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Since the so-called ‘refugee crisis’, research on migration in the Euro-Mediterranean region has highlighted the entanglement of humanitarian and securitarian logics in the transformation of the EU border regime, with most attention focused on rescue and push-back operations at sea and systems of detention, selection and reception on land. This article moves beyond the point of arrival to examine how humanitarianism has also been implicated in the management of migrant labour in agriculture. Focusing on the tomato districts of southern Italy, the article interrogates the recent legislative and emergency measures devised to tackle labour violations and to facilitate the reproduction of the workforce. Measures have included the establishment of impromptu worker shelters run by humanitarian organizations and the recourse to criminal law to combat gangmasters and to assuage public opinion. By developing the conceptual framework of humanitarian exploitation, the article illustrates how humanitarian government is functional both to the regulation of the migrant workforce and to the maintenance of the industrial agri-food system.

Il contributo lega il rinnovato interesse per le figure e l'immaginario arboreo allo sviluppo delle environmental humanities sullo sfondo del dibattito sull'Antropocene. In particolare, introduce gli orientamenti teorici principali che sottendono lo studio delle "dendrolatrie" negli ambiti di studio della memoria e del patrimonio culturale, dell'antropologia e della storia delle religioni e nel campo dei cultural studies. The study put into perspective the renewal of interest toward trees and botanical figures with the development of environemental humanities in the framework of the Anthropocene. In particular, it introduces the main theoretical orientations undelying the study of the cults of trees in the fields of memory and heritage studies, of anthropology and history of religion and of cultural studies.

This work points out the development of the city of Casablanca, from the colonial period under the French Protectorate until nowadays. A multidisciplinary approach, from the history of architecture to sociology and visual ethnography, has been used to analyse the different urban policies developed for social housing and the inner meanings that the inhabitants link to their home and to the general idea of inhabiting. The analysis of National Archives sources in Morocco and French has been reinforced by a field research. The fieldwork has been carried out in two different moments: in 2015 and in 2017, with some people living in what we have defined as the main models of social housing, implemented during the French government: the slums, the cit�s ouvri�res (workers gated community) and the collective buildings. These spaces have been in the past, and are still nowadays, battleground of social conflicts, in opposition to the dominant system of power. Casablanca, and Morocco in general, is carrying out a strong policy to eradicate slums and informal settlements and the idea of social housing has been implementing with a facilitation to the access of property, not always affordable for people with low incomes. At the same time, thanks to the stability of the monarchy, huge foreign investments are overcoming to finance the construction of international financial hubs and multinational offshore activities. We have then explored the question of what the role of the inhabitants within these processes is and mostly what their narration of the history that involves them is. The realization of an ethnographical documentary has helped us to investigate these subjects.

Health care supply, demand and responsibility are increasingly becoming transnational. More people seek care beyond state borders, while, at the same time, most health systems are still nationally organized. Though most of socio-anthropological literature focuses on “health tourism”, this article considers migrants’ health travels at the junction between the neoliberal framework of global health and politics of belonging. It explores the transnational medical trajectories of Moroccans and Ecuadorians living in Italy to take care of family/reproductive health. On one hand, parents’ transnational practices are influenced by “situations of belonging” – or not belonging – that they experience in Italy, including in medical encounters. On the other hand, migrants enact tactics to navigate the neoliberal framework of care. The article highlights the need for the development of a transnational framework to regulate the increasing transnational dimension of healthcare able to mitigate (rather than increase) economic and social gaps between states., L’offerta, la domanda e le responsabilità nell’assistenza sanitaria stanno assumendo una dimensione transnazionale. Sempre più persone si curano oltre i confini nazionali, anche se la maggior parte dei sistemi sanitari sono organizzati a livello nazionale. Sebbene la maggior parte dei lavori antropologici si siano concentrati sul fenomeno del “turismo medico”, questo articolo procede da una diversa prospettiva: considera le cure offerte e ricevute in un raggio transnazionale da parte dei migranti, analizzandole al crocevia tra spinte neoliberali e politiche di appartenenza. L’articolo esplora le traiettorie transnazionali intraprese da marocchini ed ecuadoriani che vivono in Italia per prendersi cura della salute dei figli o per la loro salute riproduttiva. Da una parte, queste pratiche di cura transnazionali sono influenzate da situazioni di appartenenza – o non appartenenza – sperimentate in Italia, incluse quelle avvenute in ambienti medici. Dall’altra, i migranti sviluppano delle tattiche per cercare di sfruttare i vantaggi offerti da uno spazio neoliberale di cura. L’articolo sottolinea la necessità di sviluppare una cornice transnazionale per regolare la crescente dimensione transnazionale dell’assistenza sanitaria con l’obiettivo di mitigare (piuttosto che aumentare) le disparità economiche e sociali tra gli stati.

