural reading by recording brain activity and eye movements using MEG and an eye tracker while participants silently read one-line sentences. The sentences contained an unpredictable target word that was either congruent or incongruent with the sentence context. To measure parafoveal processing, we flickered the target words at 60 Hz and measured the resulting brain responses (i.e. Rapid Invisible Frequency Tagging, RIFT ) during fixations on the pre-target words. Our results revealed a significantly weaker tagging response for target words that were incongruent with the previous context compared to congruent ones, even within 100ms of fixating the word immediately preceding the target. This reduction in the RIFT response was also found to be predictive of individual reading speed. We conclude that semantic information is not only extracted from the parafovea but can also be integrated with the previous context before the word is fixated. This early and extensive parafoveal processing supports the rapid word processing required for natural reading. Our study suggests that theoretical frameworks of natural reading should incorporate the concept of deep parafoveal processing., Competing Interests: YP, SF, KF, OJ No competing interests declared, (© 2023, Pan et al.)

A recent study has used scalp-recorded electroencephalography to obtain evidence of semantic processing of human speech and objects by domesticated dogs. The results suggest that dogs do comprehend the meaning of familiar spoken words, in that a word can evoke the mental representation of the object to which it refers., Competing Interests: Declaration of interests The authors declare no competing interests., (Copyright © 2024 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

Predicting upcoming words during language comprehension not only affects processing in the moment but also has consequences for memory, although the source of these memory effects (e.g., whether driven by lingering pre-activations, re-analysis following prediction violations, or other mechanisms) remains underspecified. Here, we investigated downstream impacts of prediction on memory in two experiments. First, we recorded EEG as participants read strongly and weakly constraining sentences with expected, unexpected but plausible, or semantically anomalous endings ("He made a holster for his gun / father / train") and were tested on their recognition memory for the sentence endings. Participants showed similar rates of false alarms for predicted but never presented sentence endings whether the prediction violation was plausible or anomalous, suggesting that these arise from pre-activation of the expected words during reading. During sentence reading, especially in strongly constraining sentences, plausible prediction violations elicited an anterior positivity; anomalous endings instead elicited a posterior positivity, whose amplitude was predictive of later memory for those anomalous words. ERP patterns at the time of recognition differentiated plausible and anomalous sentence endings: Words that had been plausible prediction violations elicited enhanced late positive complex amplitudes, suggesting greater episodic recollection, whereas anomalous sentence endings elicited greater N1 amplitudes, suggesting attentional tagging. In a follow-up behavioral study, a separate group of participants read the same sentence stimuli and were tested for sentence-level recall. We found that recall of full sentences was impaired when sentences ended with a prediction violation. Taken together, the results suggest that prediction violations draw attention and affect encoding of the violating word, in a manner that depends on plausibility, and that this, in turn, may impair future memory of the gist of the sentence., (© 2023 Massachusetts Institute of Technology.)

To understand how neural networks in the left (LH) and right (RH) cerebral hemispheres contribute to different aspects of language comprehension, in two experiments we measured event-related potentials (ERPs) as right-handed participants read sentences, some of which contained morphosyntactic and thematic role violations. Replicating prior work (Kuperberg et al., 2006), in Experiment 1 thematic role violations elicited both an N400 and a (semantic) P600 effect. Morphosyntactic violations elicited effects that differed as a function of participants' familial sinistrality (the presence [FS+] or absence [FS-] of a left-handed biological relative): FS+ participants showed a (syntactic) P600 effect whereas FS- participants showed a biphasic N400 and P600 response. To assess whether this difference reflects different underlying patterns of lateralization, in Experiment 2 target words were presented using visual half-field (VF) presentation. Indeed, for morphosyntactic violations, the FS- group elicited an asymmetric pattern, showing a P600 effect only with LH-biased presentation and an N400 effect in both VFs (cf. Lee and Federmeier, 2015). In contrast, FS+ participants showed a bilateral (N400-only) response pattern. This provides further evidence of FS-based differences in hemispheric contributions to syntactic processing. Strikingly, we found that, when lateralized, thematic role violations did not elicit a P600 effect, suggesting that this effect requires contributions from both hemispheres. The different response patterns for morphosyntactic and thematic role animacy violations across FS and VF also point to a processing difference in the comprehension mechanisms underlying the semantic and syntactic P600, which had heretofore been assumed to be variants of the same component., Competing Interests: Declaration of competing interest None., (Copyright © 2022 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

To test theories that posit differences in how semantic information is represented in the cerebral hemispheres, we assessed semantic priming for associatively and categorically related prime-target pairs that were graded in relatedness strength. Visual half-field presentation was used to bias processing to the right or left hemisphere, and event-related potential (ERP) and behavioral responses were measured while participants completed a semantic relatedness judgement task. Contrary to theories positing representational differences across the cerebral hemispheres, in two experiments using (1) centralized prime presentation and lateralized targets and (2) lateralized primes and targets, we found similar priming patterns across the two hemispheres at the level of semantic access (N400), on later measures of explicit processing (late positive complex; LPC), and in behavioral response speeds and accuracy. We argue that hemispheric differences, when they arise, are more likely due to differences in task demands than in how the hemispheres fundamentally represent semantic information., (Copyright © 2022 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

The ability to rapidly and systematically access knowledge stored in long-term memory in response to incoming sensory information-that is, to derive meaning from the world-lies at the core of human cognition. Research using methods that can precisely track brain activity over time has begun to reveal the multiple cognitive and neural mechanisms that make this possible. In this article, I delineate how a process of connecting affords an effortless, continuous infusion of meaning into human perception. In a relatively invariant time window, uncovered through studies using the N400 component of the event-related potential, incoming sensory information naturally induces a graded landscape of activation across long-term semantic memory, creating what might be called "proto-concepts". Connecting can be (but is not always) followed by a process of further considering those activations, wherein a set of more attentionally demanding "active comprehension" mechanisms mediate the selection, augmentation, and transformation of the initial semantic representations. The result is a limited set of more stable bindings that can be arranged in time or space, revised as needed, and brought to awareness. With this research, we are coming closer to understanding how the human brain is able to fluidly link sensation to experience, to appreciate language sequences and event structures, and, sometimes, to even predict what might be coming up next., (© 2021 Society for Psychophysiological Research.)

