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Farhat Hasan, Paper, Performance, and the State: Social Change and Political Culture in Mughal India. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2021, xv+155 pp. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper narrates the concept of Sustainable Peace Leadership and examines how three prominent Peace Activists from South and Southeast Asia measure up to the concept. The article will consider the works and ideas of Mohandas K. Gandhi (Mahatma Gandhi), Lhamo Thondup (The 14th Dalai Lama), and Nguyen Xuan Bao (Thich Nhat Hanh). Mahatma Gandhi was instrumental in achieving Indian independence from the British Empire. The Dalai Lama is the spiritual leader of the Tibetan people and has managed a difficult relationship with the Chinese government following the occupation of Tibet. Thich Nhat Hanh was a Vietnamese Buddhist monk, peace activist and is known as the 'father of mindfulness'. The paper identified several characteristics of Peace Leaders. These include being a charismatic leader who motivates their followers to achieve their goals in a non-violent and inclusive manner. Peace leaders meditate and spend time developing inner peace which then leads to outer peace. The paper also asserts that peace leaders are capable of recognizing the humanity in their opponents and seek a mutually beneficial solution. The three chosen individuals are all recognised as being charismatic leaders who were prominent peace leaders. All were deeply spiritual and practiced meditation and other inner work on a regular basis. They stressed the humanity in their opponents, based on their religious beliefs and the concepts of non-duality and interdependence.

The chairman of the drafting committee of the modern Indian Constitution, Dr Bhim Rao Ambedkar, emphasized that education cultivates democracy in society, strengthens the roots of democracy, and brings about social transformation. The social transformation includes a way of life that will promote liberty, equality, and fraternity, which are Dr Ambedkar's "key elements of an ideal society". This paper discusses the implications for higher education campuses for achieving an ideal society in light of the emerging evidence on peer group formation around identities and issues of discrimination associated with caste in the context of increasing student diversity. The paper also emphasizes the important role of a civic-learning approach to higher education; meaning an active engagement with values of liberty, equality, and fraternity. There is a shared belief that higher education has a great potential to be a social laboratory for civic learning and to inculcate democratic values and foster peaceful interactions among members of diverse groups.

In recent years, many populist leaders and parties have succeeded in taking over the levers of state power, in spite of the fact that much of their political rhetoric in opposition expresses anti-state sentiments. This paper examines how populist leaders and parties in Asia have been able to use the institutions of the state, including education, to exercise and perpetuate their power. Focusing on the examples of India, the Philippines and Singapore, the paper shows how in each of these cases, populist politics consists in attempts to reconfigure the nature of the state and its relationship to civil society, often seeking to obliterate the distinction. A great deal of effort is put in to transform the institutions of the state, including education, making it possible for them to translate populist sentiments into governmental practice. This explains how, when in government, populists are often able to extend their appeal and influence.

This work challenges the mainstream media's notions of presenting the region of India-administered Kashmir and enables one to view the culturally diverse, shifting frontier through a different lens. The paper challenges the representation of Kashmir in the mainstream national and international print media, which serve as an instrument and power's pedagogical tool for the public. The media is used to shape people's imagination and elicit certain political or apolitical positions as well as reinforce predispositions and behaviours according to agenda. Hence, the media's perspective needs to be examined closely. This work replaces the framework of ethnonationalism, which contours the media's representation of Kashmir, with an alternative framework of civic nationalism, which will bring about a different understanding of the region for the public. This framework not only unravels the conflict from twelfth century onwards, but also illuminates historical reasons for the present-day conflict, which is a vital component in conflict resolution. Unpacking the theory of Civic Nationalism and presenting evidence of Kashmir's diversity by delving into the heterogenous region's social, economic, cultural, and political spaces, the paper aims to unravel this comprehensive framework which counters the hegemonic, pedagogical national and international medias' narratives on the conflict. The authors not only attempt to enliven aspects of the region's social history and contextualise/reframe the oppressed people's movement for self-determination from the Civic Nationalism framework, but also decode the present-day conflict by unravelling its root causes.

