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This paper engages with the Freirean concept of politicity for critical policy studies in education. The first part lays the ground to expand the conceptualisation of teachers' politicity. I argue this entails an examination of the limits and possibilities within a juncture. To develop the argument, the second part focuses on a teacher strike that took place in Chile and draws on corpus-driven discourse analysis to explore news from a national teacher organisation and from an influential newspaper. Through the angle of politicity, I identify and discuss ideational projects during the strike with an emphasis on counterhegemonic resources for change.

Movements have been the driving force of social change through most of human history. Yet despite the important impacts that movements had in the past that led to a more just present, most Americans generally hold low opinions of movements. The authors see this as a major failing of history education. The authors argue for a need to center the people, rather than individual leaders, and their experiences in the history classroom. This article outlines three important concepts that should guide how history teachers approach the reorganization of their curriculum around movements, and ways this can ultimately help students develop a stronger understanding of the past. First, teachers should emphasize the role of the people organized in movements and engaged "collective action" in the past and present. Second, teachers should illuminate the role of "intersectionality" in movements for justice. Third, teachers should help students understand the difference between movements "for" and "against justice." Finally, the authors conclude this paper by presenting ways history teachers can do this work both as renegades and subversives, and how the role of community and school context influences how teachers might approach this work.

The aim of this research is to investigate the intergenerational changes that have occurred in Australian Jewish day schools and the challenges these pose for religious and Jewish education. Using a grounded theory approach according to the constant comparative method (Strauss 1987), data from three sources (interviews [296], observations [27], and documents) were analyzed, thus enabling triangulation. Findings show that there is an incongruity between what the adult community defines as the central components of Jewish and religious identity, which are more particularistic, and the perspectives of Jewish youth, which are more universalistic.

In this article, Dr. Malott challenges the conclusion that the primary factor that led to Trump's victory in the 2016 United States presidential election was the racism of poor whites. Rejecting this position for its capitulation to bourgeois caricatures of segments of the working class, Malott points to the fall of communism for a more historically contextualized understanding of how we got to where we are. That is, this essay notes that the rise of the socialist bloc after World War II was so inspiring to the world's oppressed and colonized that it slowed down capitalism's tendency toward an extending rate of exploitation. After the fall of the Soviet Union and the socialist bloc, and an aggressive anti-communist campaign, capitalists unleashed a more aggressive capitalism called neoliberalism. After nearly five decades of neoliberal wealth redistribution, and the destruction of the communist movement, right-wing demagogy has risen in European country after European country. Meanwhile, the white middle class--like other segments of the work force--has experienced significant downward mobility and is therefore desperate for economic relief. Because the white middle class tends to see their interests as the same as the capitalist class compared to those of the white working class, this group of more privileged and pampered workers--as has been the case historically--is increasingly susceptible to racist and fascist ideology. It was within this context that Trump and the so-called alt-right (i.e., neofascists and neo-Nazis) gained marginal influence, which is quickly eroding evidenced by Trump's falling approval rating. As a response to Trump, neofascism, and capitalism more generally, this essay argues for a communist education and the organization of the party form.

This paper presents an approach to the political experience of the Otomí community living in Mexico City and its councillor Maricela Mejía, in their struggle for the right to housing, education, health and work. They have been making these demands for more than twenty years to cover basic needs, but they have been denied because of the marginalised and excluded conditions in which they live in the urban context. The aim of this text is to show the struggle of the Otomí community as a collective subject can be understood as a defence of the territory, as a space that symbolises the cultural continuity, identity and political action of the original peoples. This text focuses on the seizure of the National Institute of Indigenous Peoples (INPI) by the Otomí community on 12 October 2020. The INPI, as a government institution, has its antecedent in the Instituto Nacional Indigenista (INI), which took the reins of Mexican welfarism, promoting plans and projects focused on the improvement of "indigenous" communities, with development ideas. The political participation of Otomi women in the takeover of the Institute has been fundamental, as they are the ones who have the spoken up in front of government representatives, a situation in which women demand and play a leading role as interlocutors. In addition to proposing alternative forms of organization and resistance, based on accompaniment, listening and exchange with women from other indigenous peoples and other organizations in struggle. This text recovers some of my experiences of my approach to this movement of struggle and accompaniment of the Otomí community in the takeover of the INPI. It also recovers the words and some experiences of the Otomí women's communication commission for the representation of their word and voice before the representatives of the Mexican government.