Recent event-related brain potential (ERP) experiments have demonstrated parafoveal N400 expectancy and congruity effects, showing that semantic information can be accessed from words in parafoveal vision (a conclusion also supported by some eye-tracking work). At the same time, it is unclear how higher-order integrative aspects of language comprehension unfold across the visual field during reading. In the current study, we recorded ERPs in a parafoveal flanker paradigm, while readers were instructed to read passively for comprehension or to judge the plausibility of sentences in which target words varied in their semantic expectancy and congruity. We directly replicated prior work showing graded N400 effects for parafoveal viewing, which are then not duplicated when the target words are processed foveally. Critically, although N400 effects were not modulated by task goals, a posteriorly distributed late positive component thought to reflect semantic integration processes was observed to semantic incongruities only in the plausibility judgment task. However, this effect was observed at a considerable delay, appearing only after words had moved into foveal vision. Our findings thus suggest that semantic access can be initiated in parafoveal vision, whereas central foveal vision may be necessary to enact higher-order (and task-dependent) integrative processing., (© 2019 Society for Psychophysiological Research.)

The current study reports the effects of accumulating contextual constraints on neural indices of lexico-semantic processing (i.e., effects of word frequency and orthographic neighborhood) as a function of normal aging. Event-related brain potentials were measured from a sample of older adults as they read sentences that were semantically congruent, provided only syntactic constraints (syntactic prose), or were random word strings. A linear mixed-effects modeling approach was used to probe the effects of accumulating contextual constraints on N400 responses to individual words. Like young adults in prior work, older adults exhibited a classic word position context effect on the N400 in congruent sentences, although the magnitude of the effect was reduced in older relative to younger adults. Moreover, by modeling single-word variability in N400 responses, we observed robust effects of orthographic neighborhood density that were larger in older adults than the young, and preserved effects word frequency. Importantly, in older adults, frequency effects were not modulated by accumulating contextual constraints, unlike in the young. Collectively, these findings indicate that older adults are less likely (or able) to use accumulating top-down contextual constraints, and therefore rely more strongly on bottom-up lexical features to guide semantic access of individual words during sentence comprehension., (Copyright © 2018 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Stimulus processing in language and beyond is shaped by context, with predictability having a particularly well-attested influence on the rapid processes that unfold during the presentation of a word. But does predictability also have downstream consequences for the quality of the constructed representations? On the one hand, the ease of processing predictable words might free up time or cognitive resources, allowing for relatively thorough processing of the input. On the other hand, predictability might allow the system to run in a top-down "verification mode", at the expense of thorough stimulus processing. This electroencephalogram (EEG) study manipulated word predictability, which reduced N400 amplitude and inter-trial phase clustering (ITPC), and then probed the fate of the (un)predictable words in memory by presenting them again. More thorough processing of predictable words should increase repetition effects, whereas less thorough processing should decrease them. Repetition was reflected in N400 decreases, late positive complex (LPC) enhancements, and late alpha/beta band power decreases. Critically, prior predictability tended to reduce the repetition effect on the N400, suggesting less priming, and eliminated the repetition effect on the LPC, suggesting a lack of episodic recollection. These findings converge on a top-down verification account, on which the brain processes more predictable input less thoroughly. More generally, the results demonstrate that predictability has multifaceted downstream consequences beyond processing in the moment., (Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

"Two route" theories of object-related action processing posit different temporal activation profiles of grasp-to-move actions (rapidly evoked based on object structure) versus skilled use actions (more slowly activated based on semantic knowledge). We capitalized on the exquisite temporal resolution and multidimensionality of Event-Related Potentials (ERPs) to directly test this hypothesis. Participants viewed manipulable objects (e.g., calculator) preceded by objects sharing either "grasp", "use", or no action attributes (e.g., bar of soap, keyboard, earring, respectively), as well as by action-unrelated but taxonomically-related objects (e.g., abacus); participants judged whether the two objects were related. The results showed more positive responses to "grasp-to-move" primed objects than "skilled use" primed objects or unprimed objects starting in the P1 (0-150 ms) time window and continuing onto the subsequent N1 and P2 components (150-300 ms), suggesting that only "grasp-to-move", but not "skilled use", actions may facilitate visual attention to object attributes. Furthermore, reliably reduced N400s (300-500 ms), an index of semantic processing, were observed to taxonomically primed and "skilled use" primed objects relative to unprimed objects, suggesting that "skilled use" action attributes are a component of distributed, multimodal semantic representations of objects. Together, our findings provide evidence supporting two-route theories by demonstrating that "grasp-to-move" and "skilled use" actions impact different aspects of object processing and highlight the relationship of "skilled use" information to other aspects of semantic memory., (Copyright © 2017. Published by Elsevier Inc.)

Normative aging is associated with deficits in visual acuity and cognitive control that impact the allocation of visual attention, but little is known about how those changes affect information extraction and integration during visual language comprehension in older adulthood. In the current study, we used a visual hemi-field flanker RSVP paradigm with event-related brain potentials to study how older readers process fine-grained aspects of semantic expectancy in parafoveal and foveal vision. Stimuli consisted of high constraint sentences with expected, unexpected but plausible, or anomalous parafoveal target words, as well as low constraint sentences with neutral but expected target words. Older adults showed graded parafoveal N400 effects that were strikingly similar to younger readers, indicating intact parafoveal semantic processing. However, whereas young adults were able to use this parafoveal pre-processing to facilitate subsequent foveal viewing, resulting in a reduced foveal N400 effect, older adults were not able to. Instead, older adults re-processed the semantics of words in foveal vision, resulting in a larger foveal N400 effect relative to the young. Collectively, our findings suggest that although parafoveal semantic processing per se is preserved in aging, there exists an age-related deficit in the ability to rapidly integrate parafoveal and foveal visual semantic representations., (Copyright © 2017 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

The facilitation of word processing by sentence context reflects the interaction between the build-up of message-level semantics and lexical processing. Yet, little is known about how this effect varies through adulthood as a function of reading skill. In this study, Participants 18-64 years old with a range of literacy competence read simple sentences as their eye movements were monitored. We manipulated the predictability of a sentence-final target word, operationalized as cloze probability. First fixation durations showed an interaction between age and literacy skill, decreasing with age among more skilled readers but increasing among less skilled readers. This pattern suggests that age-related slowing may impact reading when not buffered by skill, but with continued practice, automatization of reading can continue to develop in adulthood. In absolute terms, readers were sensitive to predictability, regardless of age or literacy, in both early and later measures. Older readers showed differential contextual sensitivity in regression patterns, effects not moderated by literacy skill. Finally, comprehension performance increased with age and literacy skill, but performance among less skilled readers was especially reduced when predictability was low, suggesting that low-literacy adults (regardless of age) struggle when creating mental representations under weaker semantic constraints. Collectively, these findings suggest that aging readers (regardless of reading skill) are more sensitive to context for meaning-integration processes; that less skilled adult readers (regardless of age) depend more on a constrained semantic representation for comprehension; and that the capacity for literacy engagement enables continued development of efficient lexical processing in adult reading development. (PsycINFO Database Record, ((c) 2017 APA, all rights reserved).)