India is the second-largest tribal population in the world. However, after the seven decades of independence, the tribal groups are disadvantaged and socially backward from the cycle of growth in many areas such as health, education, employment, and empowerment, and more. Among these, for tribal society, education is an essential requirement. The state and central governments have initiated several programs to educate tribal groups. Many of these programs have achieved only 10 percent of the targets. The vast numbers of tribal peoples are missing their education at various levels. They lag in education due to the high illiteracy rates among the tribal population relative to Scheduled Castes (S.C.s). Hence, the time has come to consider tribal education and inclusive growth seriously. In this context, the comprehensive literature review seeks to provide a contemporary overview of India's current status and challenging issues of tribal education. The paper is purely based on second-hand information from various research studies conducted in India and collected from different government sources. The outcomes are more helpful in implementing schemes that can improve tribal literacy and inclusive growth perspectives.

The Fourth Conference on Women at Beijing (1995) underlined the importance of gender mainstreaming; spurring India to provide for separate Gender Budgeting in 2005-06. The Constitution tries to make fine balance between right to equality and positive discrimination for promoting gender justice in India. Yet high levels of Gender Inequality Index (GII), coexist with high Gross Domestic Product (GDP) growth, after India opted for economic liberalization in the 1990s. This paper brings out these trends and how the Supreme Court, as the watchdog of fundamental rights, has played a stellar role in ensuring gender justice. The paper does a trend analysis of gender budgeting and the inept implementation of flagship programmes like Beti Bachao Beti Padhao and Nirbhaya, due to the lack of coordinated approach. Making comparison with developed and Emerging Market Economies (EME), the paper underscores the importance of earmarking handsome allocation to education and health care. The issue of gender justice is not merely an issue of adequate allocation or effective judicial redressal, but embraces a larger concern viz. the "culture of silence" that pervades our patriarchal society. The Oslo summit underscored the importance of value based education to achieve Sustainable Development Goals (SDG).

The spatial turn in humanities and social sciences has contributed towards a significant discourse on the city and urban spaces, and street art is widely accepted to be one of the ways in which one can analyse and unravel the cityscape. The utilization of the public domain of the city, its entanglements with urban authorities and its diverse potential has sparked several debates, and I seek to engage in the same, and interrogate the role of street art in modifying the cityscape. Through the course of my paper, I seek to interrogate the changing cityscape of Delhi and the role that street art has played in the same, post the events of 13th and 15th December 2019. The walls of Jamia Millia Islamia serve as a canvas for the articulation of resistance against the State and its excesses, its personal testimony of the same, and the graffiti on the same covers a plethora of topics, ranging from assertions of revolution, encouraging slogans and ominous warnings by literary figures, and is a dynamic form of subversion of State Power, unlike the street art projects at Lodhi Art Districts that are aimed at gentrification. The murals have been painted by students but the anonymity of the artists is retained, and thus belongs to no one but the multiplicity. I seek to study the reorientation of the cityscape of Delhi by the protest sites of Jamia and Shaheen Bagh that is not just limited to street art but the rerouting and diversion of traffic, creation of temporary structures like classrooms and libraries outside the institution and on the roads through the works of Henri Lefebvre, and weigh the significance of this protest.

This paper follows the perspectives and initiatives of teachers, who were directly and indirectly, involved in a school terrace gardening project co-designed with some of them. Their narratives included their perceptions regarding students working at the farm, connected initiatives within the curriculum, and any personal efforts prompted by their involvement with the farm space. Their experiences indicate the possibility of using the farm as a transformational space, helping restructure their own identity as well as pedagogical practices. Their narratives also highlight the boundaries created by disciplinary affiliations. In the absence of direct participation, conventional teaching practices seems to affect their use of the farming space and meanings derived from it. These observations are discussed in the backdrop of challenges in facilitating environmentally-oriented teacher education in the Indian scenario. The insights gleaned from the research contribute to the existing scholarship on educational approaches for social change-making and the dilemmas faced by educators in navigating disciplinary expectations.