This paper presents an empirical study derived from the WomenWeLove Project (http://ofwomenwelove.org/) and inspired by the storyworlding methodology. Exploring the central questions of how we became feminists and what enabled us to encounter each other in the Feminist Research Collective, we, the two authors, shared our stories with the women we love and contextualized them within their respective socio-cultural histories of the time. The following reading of the ripple stories focuses on rethinking the canonical narrative of feminist movements as three or more distinctive different waves. It suggests that a re-worlding effort could work with the metaphor of ripples instead of waves, start with microscopic personal and intergenerational narratives, and attend to the macro, cultural, and sociopolitical ramifications of the stories. Putting the ripple stories and the following essay together, the article critically explored storyworlding, feminist agency, consciousness-raising, and inter/intra-generationality in critical feminist studies.

This paper conducts an affirmative reading of key constructs of pedagogy, ethics, culture and justice put forth in the texts of Roger Simon. Rereading these texts with, against and across the trajectory of one thinker's thought, the article generates new possibilities for pedagogy in global and contemporary times. The paper demonstrates that reading affirmatively is a generative form of critical thinking that considers, deliberates and renews thought as an active ongoing and dialogical process of meaning making. This way of reading, as closely inhabiting the lines of the other's thought, seeks to do justice to the lifework of this remarkable thinker and contributes a view of reading the other's words as a vital to thinking, learning, teaching and acting in the world.

This response discusses the complexity of racial segregation in U.S. cities today and an emerging education movement for equity and racial justice. Racial segregation has been and continues to be a potent, and contested, strategy of containment, subordination, and exploitation, but African Americans have also, out of necessity, turned racial segregation into collective survival, radical solidarity, resistance, and counter-hegemonic economic and social relations. New geographies of racial containment, exclusion, and incorporation in the neoliberal, postindustrial city have spawned a new antiracist, antineoliberal education movement. While people of color have the right to live and attend school anywhere, African American and other parents and students of color are concretely fighting against racist school closings and for equitable public schools in their neighborhoods as part of the battle against displacement and dispossession. I argue that the campaign for sustainable community schools and the program of transformative policy reforms in the Platform of the Movement for Black Lives exemplify a move toward an anticapitalist, antiracist vision of radical economic and political democracy and self-determination. [This article is in response to "Race, Residential Segregation, and the Death of Democracy: Education and Myth of Postracialism" (EJ1140078).]

Last December's riots in Sydney's south raised once again the ongoing controversy over Australia's version of multiculturalism. The author of this article argues that 1970s multiculturalism, whatever its strengths then, needs to be revisited and revised to allow for a stronger affirmation of our common humanity. (Contains 9 endnotes.)

According to Inclusion Press International, inclusion is not just a "disability issue" but about living full lives, about learning to live together and treasuring diversity and building community. When Malaysia obtained her independence from Britain in 1957, one of the main ruling was all three ethnicities (Malay, Chinese, and Indian) should live together as one multicultural nation. No individual should be excluded from any aspects of Education, Economic and Social means. After almost six decades of independence, many individuals in Malaysia are still unhappy with the social injustice due to exclusion based on several factors such as ethnicity and historical roots. In this paper the researcher would like to argue that, the minority ethnic group have been side lined due to constitutional rights and current policies. Using multiple case studies and collecting date through technology such as Facebook, Whats App and e-mail, the researcher used textual analysis to analyse the data collected. Findings show that, the participants have to fend for themselves and the social injustice caused many to leave their country of birth to move to other countries where they are treated equally for what they are and not who they are. The researcher suggests that, there is a critical need for Malaysia to overlook its Political, Economic and Education policies to ensure a new world which is just and fair.