There is growing recognition that some important forms of long-term memory are difficult to classify into one of the well-studied memory subtypes. One example is personal semantics. Like the episodes that are stored as part of one's autobiography, personal semantics is linked to an individual, yet, like general semantic memory, it is detached from a specific encoding context. Access to general semantics elicits an electrophysiological response known as the N400, which has been characterized across three decades of research; surprisingly, this response has not been fully examined in the context of personal semantics. In this study, we assessed responses to congruent and incongruent statements about people's own, personal preferences. We found that access to personal preferences elicited N400 responses, with congruency effects that were similar in latency and distribution to those for general semantic statements elicited from the same participants. These results suggest that the processing of personal and general semantics share important functional and neurobiological features., (Copyright © 2016 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

We used eye tracking to investigate the downstream processing consequences of encountering noun/verb (NV) homographs (i.e., park) in semantically neutral but syntactically constraining contexts. Target words were followed by a prepositional phrase containing a noun that was plausible for only 1 meaning of the homograph. Replicating previous work, we found increased first fixation durations on NV homographs compared with unambiguous words, which persisted into the next sentence region. At the downstream noun, we found plausibility effects following ambiguous words that were correlated with the size of a reader's first fixation effect, suggesting that this effect reflects the recruitment of processing resources necessary to suppress the homograph's context-inappropriate meaning. Using these same stimuli, Lee and Federmeier (2012) found a sustained frontal negativity to the NV homographs, and, on the downstream noun, found a plausibility effect that was also positively correlated with the size of a reader's ambiguity effect. Together, these findings suggest that when only syntactic constraints are available, meaning selection recruits inhibitory mechanisms that can be measured in both first fixation slowdown and event-related potential ambiguity effects., ((c) 2015 APA, all rights reserved).)

Although left-hemisphere (LH) specialization for language is often viewed as a key example of functional lateralization, there is increasing evidence that the right hemisphere (RH) can also extract meaning from words and sentences. However, the right hemisphere's ability to appreciate syntactic aspects of language remains poorly understood. In the current study, we used separable, functionally well-characterized electrophysiological indices of lexico-semantic and syntactic processes to demonstrate RH sensitivity to syntactic violations among right-handers with a strong manual preference. Critically, however, the nature of this RH sensitivity to structural information was modulated by a genetically determined factor--familial sinistrality. The right hemisphere in right-handers without left-handed family members processed syntactic violations via the words' accompanying lexico-semantic unexpectedness. In contrast, the right hemisphere in right-handers with left-handed family members could process syntactic information in a manner qualitatively similar to that of the left hemisphere., (© The Author(s) 2015.)

Event-related brain potentials (ERPs) have been instrumental for discerning the relationship between children's aerobic fitness and aspects of cognition, yet language processing remains unexplored. ERPs linked to the processing of semantic information (the N400) and the analysis of language structure (the P600) were recorded from higher and lower aerobically fit children as they read normal sentences and those containing semantic or syntactic violations. Results revealed that higher fit children exhibited greater N400 amplitude and shorter latency across all sentence types, and a larger P600 effect for syntactic violations. Such findings suggest that higher fitness may be associated with a richer network of words and their meanings, and a greater ability to detect and/or repair syntactic errors. The current findings extend previous ERP research explicating the cognitive benefits associated with greater aerobic fitness in children and may have important implications for learning and academic performance., (Published by Elsevier Inc.)

We examined how adjective ordering is used in language comprehension by crossing order preference and concreteness in phrases consisting of two adjectives and a noun. We used both more typical phrases in which the preferred order has a concrete second adjective ("exhaustive hardback encyclopedia") and those with a concrete first adjective in the preferred order ("heavy informative encyclopedia"). We found that concreteness-related modulations of the ERP waveform were likely responsible for prior reports of increased positivity to dispreferred orders (interpreted as a syntactic P600-like effect). When concreteness is controlled, instead, we found that dispreferred orders are associated with larger N400s to the second adjective and following noun. This suggests that dispreferred adjective orders impact lexico-semantic predictability and the ability to generate mental images of the referent but do not result in syntactic processing difficulties., (Copyright © 2012 Elsevier B.V. All rights reserved.)

Factors that modulate the influence of contextual information on semantic processing in language comprehension have been thoroughly investigated with the N400 component of the event-related potential (ERP), a direct measure of initial contact with semantic memory. Although context has a strong and immediate impact on processing, multiple mechanisms contribute to the construction of message-level representations during normal comprehension. Some of these may be engaged after or concurrent with the formation of an initial meaning representation, and can then serve to revise or reshape meaning. In this study, ERPs were recorded while participants read plausible sentences that continuously varied in the amount of contextual constraint for the sentence-final word, defined via extensive norming data including the range of possible alternative completions for the contexts. Consistent with numerous past studies, the amplitude of the N400 was graded with expectancy, as amplitudes decreased with increasing constraint. Additionally, a left-lateralized, broad, slow negativity onsetting around 400-500 ms was largest for sentences with moderately strong constraint. Within this range of constraint, the negativity was larger for sentences with fewer alternative completions compared to those with many different ones. The timing and scalp distribution of the effect resemble brain responses linked to engagement of working memory resources, ambiguity resolution, and comprehension of jokes. Similar to cases of "frame-shifting" in non-literal language, this effect may reflect processing associated with reinterpretation or reconsideration of contextual material when multiple interpretations of a sentence were likely., (Copyright © 2012 Elsevier Inc. All rights reserved.)