Based on a long-term fieldwork started in 2005, this essay will discuss the biopolitical management of migrants intercepted in the Mediterranean Sea by the Italian authorities. The direct ethnographic experience of the author on the harbour dock of Lampedusa will permit to focus on the “body” of migrants as well as on the “bodies” of the other actors involved in the dynamics at work during the “landing” phase. The disciplining, caring and observation practices by guards, humanitarian actors, media and locals will be examined, as well as the presentation of the self performed by migrants, the practices of negotiating pain, the management of space during the “landing” procedures, the active role of border guards in evoking or directly producing a specific image of the “arrivals”.

Roma migration from Eastern countries has been one of the main topics of public debate in Italy in the last decade. Roma people have been depicted as the biggest threat to citizens' safety, especially in the biggest cities, and have become the target of special securitarian measures that revive old stereotypes. At the same time, thanks to various European bodies, Roma people have also became the targets of ad hoc inclusionary policies, such as the National Strategy for Inclusion. The deconstruction of the camp system for nomads was one of the basic targets of all the interventions. This article describes what happened to Roma migrants during the last ten years - from the 'Nomad Emergency' of 2007 until the present-day dismantling of the nomad camp system. It focuses on Roma migrants who live in the two Italian cities where most of the Romanian Roma have settled since the beginning of the 21st century: Milan and Rome. The paper analyzes the public policies that were implemented by national and local authorities, and highlights some of the strategies that Roma migrants use to cope with the dismantling of the nomad camp system.

This research thesis focuses on the recent emergence of the “African-Italian” category of self- identification among young people in Italy with African origin. It explores how and to what extent the notion of Africanness is made and unmade, contested, reinterpreted and hyphenated in everyday practices, interactions and social representations. A common tendency shown by Italian-born youth with different African backgrounds is the increasing reference to Africa and African identity in cultural, social and entrepreneurial initiatives. This reveals their search for a new sense of their shared African heritage and at the same time a growing desire for public exposure and recognition of their Africanness. Moreover, the multiple intersections of notions of Africanness, Blackness and Italianness in daily social interactions and in the local “politics of naming” shows that young people of African descent associate their “being African” with positioning themselves to local public debates about racism and in relation to transnational Blackness. Therefore, “being African” is not only an issue at the cultural and political levels, but it also represents a category of difference or belonging, which is an important matter for people in different relational contexts. Indeed, African-Italian youth politics of self-definition is situated at different spatial levels: the level of circulation of categories across the Black Atlantic, the European level of an increasing awareness of Afro-Europeanness, the national level of specific colonial histories and racial formations, and the local level of everyday interaction. This PhD research aims at contributing to the emerging field of Afro-European studies in two ways. On the one hand it explores a specific South-European socio-historical context, Italy, on the other hand it proposes to approach Africanness and Blackness as categories of practices (Brubaker 2012). Firstly, the Italian specific colonial history together with the postcolonial African trajectories of migration and local integration consolidate the concept of alterity based on the colour of the skin as well as the “tribal clichés” on Africa and Africans. Both the social and historical elements have affected the evolution of the Italian-African diaspora, the racialization processes and the strategies to resist to racism. Secondly, this research intends to consider Africanness as an “identity of relation” (Glissant 1990) and a process of self-design (De Witte 2014). According to Palmié, in this research Africa and Africanness are not considered as analytical categories or ontological givens, but as “problems to be empirically investigated in regard to both the historical forces and discursive formations that lastingly 'Africanized' the continent and its inhabitants” (Palmié 