The significance of peace education is universally recognized for a safe and prospering future for the world at school level as peace education aims at equipping the future citizens with necessary knowledge, attitude, and skills so that they would acknowledge and respect all kinds of diversity and understand human dignity. This paper is based on an empirical research aiming how far guiding principles and practices of peace education followed in secondary schools of Mizoram. The concept of peace education, guiding principles of peace education and practices on peace-related activities being followed in the secondary schools of Mizoram were explored. The study revealed that peace education was not being taught as a separate subject. Peace education component was infused in the existing curriculum and also was being taught through co-curricular and extra-curricular activities. Besides, teachers must reflect in their behavior all the guiding principles of peace. They should encourage the students for critical thinking, reasoning, develop awareness on societal problems and issues, broaden their outlook, concentrate on studies, and to be associated with various activities. In Mizoram, students' unions and church organizations used to play a prominent role in shaping and moulding the character of the people starting from the early stage of life which ultimately benefits the society and the nation. However, in the context of rapid change in social structure and modernization process, there is need for inculcating the values of peace for which schools have to play important role.

Pakistan was bifurcated and Bangladesh emerged as a sovereign state in 1971 after the culmination of a separatist movement that was raised on the basis of Bengali nationalism claimed on ethnic and cultural grounds. Since the pronounced demand as well as well-defined goal of the movement changed from autonomy to the separation only after Pakistan Army?s action on 25th March 1971 and also Awami League (AL) and Mujibur Rehman, the party and leader that spearheaded the separatist movement, got prominence as separatists after Agartala Conspiracy Case in 1966 the time and events of the origin of the Bengali Movement need to be looked for. This paper highlights the ideological origins of Bengali separatism even before the partition of India in 1947. It also finds out the early organisations which, when got matured in later decades, became instrumental in promotion of the Bengali separatist movement. The paper then examines the development which for the first time generated the cultural and lingual feelings as well as economic grievances that nurtured the Bengali separatist movement. Therefore main research question of the paper is when and how the Bengali Movement started.

This article introduces a collection of papers comprising the special issue, "Competing interests: Parents, Schools and Nation States." Drawing on the seven papers in the collection, and situating them in recent developments in the sociological field, the article discusses globally shifting relations between families, schools and the state across a range of nations in the late twentieth and early twenty-first centuries (Australia, Germany, India, Norway, Singapore, Sweden, USA). The article proposes that the school is a crucial site for relations between family and state, and argues that a significant focus of the material and occupational investment of contemporary parents is the formal education of their children, re-shaping not only the relationship between parents and schools but also the nature of parenthood itself. In the contemporary context of global neoliberal education reform, parents are analysed both as local actors in schools and as subjects of national and international policy regimes.

The concept of Southern Theory is a response to Northern sociological theory, which is considered to be incomplete because it does not consider global dynamics, which would include the life-experiences of people of the South and the impact of socio-cultural changes brought about by colonialism and globalization. Raewyn Connell introduced the term Southern Theory to emphasize the intellectual power and political relevance of social thought emanating from formerly colonized countries. The term Southern Theory can be confusing, overarching theories that incorporate new ideas that would represent the experiences of unequal development are imperative in a globalized world. The ideas of non-violence and moral togetherness that Gandhi represented are discussed in this paper along with his education experiments and theories. Being radical, his educational ideas were not accepted in India after independence because the country needed to "catch-up" with the development of industrialized countries after centuries of colonial subjugation. But his profoundly different ideas of achieving social/political change through non-violence, and his ideas on education for working towards a social order free from exploitation and violence, represented local needs and a new way of looking at society and education.