When ambiguity resolution is difficult, younger adults recruit selection-related neural resources that older adults do not. To elucidate the nature of those resources and the consequences of their recruitment for subsequent comprehension, we embedded noun/verb homographs and matched unambiguous words in syntactically well-specified but semantically neutral sentences. Target words were followed by a prepositional phrase whose head noun was plausible for only one meaning of the homograph. Replicating past findings, younger but not older adults elicited sustained frontal negativity to homographs compared to unambiguous words. On the subsequent head nouns, younger adults showed plausibility effects in all conditions, attesting to successful meaning selection through suppression. In contrast, older adults showed smaller plausibility effects following ambiguous words and failed to show plausibility effects when the context picked out the homograph's non-dominant meaning (i.e., they did not suppress the contextually-irrelevant dominant meaning). Meaning suppression processes, reflected in the frontal negativity, thus become less available with age, with consequences for subsequent comprehension., (Copyright © 2012 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Normal aging is accompanied by changes in both structural and functional cerebral organization. Although verbal knowledge seems to be relatively stable across the lifespan, there are age-related changes in the rapid use of that knowledge during on-line language processing. In particular, aging has been linked to reduce effectiveness in preparing for upcoming words and building an integrated sentence-level representation. The current study assessed whether such age-related changes extend even to much simpler language units, such as modification relations between a centrally presented adjective and a lateralized noun. Adjectives were used to elicit concrete and abstract meanings of the same, polysemous lexical items (e.g., "green book" vs. "interesting book"). Consistent with findings that lexical information is preserved with age, older adults, like younger adults, exhibited concreteness effects at the adjectives, with more negative responses to concrete adjectives over posterior (300-500 ms; N400) and frontal (300-900 ms) channels. However, at the noun, younger adults exhibited concreteness-based predictability effects linked to left hemisphere processing and imagery effects linked to right hemisphere processing, contingent on whether the adjectives and nouns formed a cohesive conceptual unit. In contrast, older adults showed neither effect, suggesting that they were less able to rapidly link the adjective-noun meaning to form an integrated conceptual representation. Age-related changes in language processing may thus be more pervasive than previously realized., (Copyright © 2011 Elsevier Ltd. All rights reserved.)

Two event-related potential (ERP) experiments were used to examine the representation of object feature information and background knowledge in semantic memory. Participants were trained on novel object categories with three features and were tested with new exemplars that were complete or were missing one to two features that were essential or nonessential to object function. In both a category membership judgment task (Experiment 1) and a parts detection task (Experiment 2), the N400, a functionally specific measure of semantic access, was graded with feature number but was insensitive to knowledge-based feature importance. A separable ERP effect related to knowledge was seen in Experiment 1 as an enhanced frontocentral negativity (beginning approximately 300 msec) to exemplars missing a nonessential versus an essential feature, but this effect did not manifest when background knowledge was less task relevant (Experiment 2). Thus, similarity- and knowledge-based effects are separable, and the locus of knowledge effects varies with task demands but does not seem to arise from facilitated semantic access.

The coarse coding hypothesis suggests that semantic activation is broader in the right hemisphere, affording it an advantage over the left hemisphere for the activation of distantly related concepts or multiple meanings of lexically ambiguous words. Behavioral studies investigating coarse coding have yielded mixed results, perhaps in part because such measures sum across multiple processing stages. To more directly tap into the semantic activation processes that are the focus of the coarse coding hypothesis, the current study combined a visual half-field summation-priming paradigm with the measurement of event-related potentials (ERPs). Two primes converged onto a lateralized, unambiguous target (e.g., lion-stripes-tiger) or diverged onto different meanings of a lateralized, ambiguous target (e.g., kidney-piano-organ); in both cases, the primes were related to one another only through the target. In two experiments, participants either made lexical decisions to the targets or made a semantic-relatedness judgment between primes and target. Priming was measured as reductions in the amplitude of the N400, an ERP component that has been specifically linked to meaning activation and that showed semantic-level priming patterns in both of the tasks used in the present study. Counter to the predictions of the coarse coding hypothesis, equivalent N400 summation priming was observed for targets in the two visual fields, in both types of triplets and in both experiments. Thus, the current results fail to support the hypothesis that semantic activation patterns differ in the two hemispheres and point, instead, to other sources for observed asymmetries in verbal processing.

Eye tracking was combined with the visual half-field procedure to examine hemispheric asymmetries in meaning selection and revision. In two experiments, gaze was monitored as participants searched a four-word array for a target that was semantically related to a lateralized ambiguous or unambiguous prime. Primes were preceded by a related or unrelated centrally-presented context word. In Experiment 1, unambiguous primes were paired with concordant weakly-related context words and strongly-related targets that were similar in associative strength to discordant subordinate-related context words and dominant-related targets in the ambiguous condition. Context words and targets were reversed in Experiment 2. A parallel study involved the measurement of event-related potentials (ERPs; Meyer, A. M., and Federmeier, K. D., 2007. The effects of context, meaning frequency, and associative strength on semantic selection: distinct contributions from each cerebral hemisphere. Brain Res. 1183, 91-108). Similar to the ERP findings, gaze revealed context effects for both visual fields/hemispheres when subordinate-related targets were presented: initial gaze revealed meaning activation when an unrelated context was utilized, whereas later gaze also revealed activation in the discordant context, indicating that meaning revision had occurred. However, eye tracking and ERP measures diverged when dominant-related targets were presented: for both visual fields/hemispheres, initial gaze indicated the presence of meaning activation in the discordant context, and, for the right hemisphere, discordant context information actually facilitated gaze relative to unrelated context information. These findings are discussed with respect to the activeness of the task and hemispheric asymmetries in the flexible use of context information.

An assumption in the reading literature is that access to semantics is gated by stimulus properties such as orthographic regularity or familiarity. In the electrophysiological domain, this assumption has led to a debate about the features necessary to initiate semantic processing as indexed by the N400 event-related potential (ERP) component. To examine this, we recorded ERPs to sentences with endings that were familiar and legal (words), familiar and illegal (acronyms), or unfamiliar and illegal (consonant or vowel strings). N400 congruency effects (reduced negativity to expected relative to unexpected endings) were observed for words and acronyms; these were identical in size, timing, and scalp distribution. Notably, clear N400 potentials were also elicited by unfamiliar, illegal strings, suggesting that, at least in a verbal context, semantic access may be attempted for any letter string, regardless of familiarity or regularity.