2007). Therefore, understanding whether an element is authentically African becomes less important than explore, through social practices, interactions and socials representation, when and where the social actor claims his/ her Africanness or not (Chivallon 2004). This research seeks to answer the following set of questions drawing on empirical data collected through ethnographic observations and narrative interviews. Who can be identified as an African? What does it entail to be a person with African origin in Italy and in Europe? When and to what extent does “being African” become (or cease to be) important? When does this dimension prevail over other levels of affiliations, i.e. national or ethnic, local or transnational? When is it contested? How does the notion of Africanness intersect with the notion of Blackness? During the three-year project, the researcher collected 51 narrative gender-balanced interviews with young adults aged 20-35 with different national origins – i.e.⅓ from West Africa, ⅓ from East Africa, ⅓ from Central and South Africa- who were born or have lived in Italy for at least ten years. These interviewees are young professionals, entrepreneurs, artists, social activists or university students. They can be considered as young people with great aspirations, involved in a process of social mobility and who improve their skills and knowledge through education or self-entrepreneurship. In addition, the author has ethnographically observed relevant events dedicated to the whole African diaspora – i.e. beauty pageants, association meetings, trainings and other events – as well as family contexts and online conversations. This methodology allowed to observe the elaboration of Africanness at different cultural and social levels. In the first part (ch.3) the research explored how Africanness emerges in social interactions within the Italian context, focusing on how this dimension appears as a category of alterity or as one of the aspects of the actors’ multiple identity, which is socially redefined and strategically used in daily life by the interviewees of this research. As a reaction to racism, young African-Italians appropriate the power to define what is African for themselves. This phenomenon challenges the “invention of Africa” (Mudimbe 1988), a notion relating Africanness to a paradigm of alterity. The transnational and diasporic levels of interactions carry a remarkable significance for social actors, allowing them to realize the instability of notions such as Blackness and Whiteness, as well as the process of “re-branding” Africa (De Witte 2014) occurring at the global level. In the second part the research explored some corporeal practices: male circumcision (ch.4), haircare (ch.5), use of African textiles and accessories (ch.6). On the one hand, the Black body is the intersection of the social and historical experiences of youth in Africa and in the diaspora. On the other hand, the analysis of corporeal practices shows how social actors position themselves in relation to traditional habits and consolidated aesthetic styles. The making of Africanness is here explored as a process of self-design. The individual experience and definition of Africanness are embedded in the continuous tensions between intergenerational transmission, individual appropriation, performance and creativity. The exploration of practices that involve these dimensions of social and individual life - i.e. male circumcision, haircare, use of African textiles and accessories – elucidates how the meaning of “being African” changes within evolving biographies. It becomes therefore important for self-understanding but also in the processes of self-promotion. In the last chapter (ch.7) this contribution underlined the interconnections between professional aspirations and the elaboration of Africanness. To face the lack of equal opportunities, African-Italian young people can capitalize the “African part” of their social networks or cultural backgrounds, allowing for new economic spaces and consumer niches. Contested or celebrated, the appropriation of Africanness arises as an act “of self-making” and “of self-promotion” that reduces racial categories and discrimination practices to be regarded only as one of the aspects of social life. The research showed that African-Italian young people express their subjectivities in relation both to racial paradigms and to what is considered “the African heritage”. They therefore underline the versatility of their “being African”, which appears a social construction not to be strictly related to the skin, but to a reserve of symbols, aesthetic styles and cosmopolitan competences usable, also strategically, in different life stages and relational contexts.