This paper analyzes the work of two Indian sociologists who defined the contours of sociology in India in the immediate post-independence decades, M. N. Srinivas and A. R. Desai. It argues that their scholarship can be linked to sociology's legacy as anthropology in India and its embeddedness in the episteme of colonial modernity. It contends that Srinivas's methodology, the field view, attempted to make a break with earlier methods, such as book view. However, his three concepts, that of dominant caste, Sanskritization and Westernization were perceived as civilizational attributes and which had organized social change in India. A. R. Desai, a Marxist historical sociologist, made an incisive critique of capitalist exploitation and elaborated the material conditions that led to peasant and working-class revolts. However, his sociology could not unravel the caste-class linkages that organized the Indian 'social' which was embedded in Indian nationalism. This paper suggests that a definitive understanding of modernity emerges in Indian sociology in the late 70s when the feminist, dalit and tribal movements interrogated the material basis of contemporary India's developmentalism and its capitalist and exploitative character. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Analysing teaching-practice offers an opportunity to answer questions like what is critical to making a pedagogy democratic, what are the factors that support a teacher to be critical in her teaching? Or what restricts the teacher in being critical in her work? This paper seeks to address some of these questions by presenting the findings of an investigation into the practice of teachers who are committed to the idea of critical pedagogy. The scope of the study is limited to understanding the critical aspects that are related to the teacher's work within the classroom. The paper analyses the theoretical arguments that are relevant to critical pedagogy in relation to teachers' practices as they emerged during the study. The study, conducted in the South Indian state of Kerala, reveals that teacher subjectivity and schooling situations interact in a dialectical fashion to shape the nature of classroom teaching. The political subjectivity of the teachers, shaped by their close interaction with the Kerala Science Literature Movement (KSSP) makes their pedagogy critical in nature. On the other hand, the standardized curriculum and mechanically disciplined school environment continuously challenge the teachers' efforts at being critical in their work.

Public engagement is recognised as having an increasingly important role in the changing landscape of higher education in the United Kingdom (UK), and is promoted as a 'pathway to impact' by many higher education funding bodies. However, there is limited evidence to support the outreach and impact gained by higher education institutes that undertake international public engagement activities. Similarly, little is known about higher education staff and student's experiences of participating in such public engagement activities. This study focusses on a Global Festival of Learning (GFoL) in delivering public engagement on an international stage through an integrated approach involving the fusion of education, research, and professional practice, and the perceived impact on staff and students. This paper proposes an adaptive model for public engagement founded on five strategic public engagement areas that can be transferred to other higher education institutes with an interest in developing their international outreach and impact.

Distance Education Institutions (DEI) being a part of the society and has the legal binding to abide by the policy changes. During demonetisation, a Distance Education Institutions (DEI) has to take certain decisions to ensure that crunch for cash do not exist, in spite of the fact that most of the public Distance Education Institutions (DEI) resort either to fund transfer or to cheque payment. In India, demonetization of bank notes took place for the third time on 8th November, 2019. This paper enumerates the Procedure Adopted on the eve of demonetization, Financial literacy Awareness campaigns conducted on the use of digital money/cashless transactions upon demonetization, Employee movement to ATM/Bank for cash withdrawal, Facilitating withdrawal through a single person due to limited hard cash, Written circular to all the Learner Support Centres (LSC) about the procedure to handle cash, procedure of Petty cash transactions, Sale of Student Hand book and Prospectus containing the admission application form, Special Counter for Senior Citizens and Differently abled, Payment towards Travelling Allowance/Conveyance for participants in Meetings/Orientation Programme.

Field of education is associated with herculean task and innate responsibility of escorting societies forward. Across space and time, it has been an unambiguous synthesis that education should precede any progress or change. It helps humans to understand themselves and better their interaction with rest of the society. Hence the field of education and dissemination of knowledge is very much a pivotal entity in the evolution of human civilisation. No country in the globe over centuries could afford to flourish on the paths of growth and development while ignoring the crucial role of education. Country like India where in there has been a perpetual struggle over the decades to overcome perils of colonisation and social stigmatisation reflective in terms of poverty, unemployment and illiteracy. In order to overcome these bottlenecks 'knowledge dissemination' must spearhead the change. Apart from other funding inadequacies, infrastructural lacunae, education sector in India has also been grappling with certain innate contradicting and counterproductive structures. Hence in this paper we have made an effort to address and assess the nature and impact of these dichotomies over the field of Education in India.

Human Rights Education (HRE) is critical to human development and societal transformation. In India, although HRE emerged in the 1980s, its incorporation in higher education has not yet reached its full potential. Using the state of Tamil Nadu as our case study, this paper evaluates the integration of courses on human rights in universities and colleges, using a descriptive qualitative approach to analyse the nature and content of such courses, their compliance with India's apex institutional directives, and the challenges faced. The researchers conclude that there is a disconnect between the vision of policy makers and actual implementation of HRE in practice. It is suggested that wider holistic application of HRE in higher education is needed, so that learning becomes a transformative force, empowering the young to develop attitudes of solidarity, tolerance, and respect for social justice.