The visual half-field procedure was used to examine hemispheric asymmetries in meaning selection. Event-related potentials were recorded as participants decided if a lateralized ambiguous or unambiguous prime was related in meaning to a centrally presented target. Prime-target pairs were preceded by a related or unrelated centrally presented context word. To separate the effects of meaning frequency and associative strength, unambiguous words were paired with concordant weakly related context words and strongly related targets (e.g., taste-sweet-candy) that were similar in associative strength to discordant subordinate-related context words and dominant-related targets (e.g., river-bank-deposit) in the ambiguous condition. Context words and targets were reversed in a second experiment. In an unrelated (neutral) context, N400 responses were more positive than baseline (facilitated) in all ambiguous conditions except when subordinate targets were presented on left visual field-right hemisphere (LVF-RH) trials. Thus, in the absence of biasing context information, the hemispheres seem to be differentially affected by meaning frequency, with the left maintaining multiple meanings and the right selecting the dominant meaning. In the presence of discordant context information, N400 facilitation was absent in both visual fields, indicating that the contextually consistent meaning of the ambiguous word had been selected. In contrast, N400 facilitation occurred in all of the unambiguous conditions; however, the left hemisphere (LH) showed less facilitation for the weakly related target when a strongly related context was presented. These findings indicate that both hemispheres use context to guide meaning selection, but the LH is more likely to focus activation on a single, contextually relevant sense.

The coarse coding hypothesis postulates that the cerebral hemispheres differ in their breadth of semantic activation, with the left hemisphere activating a narrow, focused semantic field and the right weakly activating a broader semantic field. In support of coarse coding, studies investigating priming for multiple senses of a lexically ambiguous word have reported a right hemisphere benefit. However, studies of mediated priming have failed to find a right hemisphere advantage for processing distantly linked, unambiguous words. To address this debate, the present study made use of a multiple priming paradigm in which two primes either converged onto the single meaning of an unambiguous, lexically associated target (LION-STRIPES-TIGER) or diverged onto different meanings of an ambiguous target (KIDNEY-PIANO-ORGAN). In two experiments, participants either made lexical decisions to lateralized targets (Experiment 1) or made a semantic relatedness judgment between primes and targets (Experiment 2). In both tasks, for both ambiguous and unambiguous triplets we found equivalent priming strengths and patterns across the two visual fields, counter to the predictions of the coarse coding hypothesis. Priming patterns further suggested that both hemispheres made use of lexical level representations in the lexical decision task and semantic representations in the semantic judgment task.

Behavioral and electrophysiological studies have uncovered different patterns of constraint effects on the processing of words in sentences. Whereas response time measures have indicated a reduced scope of facilitation from strongly constraining contexts, event-related brain potential (ERP) measures have instead revealed enhanced facilitation for semantically related endings in such sentences. Given this disparity, and the concomitant possibility of functionally separable stages of context effects, the current study jointly examined expectancy (cloze probability) and constraint effects on the ERP response to words. Expected and unexpected (but plausible) words completed strongly and weakly constraining sentences; unexpected items were matched for contextual fit across the two levels of constraint and were semantically unrelated to the most expected endings. N400 amplitudes were graded by expectancy but unaffected by constraint and seemed to index the benefit of contextual information. However, a later effect, in the form of increased frontal positivity from 500 to 900 ms post-stimulus-onset, indicated a possible cost associated with the processing of unexpected words in strongly constraining contexts.

The goal of this study was to jointly examine the effects of word class, word class ambiguity, and semantic ambiguity on the brain response to words in syntactically specified contexts. Four types of words were used: (1) word class ambiguous words with a high degree of semantic ambiguity (e.g., 'duck'); (2) word class ambiguous words with little or no semantic ambiguity (e.g., 'vote'); (3) word class unambiguous nouns (e.g., 'sofa'); and (4) word class unambiguous verbs (e.g., 'eat'). These words were embedded in minimal phrases that explicitly specified their word class: "the" for nouns (and ambiguous words used as nouns) and "to" for verbs (and ambiguous words used as verbs). Our results replicate the basic word class effects found in prior work (Federmeier, K.D., Segal, J.B., Lombrozo, T., Kutas, M., 2000. Brain responses to nouns, verbs and class ambiguous words in context. Brain, 123 (12), 2552-2566), including an enhanced N400 (250-450 ms) to nouns compared with verbs and an enhanced frontal positivity (300-700 ms) to unambiguous verbs in relation to unambiguous nouns. A sustained frontal negativity (250-900 ms) that was previously linked to word class ambiguity also appeared in this study but was specific to word class ambiguous items that also had a high level of semantic ambiguity; word class ambiguous items without semantic ambiguity, in contrast, were more positive than class unambiguous words in the early part of this time window (250-500 ms). Thus, this frontal negative effect seems to be driven by the need to resolve the semantic ambiguity that is sometimes associated with different grammatical uses of a word class ambiguous homograph rather than by the class ambiguity per se.

The nature of semantic memory and the role of the two cerebral hemispheres in meaning processing were examined using event-related brain potentials (ERPs) elicited by pictures in sentences. Participants read sentence pairs ending with the lateralized presentation of three target types: (1) expected pictures, (2) unexpected pictures from the expected semantic category, and (3) unexpected pictures from an unexpected category. ERPs to contextually unexpected pictures were more negative 350-500ms (larger N400s) than those to expected pictures in both visual fields. However, while N400s to the two types of unexpected items did not differ with left visual field presentations, they were smaller to the unexpected items from the expected category with right visual field presentations. This pattern, previously observed to words [Brain Language 62 (1998) 149], suggests general differences in how the two hemispheres use context on-line. Other aspects of the N400 response-and effects on earlier ERP components-reveal differences between pictures and words, suggesting that semantic memory access is not modality-independent. The P2 component varied with ending type for right but not left visual field presentations, suggesting that the left hemisphere may use contextual information to prepare for the visual analysis of upcoming stimuli. Furthermore, there was clear evidence for an earlier negativity ("N300"), which varied with ending type but, unlike the N400, was unaffected by visual field of presentation. Overall, the results support our hypothesis that the left hemisphere actively uses top-down information to preactivate perceptual and semantic features of upcoming stimuli, while the right hemisphere adopts a "wait and see" integrative approach.

We investigated how struggling adult readers make use of sentence context to facilitate word processing when comprehending spoken language, conditions under which print decoding is not a barrier to comprehension. Stimuli were strongly and weakly constraining sentences (as measured by cloze probability), which ended with the most expected word based on those constraints or an unexpected but plausible word. Community-dwelling adults with varying literacy skills listened to continuous speech while their EEG was recorded. Participants, regardless of literacy level, showed N400 effects yoked to the cloze probability of the targets, with larger N400 amplitudes for less expected than more expected words. However, literacy-related differences emerged in an earlier time window of 170-300 ms: higher literacy adults produced a reduced negativity for strongly predictable targets over anterior channels, similar to previously reported effects on the Phonological Mapping Negativity (PMN), whereas low-literacy adults did not. Collectively, these findings suggest that in auditory sentence processing literacy may not notably affect the incremental activation of semantic features, but that comprehenders with underdeveloped literacy skills may be less likely to engage predictive processing. Thus, basic mechanisms of comprehension may be recruited differently as a function of literacy development--even in spoken language.