South Africa is an important social space in world history and politics for understanding how the modern world comes to deal with the questions of social difference, and the encounter of people with different civilizational histories. In this essay I argue that a particular racial idea inflected this encounter. One of the ways in which this happened was through the dominance of late nineteenth-century and early twentieth-century positivism. In setting up the argument for this essay, I begin with a characterization of the nature of early South Africa's modernity, the period in which the country's political and intellectual leadership began to outline the kinds of knowledges they valued. I argue that a scientism, not unlike the positivism that emerges in many parts of the world at this time, came to inform discussions of progress and development in the country at the end of the nineteenth century. This was continued into the early twentieth century, and was evident in important interventions in the country such as the establishment of the higher education system and initiatives like the Carnegie Inquiry of 1933. The key effect of this scientism, based as it was on the conceits of objectivity and neutrality, was to institute suspicion of "all" other forms of knowing, and most critically that of indigenous knowledge. In the second part of the paper, I show that this scientism persists in the post-apartheid curriculum project. Finally, I make an exploratory argument, drawing on the concept of the "transaction" in John Dewey, for a new approach to knowing.

The history of education in India has been looked into with a view which has been narrow in its expanse, often missing out on many social categories which had a relatively limited, yet important, presence in colonial India. Sufficient attention has been paid to the official policies of the British Indian government (starting from Macaulay's Minute). However, a critical analysis of it is assumed to be provided by the nationalist discourse, which is popularly perceived as almost an antithesis of colonial education. In the entire process, the discussion on education broadly gets limited to two sections--the ruler and the ruled, thereby eschewing the diversity within the realm of those seeking and providing education. In this paper, an attempt will be made to understand the emerging importance of "Europeans and Eurasians" as a social category with a peculiar position in colonial India. Though technically part of the ruling "race", their economic standing was not always congruent with their assumed racial superiority. Termed as "poor whites" their presence in India posed challenges to the British government especially after the 1857 mutiny. Employed in the "communication network" of the British Raj, their presence in postal, railways and telegraph departments was imperative for its successful working. The first part of the paper seeks to explore the making of these European and Eurasian communities in India. An official stand regarding schooling of European and Eurasian children was formulated for the first time through Canning's Minute of 29 October 1860. Analysis of this Minute is vital to understand the very "nature of education" extended along with religious overtones providing these schools with a distinct identity and status. Using archival sources, this paper seeks to explore the "making of distinct schools" for them at hill stations and in the plains. Many of these hill schools still exist and have become a symbol of "modernity". Quite ironically their association with the colonial past provides them with a certain elite reputation in independent India (where nationalism is closely tied to education). Analysis of this opens up scope to investigate the ways in which "modernity" is not only understood but professed and adapted through such an educational setup.

One of the significant achievements of the Islamic Republic of Iran has been the increasing access of women to all levels of education. This paper focuses on women's access to higher education and its unexpected and paradoxical outcomes. Today women in Iran represent over 60% of university students at the undergraduate level. Against the dominant social imaginary of Muslim women, this paper explores how the contradictions and complexities of politics within the Islamic Republic impact women's lives and how women themselves have been able to bring gender justice to the core of Iranian politics.