The present paper is a case study of how the commodification of the Russian language has transformed a market in New Delhi, India, inaugurated in 1969 and known as Yashwant Place. Over the years, the market slowly assumed a new identity, referred to as Yashka not only by Russian visitors but also tourists from countries of the former Soviet Union, symbolizing the status it has acquired as a largely Russian (-speaking) place of trade. With the help of ethnographic fieldwork that includes participant observations and interviews, this paper traces the histories of four shops in the market that mainly cater to Russian speakers, examining both how Russian emerged as a language that provides an added value and at the same time ask, which Russian is actually commodified by whom and in which ways. In addressing the histories of the shops, the personal trajectories of salespersons and their motivations to acquire a form of Russian, this paper aims to show the particular conditions and processes that characterize the commodification of languages within specific spaces for limited audiences. This will provide insights into the characteristics of a locally confined "Yashka-pidgin" language that emerged as a result of commodification efforts by local entrepreneurs.

The aim of this paper is to search for possibilities to change the terms and content of conversations on colonial/decolonial human rights education. The content of conversations consists of what we know about human rights. The terms of conversations are the principles, assumptions, and rules of knowing in human rights education. The terms and content are interrelated and continually sustain each other. Decoloniality resists global coloniality of power, ontologies and epistemologies which are consequences of colonisation. It also questions the Eurocentric assumptions and principles which serve as a premise for human rights and human rights education. There is an urgent need to explore pluriversal knowledges of human rights and to problematise the Human of human rights. This is explored through data from Roux's research project "Human rights literacy: quest for meaning." Some thoughts on decolonising human rights education are provided in the conclusion.

The history of education in India has been looked into with a view which has been narrow in its expanse, often missing out on many social categories which had a relatively limited, yet important, presence in colonial India. Sufficient attention has been paid to the official policies of the British Indian government (starting from Macaulay's Minute). However, a critical analysis of it is assumed to be provided by the nationalist discourse, which is popularly perceived as almost an antithesis of colonial education. In the entire process, the discussion on education broadly gets limited to two sections--the ruler and the ruled, thereby eschewing the diversity within the realm of those seeking and providing education. In this paper, an attempt will be made to understand the emerging importance of "Europeans and Eurasians" as a social category with a peculiar position in colonial India. Though technically part of the ruling "race", their economic standing was not always congruent with their assumed racial superiority. Termed as "poor whites" their presence in India posed challenges to the British government especially after the 1857 mutiny. Employed in the "communication network" of the British Raj, their presence in postal, railways and telegraph departments was imperative for its successful working. The first part of the paper seeks to explore the making of these European and Eurasian communities in India. An official stand regarding schooling of European and Eurasian children was formulated for the first time through Canning's Minute of 29 October 1860. Analysis of this Minute is vital to understand the very "nature of education" extended along with religious overtones providing these schools with a distinct identity and status. Using archival sources, this paper seeks to explore the "making of distinct schools" for them at hill stations and in the plains. Many of these hill schools still exist and have become a symbol of "modernity". Quite ironically their association with the colonial past provides them with a certain elite reputation in independent India (where nationalism is closely tied to education). Analysis of this opens up scope to investigate the ways in which "modernity" is not only understood but professed and adapted through such an educational setup.

Small schools have enjoyed rich traditions in the history of education. The Vedic-age gurukula small schools, an abode for children of the privileged few, followed a structured curriculum in the teaching of religion, scriptures, philosophy, literature, warfare, medicine, astrology and history. The rigvedic small schools, which were more egalitarian, opened their doors for admission to all strata of society. In medieval India small schools located in pathshalas, madrasas and informal surroundings of a village, for example, in the teacher's house, places of worship or under a tree imparted instruction in the three Rs: reading, writing and arithmetic. Peer-group learning, multipoint entry, needs based studies, adaptability to the immediate environment and adjusting school hours to suit local requirements were the chief merits of these schools. By the time the British arrived, India had a fairly widespread village based small primary school education on revenue free land. A major shift came with the East India Company's policy of maximizing land revenue, where the Indian education system faced starvation in its financial resources, leaving small village schools in shabby dwellings with ill qualified teachers, an absence of primary facilities including a blackboard, furniture and proper seating arrangement, etc. By the 1830s the small village schools no longer stood as the vital centres of learning. Today the modern small schools in rural India are found struggling in the same way, with limited human and physical resources, low enrolment and high a incidence of teacher and student absenteeism. The present paper reviews the current status of small primary schools (grades 1 to 5 in most cases) in rural India by drawing a national picture substantiated with field observations in the villages of Madhya Pradesh and Rajasthan in order to examine the realities on the ground and to develop an understanding of the different contexts in which small schools function. The paper recommends the recognition of the fact that small schools exist in massive numbers and cannot be allowed to struggle further and eventually perish. Sustaining these schools and improving them further has become mandatory. The Right to Education Act 2009 has brought some hope that will look seriously into the provision of minimum facilities as per the entitlements of each school and will ensure regularity of teacher attendance through specified norms.