The facilitation of word processing by sentence context reflects the interaction between the build-up of message-level semantics and lexical processing. Yet, little is known about how this effect varies through adulthood as a function of reading skill. In this study, Participants 18-64 years old with a range of literacy competence read simple sentences as their eye movements were monitored. We manipulated the predictability of a sentence-final target word, operationalized as cloze probability. First fixation durations showed an interaction between age and literacy skill, decreasing with age among more skilled readers but increasing among less skilled readers. This pattern suggests that age-related slowing may impact reading when not buffered by skill, but with continued practice, automatization of reading can continue to develop in adulthood. In absolute terms, readers were sensitive to predictability, regardless of age or literacy, in both early and later measures. Older readers showed differential contextual sensitivity in regression patterns, effects not moderated by literacy skill. Finally, comprehension performance increased with age and literacy skill, but performance among less skilled readers was especially reduced when predictability was low, suggesting that low-literacy adults (regardless of age) struggle when creating mental representations under weaker semantic constraints. Collectively, these findings suggest that aging readers (regardless of reading skill) are more sensitive to context for meaning-integration processes; that less skilled adult readers (regardless of age) depend more on a constrained semantic representation for comprehension; and that the capacity for literacy engagement enables continued development of efficient lexical processing in adult reading development.

Eye tracking was used to investigate how younger and older (60 or more years) adults use syntactic and semantic information to disambiguate noun/verb (NV) homographs (e.g., "park"). In event-related potential (ERP) work using the same materials, Lee and Federmeier (2009, 2011) found that young adults elicited a sustained frontal negativity to NV homographs when only syntactic cues were available (i.e., in syntactic prose); this effect was eliminated by semantic constraints. The negativity was only present in older adults with high verbal fluency. The current study shows parallel findings: Young adults exhibit inflated first fixation durations to NV homographs in syntactic prose, but not semantically congruent sentences. This effect is absent in older adults as a group. Verbal fluency modulates the effect in both age groups: High fluency is associated with larger first fixation effects in syntactic prose. Older, but not younger, adults also show significantly increased rereading of the NV homographs in syntactic prose. Verbal fluency modulates this effect as well: High fluency is associated with a reduced tendency to reread, regardless of age. This relationship suggests a trade-off between initial and downstream processing costs for ambiguity during natural reading. Together the eye-tracking and ERP data suggest that effortful meaning selection recruits mechanisms important for suppressing contextually inappropriate meanings, which also slow eye movements. Efficacy of frontotemporal circuitry, as captured by verbal fluency, predicts the success of engaging these mechanisms in both young and older adults. Failure to recruit these processes requires compensatory rereading or leads to comprehension failures (Lee & Federmeier, 2012).

A growing body of evidence suggests that semantic access is obligatory. Several studies have demonstrated that brain activity associated with semantic processing, measured in the N400 component of the event-related brain potential (ERP), is elicited even by meaningless, orthographically illegal strings, suggesting that semantic access is not gated by lexicality. However, the downstream consequences of that activity vary by item type, exemplified by the typical finding that N400 activity is reduced by repetition for words and pronounceable nonwords but not for illegal strings. We propose that this lack of repetition effect for illegal strings is caused not by lack of contact with semantics, but by the unrefined nature of that contact under conditions in which illegal strings can be readily categorised as task-irrelevant. To test this, we collected ERPs from participants performing a modified Lexical Decision Task, in which the presence of orthographically illegal acronyms rendered meaningless illegal strings more difficult lures than normal. Confirming our hypothesis, under these conditions illegal strings elicited robust N400 repetition effects, quantitatively and qualitatively similar to those elicited by words, pseudowords, and acronyms. (Contains 5 figures, 2 footnotes and 4 tables.)

This study examined how the two cerebral hemispheres recruit semantic processing mechanisms by combining event-related potential measures and visual half-field methods in a word priming paradigm in which semantic strength and predictability were manipulated using lexically associated word pairs. Activation patterns on the late positive complex (LPC), linked to controlled aspects of processing, showed that previously documented left hemisphere (LH) processing benefits for word pairs with a weak forward but strong backward association stem from the ability to appreciate meaning relations in an order-independent fashion and/or strategically reorder them. Whereas there is a LH benefit for such strategic processing during comprehension in passive tasks, the present study further showed that the right hemisphere (RH) is also able to make use of these mechanisms when explicit semantic judgments are required. In both hemispheres, N400 responses, linked to initial semantic activation, were largely graded by association strength, with more amplitude reduction for forward associates and strong, symmetrically associated pairs compared to backward associates and matched weak, symmetrically associated pairs. However, responses to moderately associated pairs were more facilitated after initial presentation to the LH than to the RH. This pattern converges with sentence-processing findings that point to LH advantages for using context information to predict features of likely upcoming words. Together, the results suggest that an important basis for hemispheric asymmetries in language comprehension arises from when and how each uses top-down semantic mechanisms to shape initial semantic activation over time. (Contains 5 figures and 2 tables.)

Two event-related potential experiments investigated the effects of syntactic and semantic context information on the processing of noun/verb (NV) homographs (e.g., park). Experiment 1 embedded NV-homographs and matched unambiguous words in contexts that provided only syntactic cues or both syntactic and semantic constraints. Replicating prior work, when only syntactic information was available NV-homographs elicited sustained frontal negativity relative to unambiguous words. Semantic constraints eliminated this frontal ambiguity effect. Semantic constraints also reduced N400 amplitudes, but less so for homographs than unambiguous words. Experiment 2 showed that this reduced N400 facilitation was limited to cases in which the semantic context picks out a non-dominant meaning, likely reflecting the semantic mismatch between the context and residual, automatic activation of the contextually-inappropriate dominant sense. Overall, the findings suggest that ambiguity resolution in context involves the interplay between multiple neural networks, some involving more automatic semantic processing mechanisms and others involving top-down control mechanisms. (Contains 3 tables and 5 figures.)

Two related questions critical to understanding the predictive processes that come online during sentence comprehension are (1) what information is included in the representation created through prediction and (2) at what functional stage does top-down, predicted information begin to affect bottom-up word processing? We investigated these questions by recording event-related potentials (ERPs) as participants read sentences that ended with expected words or with unexpected items (words, pseudowords, or illegal strings) that were either orthographically unrelated to the expected word or were one of its orthographic neighbors. The data show that, regardless of lexical status, attempts at semantic access (N400) for orthographic neighbors of expected words are facilitated relative to the processing of orthographically unrelated items. Our findings support a view of sentence processing wherein orthographically organized information is brought online by prediction and interacts with input prior to any filter on lexical status. (Contains 3 tables and 4 figures.)