After its institutionalisation during the early 1970s through the creation of the first faculties of Communication Sciences, Spanish communication research consolidates as a disciplinary field in the 1990s. During this period, the increasing number of universities degrees on communication studies led to an exponential growth of the academic community and, so, of the scientific production in the field. The enormous efforts of meta-research carried out in the last decade, specially focused on the study of peer-reviewed journals, and to lesser extent of PhD theses, have allowed the reconstruction of some relevant aspects of the current communication research in Spain. Nevertheless, these studies have not considered sufficiently those elements which would allow to identify the general epistemological orientation followed by the scientific activity in the field of communication. This paper intends to contribute to this research line. For this purpose, a content analysis has been applied to a sample of 1098 papers published between 1990 and 2014 by six major peer-reviewed communication journals, in order to observe the evolution of the objects of study and the methodological procedures in Spanish communication research during this period. The results show a progressive diversification of the objects of study, the pre-eminence of the studies on media content, a growing neglect of the institutional dimension of the media system (companies, professionals, markets, public policies, etc.), a decreasing interest on theoretical research, a gradual improvement of the methodological standards of empirical research, and a growing dominance of quantitative research, specially by means of content analysis applied to media documents (news, advertisements, television series, etc.). The observed trends are put for discussion considering the consequences that could have be generated on Spanish communication research by the changes of the media system (the growth of the communication sector, the advent of digitalization, etc.) and by the updated institutional context (the autonomy of university degrees in communication studies, the implementation of the Academia teaching acreditation programme) on which scientific activity has deveolped over the past 25 years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The foundation of human rights is social history, which is reflected as a kind of moral ideal. The ideal is produced on the historical base, it thus has real meaning, meanwhile the ideal is the ideal of the development of history; therefore, the history has a style of progress. In this paper, the author suggests the following points: (1) Individual rights is the product of social development; (2) Human rights is the ideal force guiding social development; and (3) The relation between human rights and social interest should be adjusted continuously in the interaction between history and ideal. (Contains 3 notes.)

The 25th anniversary of the founding of ACT UP provides a moment to reflect on the group's unquestionably profound effects on the management of HIV/AIDS, the queer community, the history of social movements in this country, and even the development of queer theory in the academy. But it should also encourage individuals to consider the ways in which ACT UP's legacy is one of complicated affective intensities--affects that produce individual feelings, but also those that drive cultural histories and are directed toward political ends. Remembering ACT UP's naissance, then, is an opportunity to recognize the political stakes of recounting a particular affective history, and also to cultivate a deep appreciation of the contradictions involved in deploying affect as an activist tactic. Especially salient to queer politics and scholarship today is the ambivalent relationship between pride and shame that was forged through ACT UP's activism. In order to interrogate the usually unquestioned choice of "pride" as an affect around which to rally, some queer activists and scholars have launched a "renewed engagement with a category that represents, by definition, the very opposite of "pride," at once its emotional antithesis and its political antagonist: namely, the category of shame." In this article, the author aims to investigate the history of ACT UP in order to illuminate both the ways in which the group deployed and produced affects, but also to inquire into the rhetorical maneuvers and conceptual tensions of the contemporary turn to shame in queer theory. (Contains 23 notes.)

The transmission of ACT UP's movement histories is indispensable to the potential for what Jose Esteban Munoz calls "queer futurity," or "a temporal arrangement in which the past is a field of possibility in which subjects can act in the present in the service of a new futurity." Roger Hallas argues that ACT UP's material and visual archive alone cannot guarantee such transmission; ACT UP's histories must be discussed if they are to be preserved and put in the service of AIDS activism today, and this requires intergenerational dialogue. Establishing the grounds for such dialogue necessitates a look at the framing of generational relations. In thinking about the transmission of ACT UP's histories, how does one address relationality without falling prey to rhetorical pitfalls, nor conceding a liberal optimism that disavows difference, generational or otherwise? The author proposes the term "meta-generation" to describe a radically alternative arrangement of generational relations present in ACT UP Philadelphia. He uses the term "meta-generation" to define the particular crosshatching of intergenerational and multigenerational dynamics at work in ACT UP Philadelphia's organizing culture, historically and presently. In reflecting on ACT UP's 25th anniversary, the author suggests that one needs a "critical nostalgia" regarding not just what histories people tell but how this very telling structures the rules of engagement between queer leftist generations. He argues for a meta-generational approach to connecting ACT UP's past with the current AIDS movement, and the potential of a queer future, by recognizing the multiple histories and presents available as political resources. (Contains 26 notes.)