Indian women have always been viewed as the object of desire. In the advent of Technological Advancement women are still thought of as inferior to men. Though there is an increase in the literacy rate of the girl child, it does not imply the emancipation of the girl child. Women are bound by the social customs and traditions. In this sense women are not empowered. The word empowerment is misrepresented as the increase in working women. In such a scenario Indian women writers in English have portrayed the challenges women confront at home, in the workplace as well as in their social interactions. Indira Goswami in her Novel "The Moth Eaten Howdah of the Tusker" boldly describes the plight of the women especially the widows and hopes to instill change in the minds of the society. The present paper aims to analyse the characters of Indranath and Giribala from the perspective of Young Adult Dystopian protagonist.

This paper is an attempt to look closely at the process of translating dramas with special reference to the Hindi story Aadmi ka Baccha ("The Child of a Man") by Yashpal in India and the role and significance of prose transcreations in today's changing global scenario.

Increasing rates of school enrolment have changed childhoods in the global South, so that it is now the norm for children to attend at least some years of primary school. This paper explores the extent to which valuing of children as educational projects and outcomes may be displacing previous valuations of children as contributors to the domestic economy. The paper draws on qualitative interview data from Young Lives, a longitudinal study of children growing up in four developing countries, using a case study approach to explore the experiences of four children in rural Andhra Pradesh, India. The paper suggests that children are balancing expectations for the future with responsibilities to their families in the present, and concludes that the over-valuing of formal qualifications and the under-valuing of forms of work such as agriculture risk being internalised by children, leaving those who do not succeed feeling they are "a waste". (Contains 2 notes.)

From the 1830s the colonial government in India became the agency for the promotion of "Western education", that is, education that sought to disseminate modern, Western, rational knowledge through modern institutions and pedagogic processes. This paper examines a historical episode in which certain key categories of modern Western thought were pressed into service to explain a consequence of the dissemination of Western knowledge in colonial India. The episode in question was that of the alleged "moral crisis" of the educated Indian, who, many argued, had been plunged into confusion and moral disarray following his exposure to Western knowledge in the schools and universities established by his British ruler. In the discourse of moral crisis, the knowledge being disseminated through Western education was simultaneously put to use in explaining an unanticipated effect of this education. How adequate was Western knowledge to explaining its own effects? More generally--for this paper is drawn from a larger study of how modern Western knowledge "travelled" when transplanted to colonial India--what is the status of the knowledge we produce when we "apply" the categories of modern Western thought in order to understand or explain India? (Contains 1 note.)

This paper analyses the work of Rokeya Sakhawat Hossain (1880-1932), urban Bengali Muslim educator and writer, placing her in the wider context of women organising themselves in associations to create social change through education for women, in the province of undivided Bengal in colonial India, from "c." 1900 to "c." 1932. A subject of the British Indian Empire, Rokeya, and many of her colleagues, wrote back to the empire against both colonialism and patriarchy, and created innovative educational discourses and practices. The history of education is inscribed not merely in the formal school that Rokeya founded, but in her larger career as writer and builder of women's associations. An analysis of the enmeshing of women's writing and women's networks thus yields a creative, nuanced history of women's education. This paper also connects micro-histories and macro-histories of women's education, correlating macro-level data about Indian non-governmental agency in advancing female education with the work of individual figures such as Rokeya. The paper analyses Rokeya's novella "Padmarag" ("The Ruby"), showing that the integrated paradigm of women's educational and welfarist work found here has many similarities with the actual educational-welfares work done by women such as Rambo, Sara la Ray, or Ab ala Bose. Through her activities and writing, often made in alliance with other educating women such as Sara la, Rockey gave voice to ideologies and views widely at variance with conservative Indian nationalists and hegemonic British colonial officialdom. The paper also shows that women of different races and religions formed networks and alliances, in the transnational British Empire, to further women's emancipation and education, in bodies such as All India Women's Conference and Bengal Women's Education League. The paper recognizes how much women such as Rockey were able to actually be and actually do in achieving social change in education. (Contains 40 footnotes.)