This article explores the experiences of young people of Chinese background in Prato (Italy). Despite significant social exclusion, young Chinese develop a sense of belonging to Prato by creating local, translocal and transnational affiliations and interconnections. These relationships contribute to making an often overtly hostile local reality, liveable and meaningful. A central aim of this article is to examine the intersection between migration studies and youth studies. The former tend to focus on the processes of identity formation featuring ethnic background, hence the label ‘second generation’. In contrast, the latter tend to foreground age- and generation-specific practices of belonging that may extend beyond ethnic identification, hence the focus on ‘youth’. We argue that bringing migration and youth studies together – by complicating notions of home and host, migrant and local identity and belonging – helps us to better understand how young people are managing multiplicity and mobility (and situ...

This thesis deals with the return migration to Senegal experienced by Senegalese women and men that have previously emigrated to Italy. The fieldwork has been carried out in three sites (Padova in Italy, Pikine and Touba in Senegal) from August 2010, when the first explorative fieldwork has been done in Senegal, to July 2013, when the semi-structured interviews with Senegalese women living in Padova have been concluded. The main interlocutors in this research have been 35 persons (7 women and 28 men) that have returned in Senegal at least since a year. Migration and life paths have been collected and the social interactions in the household and in the neighbourhoods have been observed as well. In Padova the ethnography has been focused on a public place where men exercise street selling. Multi-sited fieldwork (Marcus 1999, Friedman 2007) has been chosen in order to consider migration as a total social fact (Mauss, 1923) that encompass a complexe social field (Pompeo 2009); according to Sayad (1999) and Amselle (1976) in order to avoid a reductive, ethnocentric and nationalist approach to migration both social contexts of departure and arrive should be analysed, thinking simultaneously at the dimension of emigration ad immigration. Moreover adopting a global systemic perspective (Friedman, 2004). We've used a dynamist approach (Balandier, 1961) to the return by considering it a "revelatory" issue of the processes of social exclusion and inclusion that are at stake in Senegal and in Italy: the object of the thesis has thus been thought as the "impossibility" of returning. The research has a initial explorative aim which is grasping the conditions in which the "definitive" return to Senegal is thought, planned, realised, presented as necessary, compelled or is impracticable. That means understanding the cultural significations that are attributed to the return, the production of meanings that encompass it, the rhetoric and discursive regimes in which migrants negotiate the return with their networks of belonging. We've stated that there are thresholds of tolerability and legitimacy that define in socio-cultural terms what is an attractive and bearable return. These thresholds produce also gendered and age-based re-significations of each singular migration project. Firstly, we've assumed that focusing on the return we could look in a different perspective what is called a "transnational" migration, precisely by problematizing the category of transnationalism by considering the stratifications into the field of mobility between Senegal and Italy. Definitive return can be thought as the most prestigious achievement and the accomplishment of one migration path, but it can also be perceived as the failure of this migration. Namely the failing in coping with constraints in the everyday life produced by nation-states, by global relations of power and shifting in hegemonic centres of accumulation (Friedman&Friedman, 2013), by gendered and generational relationships of power into the transnational social field (Glick Schiller et al.). Secondly, the return is a process of re-insertion of the migrant in his social context of origin: we've supposed that return is a liminal moment, in which the migrant is made alterity by his meaningful others (inside and outside the household) with which he/she has to re-negotiate his/her belonging in. Precisely because of the "crisis of the presence" (De Martino, 1977) that the return implies we've thought that this could be a standing point through which looking at the socio-cultural and gendered construction of prestige acquired in the migration to Europe. That is what is defined, in different terms, the success or the failing of a migratory project but which is the very matter of a process of subjectivation questioning the hegemonic forms of masculinity and femininity and the hegemonic forms through which social belonging is conditioned to dependency (Cutolo, 2012). Finally, a particular attention has been placed to the shifting gendered reciprocal positionalities that informed the fieldwork experice (Fusaschi, 2013).

I campi-nomadi 1rappresentano un elemento ricorrente, per quanto eccezionale, di molte periferie delle principali città italiane [1]. Qui le presenze rom sono concentrate e separate dal resto della società. In questi luoghi, finiti di sovente al centro di rituali allarmi per la sicurezza urbana, sono stati attivati una serie consistente e costosa di progetti sociali orientati a garantire il rispetto di diritti fondamentali (salute, istruzione, abitazione) e a favorire l'inserimento sociale (attraverso l'orientamento al lavoro, la responsabilizzazione, etc.). Se il dibattito pubblico si è concentrato sull’ammontare di risorse economiche investite e sulla loro efficacia in termini di miglioramento delle condizioni sociali e di vita, gli intellettuali rom e gli accademici hanno sottolineato come il lavoro sociale abbia nel tempo favorito una certa dipendenza nonché inibito processi di emancipazione da tali contesti. Questa ricerca svolta a Roma e Milano si basa sull'analisi dei documenti istituzionali che regolano il lavoro sociale all'interno dei campi-nomadi collegandola alla ricostruzione delle esperienze professionali di un campione di operatori ed operatrici sociali impiegati in questi contesti. La tesi che intendiamo dimostrare è che il campo-nomadi, in quanto dispositivo che assegna significati e funzioni a soggetti e spazi, è in grado di influenzare direttamente la natura degli interventi sociali annichilendone il potenziale trasformativo. Nomad-camps are a constant, even if outstanding, feature of the biggest Italian cities suburbs in which the Roma people are concentrated and separated from the mainstream society. In the public debate these places are often considered as a concern for public security, but, at the same time, local authorities realize social programs for people who live in nomads-camp using big amount of public funds. The aims of these programs are the respect of fundamental rights (such as health, education, housing and work), or the improving of social integration. While the political debate focuses on the conspicuous amount of public resources and on the lack of outputs, scholars and Roma intellectuals underlined that these programs created a sort of addiction, if not dependence, from social services interventions, straitening the empowerment of the Roma. In our research, realized in Milan and Rome, we analyze, on one side, the official acts which define the social programs carried out by associations and cooperatives, and, on the other side, the experiences of the social workers employed in the nomad-camps. Our thesis is that nomad-camps work as Foucaultian dispositif which bestows functions and meanings to spaces and subjects. In these terms, the nomad-camps is able to redefine the nature of social interventions restricting their capacity to foster transformations.