Electrophysiological techniques were used to assess the generalizability of concreteness effects on word processing across word class (nouns and verbs) and different types of lexical ambiguity (syntactic only and combined syntactic/semantic). The results replicated prior work in showing an enhanced N400 response and a sustained frontal negativity to concrete as compared with abstract nouns. The effect of concreteness on the N400 generalized to all word class and ambiguity conditions, whereas the frontal effect was present for all word types except for the syntactically and semantically ambiguous items when these were used as verbs. The seemingly dissociable ERP effects of concreteness at frontal and central/posterior electrode sites revealed by these data suggest that concreteness may impact multiple aspects of neurocognitive processing.

Researchers using lateralized stimuli have suggested that the left hemisphere is sensitive to sentence-level context, whereas the right hemisphere (RH) primarily processes word-level meaning. The authors investigated this message-blind RH model by measuring associative priming with event-related brain potentials (ERPs). For word pairs in isolation, associated words elicited more positive ERPs than unassociated words with similar magnitudes and onset latencies in both visual fields. Embedded in sentences, these same pairs showed large sentential context effects in both fields. Small effects of association were observed, confined to incongruous sentences after right visual hemifield presentation but present for both congruous and incongruous sentences after left visual hemifield presentation. Results do not support the message-blind RH model but do suggest hemispheric asymmetries in the use of word and sentence context during real-time processing.