This paper examines the history of care in modern society and seeks to expose how deep transformations in care arise from wider social relations. From historical survey we may discern a series of transitional points, where the practice and the experience of care was greatly, sometimes suddenly, redefined. Each betrayed deeper political and ethical struggles that went to the core of social relations, and which weren't merely therapeutic in nature. This paper explores two such "moments". I first examine the emergence of a new institutional landscape during the middle industrial era, in the wake of a series of legal and political reforms that sought to settle a social order uprooted and distressed by raw modernisation. I provide a composite, yet incomplete view, of how this transformation proceeded in one urban setting, colonial Melbourne. In the second instance, I review the ambitions and process of deinstitutionalisation in the late 20th century. Ostensibly, this reform sought, "inter alia", to collapse the great division between "fit" and "unfit" established in 1834. Again, empirical reference is made to the reconstitution of care in Melbourne, Australia, this time during its late 20th experience of institutional reform. The focus in this case is the process of downscaling and closure for a major congregate facility, Kew Cottages. The major conclusion is that periods of intense transition in the ideology and mode of care are reflective of wider social transformations not merely of therapeutic or institutional shifts. (Contains 1 footnote.)

In the aftermath of the US-led invasion of Iraq in 2003, Iraqi civilians have witnessed their country descend into profound and often deadly chaos. HNK and Aunt Najma are two young voices from post-Saddam, post-invasion Iraq who write www-based diaries (blogs) on life in post-invasion Iraq. Through their voices, and via the voices of many other Iraqi bloggers, different fragments of the reality of post-invasion Iraq enter the globalised, unruly, digital spaces of cyberspace and create not only accounts of these realities, but what we will call "digital selves." We will identify and discuss the selves that HNK and Aunt Najma "practise" via the use of Michel Foucault's later work on the care of the self and governmentality; and we suggest that HNK and Aunt Najma's digital diaries (blogs) provide a real-time, unfolding, reflexive, and often interactive window into particular life-worlds in post-invasion Iraq, life-worlds that provide glimpses into what it means to grow up female in post-Saddam Iraq.

Research clearly shows that, in spite of large-scale social and political changes, women still bear the primary responsibility for housework. Research explaining the unequal division of domestic labor produces mixed results. The authors argue that the "new city" structure of the modern suburbs may be partially responsible for the tenacity of the second shift. The goal of the early suburban movement was to firmly embed women's labor in the private sphere of the isolated suburban home, leaving the public cities to men. The resulting suburban domesticity was marketed through advice literature and wartime propaganda as the ideal way to raise children, sustain better marriages, and fulfill a patriotic duty. With the return of women to the workforce, the iconic 1950s private suburb gave way to a reconstitution of the public and private through the colocation of work, home, and shopping. The authors argue that these new cities take for granted the labor of women and have developed to facilitate the second shift through the commercialization of convenience. The modern urban fringe is built to make the second shift as convenient as possible and in the process continues the social and economic expropriation of women's labor.

This paper forms part of a recent trend that aims to contribute to the writing of a more inclusive education history sensitive to the operation of gender. The author presents an analysis of educator activists in twentieth-century England that connects, rather than separates, the domains of education, labour history and politics. The paper also contributes to a redefining of history/histories of education which, instead of relegating gender to the margins, integrates this perspective into its mainstream conceptual frameworks. The intent is to examine the circumstances that make class politics grounded in gendered and occupational identities possible, showing the way in which the politics of place works as an active influence at a range of scales. Here the auto/biographical practices of a married couple who taught in state schools are used as a lens through which to explore the larger questions of the intersection of biography and history, the distinction between lived experience and historical experience, the link between generation and social change. (Contains 62 footnotes.)

This article addresses how to reconcile the creative and innovative emphases of future knowledge societies with the needs and demands for longer term sustainable development of enduring and worthwhile practices--within education and beyond it. Drawing on a theoretical framework of organisational memory and sustainability, the article argues that most change efforts deny or demean the past in an attempt to promise a better future, and need instead to build improvement efforts in ways that connect their future and their past.