Ce travail se situe dans le domaine de la sociologie des religions : il s’agit d’une monographie issue d’une enquête de terrain conduite avec des méthodes qualitatives. L’enjeu est de saisir la croyance religieuse à partir de l’étude d’un phénomène spécifique : le lien social qui s’est créé entre un ancien sanctuaire et une petite ville. La séculière dévotion à l’égard des saints patrons Victor et Couronne qui s’est développée dans un territoire de l’Italie du Nord donne lieu à une sociabilité qui franchit la limite des motivations et des fins purement religieuses. Le recueil d’une vaste documentation historique d’archives complète les sources et les données que l’on a collectées selon une approche interdisciplinaire qui mobilise la sociologie, l’anthropologie et l’histoire.

Two intersecting trends in healthcare related to thebiopolitics of responsibility have been noted by med-ical anthropologists: increasing health governance en-abled by audit culture, and the holding of individualsmore accountable for their health in concert with theprinciples of neoliberalism and ready access to a pro-liferation of information sources. On the one hand,governments have continued to exercise governancein areas of health that fit political and economicagenda. Two good examples of the latter trend arebio-nationalism projects such as Japan’s insistencethat Japanese bodies are unique and that clinical trialsbe conducted on commensurate bodies in order fordrugs to be approved for use by the Japanese popu-lation (Kelly and Nichter 2012) and Erten’s article inthis volume on the biopolitics of Caesarean-sectiondeliveries in Turkey. In Turkey, recent limitationsplaced on high rates of Caesarean sections, and statemonitoring of child birth, have less to do with therisks of the procedure and the best interests ofwomen, and more to do with the State’s pronatalistagenda and desire for each woman to have four chil-dren, more children than Caesareans safely allow.The other trend is characterised by health citizenshipwhere the public is asked to be more proactive in pro-moting health and preventing disease, and patientsare increasingly being asked to take on more respon-sibility and participate more actively in healthcare de-cision-making. This is occurring at a time whenregulation of the healthcare market is being debatedas well as manipulated such that health ‘goods’,‘bads’ and ‘fads’ abound. In today’s ‘risk society’marked by crises of trust and reflexive modernisation(Beck 1992) as well as a lucrative harm-reduction in-dustry that thrives on chronic doubt, ‘buyer beware’is replacing ‘blind trust’ in healthcare providers, hos-pitals, insurance companies and agencies responsiblefor protecting the health of the public. Citizens are in-creasingly expected to become informed agents exer-cising reasonable judgement and freedom of choice(Briggs and Hallin 2007; Lindsay and Vrijhoef 2009;Rogers 2009). Needless to say, this is a Herculean taskgiven the rapid rate of scientific advances, highly pub-licised promises of medical breakthroughs that oftendo not materialise, rampant disinformation and con-flicts of expert opinion. This has led members of thepublic to search for information filters which they cantrust, be these personal networks, expert bodies orfavourite news outlets.Once thought of as powerless and subject to pater-nalistic medicine, patients are being reconfigured asboth partners in healthcare decision-making and aspossessors of biovalue in the form of genetic material,body parts and disease experience in local and globalmedical marketplaces. Okamoto’s article in this issuereviews stages through which a shared decision-making model of doctor–patient has emerged and an emphasis on patient compliance has shifted to adher-ence and concordance with negotiated care plans.Abdalla’s article draws our attention to yet anotheroutcome of patient participation in the healthcaremarket of Egypt. He expands the scope of biovalue toinclude patients’ sale of patient disease experience tomedical students who have limited opportunity togain this knowledge in Egyptian medical colleges.During medical school, real-world patient exposure islimited, and students are left to fend for themselves interms of gaining practical experience. Impoverishedpatients generate income for their daily survival bytrading in the biovalue of embodied knowledge oftheir health conditions for sale to medical students ata cost. On the one hand this seems like a mutually ad

In the literature, hope has been mainly analyzed as an emotional state linked to temporality. This stance has prompted criticism of hope as projecting promises, which may never be fulfilled, into an indefinite future. Whilst this is partly true, this paper aims to enlarge previous approaches by illustrating hope's connection with spatiality. The paper examines ‘hope’ among Italian families of Ecuadorian origin, through analysis of affective states produced by the place to which they have migrated. Hope emerges as a dynamic relation between the resources one has and the place one is in. The spatial dimension of hope mitigates criticisms of its evanescence; the paper emphasizes the political aspects of hope as a resource for migrants to realize their agency and interact with the world.