The use of prediction can aid language comprehension through preactivation of relevant word features. However, predictions can be wrong, and it has been proposed that resolving the mismatch between the predicted and presented item requires cognitive resources. Older adults tend not to predict and instead rely more on passive comprehension. Here, we tested, using an intraindividual approach, whether older adults consistently use this less demanding processing strategy while reading or whether they attempt to predict on some trials. We used a cross-task conflict paradigm. Younger and older participants self-paced to read sentences that ended with either an expected or unexpected word. Each sentence was then followed by a flanker stimulus that could be congruent or incongruent. We examined responses within and across the two tasks. Unexpected words were in general read as quickly as expected words, indicating that typical processing of these words was similar. However, for both younger and older adults, there was a greater proportion of very slow trials for unexpected words, revealing different processing on a subset of trials. Critically, in older adults, these slowly read unexpected words engaged control, as seen in speeded responses to incongruent flanker stimuli. Using a cross-task conflict paradigm, we showed that older adults are able to predict and engage cognitive resources to cope with prediction violations, but do not opt to use these processes consistently. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Normal aging has variable effects on language comprehension, perhaps because comprehension mechanisms vary in their dependence on network structure versus network dynamics. To test claims that processing dynamics are more affected by age than structure, we used EEG to measure and compare the impact of neighborhood size, a core measure of the structure of the lexico-semantic network, and repetition, a simple measure of processing dynamics, on single word processing. Older adults showed robust effects of neighborhood size on the N400, comparable to those elicited by young adults, but reduced effects of repetition. Furthermore, older adults with greater verbal fluency, print exposure, and reading comprehension showed greater repetition effects, suggesting some older adults can maintain processing dynamics that are similar to those of young adults. Thus, the organizational structure of the semantic network seems stable across normal aging, but (some) older adults may struggle to adjust activation states within that network. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Language comprehension is shaped by world knowledge. After hearing about "a farm animal," meanings of typical ("cow") versus atypical exemplars ("ox") are more accessible, as evidenced by N400 responses. Moreover, atypical exemplars elicit a larger post-N400 frontal positivity than typical and incongruous ("ivy") exemplars, indexing the integration of unexpected information. Do listeners adapt this category knowledge to specific talkers? We first replicated typicality effects in the auditory modality. Then, we extended the design to a two-talker context: talkers alternated cueing (Bob: "Susan, name a farm animal") and answering (Susan: "cow"). Critically, participants first heard interviews in which one talker revealed strong associations with atypical exemplars (Susan works on an ox farm). We observed increased frontal positivity to a typical exemplar ("cow") said by Susan compared to Bob, indicating participants appreciated that the typical exemplar was atypical for Susan. These results suggest that comprehenders can tailor their expectations to the talker. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Pronouns serve a critical referential function, yet the cognitive processes engaged during pronoun comprehension remain incompletely understood. One view is that encountering a pronoun leads the comprehender to reactivate the semantic features of its antecedent. We examined this by manipulating the concreteness of a noun antecedent and assessing whether an Event Related Potential (ERP) concreteness effect was elicited at a downstream pronoun. We observed a robust concreteness effect at the noun, but no similar effect at the pronoun. We also examined whether N400 semantic priming from the antecedent would increase on content words shortly following the pronoun, relative to those preceding it. Again, although we observed semantic priming following the noun, it did not increase following the pronoun. Our data suggest that pronouns do not induce the activation of (much) new semantic information in long-term memory, perhaps instead triggering an attentional shift towards their antecedents’ extant representations within working memory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Arabic numerals have come to be used for many purposes beyond representing a particular quantity (e.g., as a label for an athlete on their jersey), but it remains to be determined how this type of meaningfulness is accessed and utilized by readers. Motivated by previous work showing that item-level ratings of personal familiarity can influence traditional indices of memory retrieval, we recorded ERPs while participants read double-digit Arabic numerals (e.g., “65”), presented in a list, and rated whether or not each was familiar/personally meaningful. All numbers repeated after a few intervening trials. The effect of number repetition on the N400 was not impacted by subjective judgments of familiarity, suggesting that all numbers (personally meaningful or not) make initial contact with semantics, facilitating semantic access on second exposure. However, consistent with findings from prior studies of memory for letter strings and visual patterns, there was a late positivity (LPC) on second presentation, selective to numbers rated as familiar. This is the first electrophysiological evidence that readers can use Arabic numerals to guide explicit retrieval of non-numerical information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A long-standing core question in cognitive science is whether different modalities and representation types (pictures, words, sounds, etc.) access a common store of semantic information. Although different input types have been shown to activate a shared network of brain regions, this does not necessitate that there is a common representation, as the neurons in these regions could still differentially process the different modalities. However, multi-voxel pattern analysis can be used to assess whether, e.g., pictures and words evoke a similar pattern of activity, such that the patterns that separate categories in one modality transfer to the other. Prior work using this method has found support for a common code, but has two limitations: they have either only examined disparate categories (e.g. animals vs. tools) that are known to activate different brain regions, raising the possibility that the pattern separation and inferred similarity reflects only large scale differences between the categories or they have been limited to individual object representations. By using natural scene categories, we not only extend the current literature on cross-modal representations beyond objects, but also, because natural scene categories activate a common set of brain regions, we identify a more fine-grained (i.e. higher spatial resolution) common representation. Specifically, we studied picture- and word-based representations of natural scene stimuli from four different categories: beaches, cities, highways, and mountains. Participants passively viewed blocks of either phrases (e.g. "sandy beach") describing scenes or photographs from those same scene categories. To determine whether the phrases and pictures evoke a common code, we asked whether a classifier trained on one stimulus type (e.g. phrase stimuli) would transfer (i.e. cross-decode) to the other stimulus type (e.g. picture stimuli). The analysis revealed cross-decoding in the occipitotemporal, posterior parietal and frontal cortices. This similarity of neural activity patterns across the two input types, for categories that co-activate local brain regions, provides strong evidence of a common semantic code for pictures and words in the brain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Differences in how the right and left hemispheres (RH, LH) apprehend visual words were examined using event-related potentials (ERPs) in a repetition paradigm with visual half-field (VF) presentation. In both hemispheres (RH/LVF, LH/RVF), initial presentation of items elicited similar and typical effects of orthographic neighborhood size, with larger N400s for orthographically regular items (words and pseudowords) than for irregular items (acronyms and meaningless illegal strings). However, hemispheric differences emerged on repetition effects. When items were repeated in the LH/RVF, orthographically regular items, relative to irregular items, elicited larger repetition effects on both the N250, a component reflecting processing at the level of visual form (orthography), and on the N400, which has been linked to semantic access. In contrast, in the RH/LVF, repetition effects were biased toward irregular items on the N250 and were similar in size across item types for the N400. The results suggest that processing in the LH is more strongly affected by wordform regularity than in the RH, either due to enhanced processing of familiar orthographic patterns or due to the fact that regular forms can be more readily mapped onto phonology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Eye tracking was used to investigate how younger and older (60 or more years) adults use syntactic and semantic information to disambiguate noun/verb (NV) homographs (e.g., park). In event-related potential (ERP) work using the same materials, Lee and Federmeier (2009, 2011) found that young adults elicited a sustained frontal negativity to NV homographs when only syntactic cues were available (i.e., in syntactic prose); this effect was eliminated by semantic constraints. The negativity was only present in older adults with high verbal fluency. The current study shows parallel findings: Young adults exhibit inflated first fixation durations to NV homographs in syntactic prose, but not semantically congruent sentences. This effect is absent in older adults as a group. Verbal fluency modulates the effect in both age groups: High fluency is associated with larger first fixation effects in syntactic prose. Older, but not younger, adults also show significantly increased rereading of the NV homographs in syntactic prose. Verbal fluency modulates this effect as well: High fluency is associated with a reduced tendency to reread, regardless of age. This relationship suggests a trade-off between initial and downstream process-ing costs for ambiguity during natural reading. Together the eye-tracking and ERP data suggest that effortful meaning selection recruits mechanisms important for suppressing contextually inappropriate meanings, which also slow eye movements. Efficacy of frontotemporal circuitry, as captured by verbal fluency, predicts the success of engaging these mechanisms in both young and older adults. Failure to recruit these processes requires compensatory rereading or leads to comprehension failures (Lee & Federmeier, 2012). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of evidence suggests that semantic access is obligatory. Several studies have demonstrated that brain activity associated with semantic processing, measured in the N400 component of the event-related brain potential (ERP), is elicited even by meaningless, orthographically illegal strings, suggesting that semantic access is not gated by lexicality. However, the downstream consequences of that activity vary by item type, exemplified by the typical finding that N400 activity is reduced by repetition for words and pronounceable nonwords but not for illegal strings. We propose that this lack of repetition effect for illegal strings is caused not by lack of contact with semantics, but by the unrefined nature of that contact under conditions in which illegal strings can be readily categorised as task-irrelevant. To test this, we collected ERPs from participants performing a modified Lexical Decision Task, in which the presence of orthographically illegal acronyms rendered meaningless illegal strings more difficult lures than normal. Confirming our hypothesis, under these conditions illegal strings elicited robust N400 repetition effects, quantitatively and qualitatively similar to those elicited by words, pseudowords, and acronyms. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The 'F' in FN400 denotes a more frontal scalp distribution relative to the morphologically similar N400 component-a distinction consistent with the hypothesized distinct roles of FN400 in familiarity memory versus N400 in language. However, no direct comparisons have substantiated these assumed dissimilarities. To this end, we manipulated short-term semantic priming during a recognition test. Semantic priming effects on N400 were indistinguishable from memory effects at the same latency, and semantic priming strongly modulated the 'FN400,' despite having no influence on familiarity memory. Thus, no evidence suggested either electrophysiological or functional differences between the N400 and FN400, and findings were contrary to the linking of the 'FN400' to familiarity. Instead, it appears that semantic/conceptual priming (reflected in the N400) occurs during recognition tests and is frequently (mis)labeled as FN400 and attributed to familiarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This study examined how the two cerebral hemispheres recruit semantic processing mechanisms by combining event-related potential measures and visual half-field methods in a word priming paradigm in which semantic strength and predictability were manipulated using lexically associated word pairs. Activation patterns on the late positive complex (LPC), linked to controlled aspects of processing, showed that previously documented left hemisphere (LH) processing benefits for word pairs with a weak forward but strong backward association stem from the ability to appreciate meaning relations in an order-independent fashion and/or strategically reorder them. Whereas there is a LH benefit for such strategic processing during comprehension in passive tasks, the present study further showed that the right hemisphere (RH) is also able to make use of these mechanisms when explicit semantic judgments are required. In both hemispheres, N400 responses, linked to initial semantic activation, were largely graded by association strength, with more amplitude reduction for forward associates and strong, symmetrically associated pairs compared to backward associates and matched weak, symmetrically associated pairs. However, responses to moderately associated pairs were more facilitated after initial presentation to the LH than to the RH. This pattern converges with sentence-processing findings that point to LH advantages for using context information to predict features of likely upcoming words. Together, the results suggest that an important basis for hemispheric asymmetries in language comprehension arises from when and how each uses top–down semantic mechanisms to shape initial semantic activation over time. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]