This paper traces the kinds of learning engendered through Adivasi trans-local and local subaltern social movement (SSM) action addressing state-corporate developmental collusions, state-caste interests and the resulting dispossession of Adivasis from land, forest and their ways of life given the economic liberalization drive to exploit resources in the rural hinterlands in India since 1991. The paper draws upon insights from the author's association with the Adivasi since 1992 and funded research into "Learning in Adivasi movements." (Contains 6 notes.)

This paper deals with technical education growth, policies in pre and post independent India. The world is moving forward rapidly and positively, into an era where societies and economies are incrementally based on knowledge. The importance of nations in the 21st Century shall be judged not by their economic strength alone, but also by their power to conceptualize, innovate, invent and bring the benefits of these inventions to their people. With the beginning of the Industrial Revolution, new technologies like business management, pharmacy, and computer technology were developed. The Government emphasized the need for technical manpower to handle these organizations and directed the states to develop technical education on a fast track mode. The All India Council for Technical Education (AICTE) was set-up in November 1945 as a national level apex advisory body and, later on, in 1987 it was given the statutory status by an act of parliament. Due to efforts and initiatives taken during successive Five Year Plans technical education witnessed tremendous growth in quantitative terms with the establishment of engineering colleges, polytechnics, Industrial Training Institutes and so on. But mere quantitative increase in the number of institutions imparting technical education will not help India in realizing her dream of establishing the knowledge society of the future.

Prompted by the author's experience as a participant in an organized partnership with "Adivasis" in south Orissa since the early 1990s; Gayatri Spivak's intimation that the "subaltern can not speak" (Spivak, 1988) [and the "theoretical asphyxiation" of a subaltern politics ably contested in Parry's work as a "deliberate deafness to the native voice where it can be heard" (1987, p. 39)]; Dirlik's (1994) pertinent assertion that postcolonial theory reduces the material relations of colonial power to the rules of language (colonial discourse analysis); and the praxiological possibilities encouraged by a Gramscian-strain of subaltern studies (Sarkar, 2005), this paper addresses subaltern agency as expressed through social movement learning and the decolonization of physical/material space (land and forests in particular) in "Adivasi" contexts in south Orissa. Relying on data and associated reflections on emergent themes and understandings generated from researching "learning in Adivasi social movements" (research that commenced in 2006), this paper (a) addresses the methodological orientation of the research; (b) briefly elaborates on the colonization of land and forest spaces in "Adivasi" contexts; (c) examines social movement learning, specifically in relation to the issues and purposes of the movement and how learning contributes to the establishment of purpose, while providing some of the impetus for "Adivasi" agency in relation to the decolonization of these spaces; and (d) selectively engages theoretical considerations pertaining to radical adult education/learning and subaltern perspectives on learning in "Adivasi" movements. (Contains 6 footnotes.)

The world is marked by the twin processes of economic and cultural globalization in an era of information technology. The identities of all societies are evolving as social and political boundaries are shrinking day-by-day. As a result of significant economic and political changes, cross-cultural contact is at an all-time high in human history. Over the past three decades, however, significant social, political and technological changes appear to have seriously revamped policies, set new paradigms, and shifted philosophies that contribute to the dramatic alteration of the educational landscape. This globalized world is controlled by a triple deity--money, markets, and media--that have seamlessly entrenched themselves in how "education is imparted" around the globe. This infiltration has affected practices, practitioners, and programs. This paper presents the changing landscape of higher education in the global market, in terms of opportunities and threats to higher education institutes and universities around the world.