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Across four experimental studies (NStudy 1 = 466, a hypothetical movement in Bhutan, NStudy 2 = 447, a hypothetical movement in the United Kingdom, NStudy 3 = 463, a hypothetical movement in Bhutan, NStudy 4 = 460, a real movement in the United States) and an integrated data analysis, we examined when third parties (i.e., those who are not actively engaged in the movement) will support a social movement that permits the use of violence. In Studies 1–3, third parties were more willing to support violence when it was framed as having shifted to violence when nonviolence failed to achieve their goals. Mediation analyses revealed that a shift toward permitting violence reduced support to the extent that the shift created perceived moral decline in the social movement (Studies 1–3), but increased when the shift was perceived to be a last resort (Study 3). Last, we showed (Study 4) most effects disappear when third parties are told that they may be in close proximity to the violence (Study 4). These suggest third parties can and do support the use of violence as well as when and why such support is offered. Public Significance Statement: This study suggests that people may be more supportive of a historically nonviolent social movement who recently change its strategy to violence as opposed to a historically violent movement. Moreover, changing strategy from nonviolence to violence damages the moral image of the movement and leads to receiving less support from the third party observers. Policy makers and movement leaders may take into account the history of the movement and potential consequences of changing strategy from nonviolent to violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The task of conceptualising social movements draws on a wealth of watery images, from protest waves and political currents, to imagining mobilisations as tides, ripples, cascades or high‐pressure hydraulics. Called upon to analyse complex processes, these waters have a life of their own, carrying analytical implications while extending a relationship to water that is never only symbolic and is material, embodied and historical. This article explores the ways water is "enrolled" to understand movements, to advance three arguments: first, these use familiar water morphologies to naturalise particular, located understandings of political change and social form; second, they imply normative claims and ideological affinities regarding political struggle; third, this has implications for our relationship to water, echoing the abstract and alienating "modern water" of capitalist world‐ecology. The article considers how critical water knowledges and subjectivities, often sustained by social movement spaces, indicate possibilities of a being‐otherwise with water and its meanings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the socio‐spatial practices of the United June Movement (UJM), a grassroots movement that drew inspiration from the neighbourhood forums of the Gezi Park protests. We argue that the counter‐sites of politicisation and symbolic places engraved on the social movements' memory formed the socio‐spatial base of solidarity networks and the long‐term political organising of UJM. Secondly, we suggest that in an authoritarian context, activist organisations nourishing from full‐scale protests such as UJM need to form, reshape, and sustain free spaces where they feel protected. For testing these arguments, we designed fieldwork around UJM with an ethnographic approach. We concluded that the desire for social change has the potential of generating alternative visions in a spatiotemporal context, but in the medium term, it can turn into a feeling of self‐enclosure or being besieged. Even so, such attempts leave a perpetual legacy, tagged to certain spaces and geographies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

All over the world, traditional models of art activism through dance involved performances that reached a limited audience, while the advent of networked digital spaces has vastly expanded the scope of art activism to a global level. Offering a qualitative netnographic exploration of how Bharatanatyam has been employed for such art activism in the digital space, this article examines the implications for this prominent traditional South Indian dance form in terms of stylistic changes as well as viewer reactions. Through content analysis of the viewer responses to ten popular renditions uploaded on YouTube over five years (2016–2020), we trace how the art form is evolving and how activist goals are reciprocated by the audience. Our findings confirm that Bharatanatyam has great potential to evolve by adapting novel social themes. However, while such contemporary renditions may elicit viewer responses that critically appraise specific social issues and pave the way for social change, the resulting innovations continue to co-exist with old conflicts and tensions about 'traditional' art and its uses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a theoretically informed case study of the George Floyd Uprising that emerged in May 2020. In addition to analyzing details of the uprising, it illustrates the ways in which particular uprisings can register at the level of the universal. I make this point through a critical engagement with theories of universality offered by Slavoj Žižek, Alain Badiou, and Todd McGowan, whose work helps us to theorize universality in its concrete and singular manifestation. Along the way, I show how adjacent work in the Black radical tradition, social movement studies, and the critical social sciences at large can also enter a constructive dialogue with these approaches to universality. Using theory and data, the case study illustrates how this insurgent act embodied the striving towards universal human dignity and liberation. It is long overdue for the humanistic social sciences to revisit and reengage the concept of universality. By doing so, we may generate better social theory, and better understand major movements for social change in the twenty-first century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Sociology, like most disciplines/institutions in racialized (and other oppressive) social systems, are steeped with policies and practices that are designed to maintain the status quo. Thus, they are partly responsible for the gatekeeping, careerism, racism, sexism, and other forms of discrimination that plague our scholarly communities. In this piece, an extension of my 2018 Presidential Address to the Association for Humanist Sociology, I challenge academics to push back and find better ways, through critical humanist sociology, to serve the public good. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article presents research designed to support teachers in the promotion of learning practical citizenship through the provision of appropriate guidelines and strategies. Practical citizenship refers to critical participation in democratic processes for social transformation. The authors recognise schools' transformative capacity, despite their hierarchical structure and the prevalence of individuality. They contend that the analysis of how people learn and exercise practical citizenship in diverse contexts generates useful knowledge to be applied in schools.They have analysed the experiences and discourses of the stakeholders involved in participatory movements and practices: those generally located in informal and open contexts. Their interpretation of the results has drawn practical guidelines for helping teachers to make school the most democratic environment possible. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the role of social media in the context of contemporary social movements. It highlights the impact of social media on these movements and the challenges they face in navigating the digital landscape. It also mentions the rise of far-right movements and their use of metapolitics in the realm of culture and ideas.

Social movement organisations and unions can be spaces of transformative learning in which organisers research, debate, create, and put into action frameworks for social change. In this article, I engage with themes from Aziz Choudry's writings to explore learning and knowledge-making within and through the United Caucuses of Rank-and-File Educators (UCORE) network. This network has brought together organisers from nearly thirty social justice caucuses from across the United States, fuelling the development of contemporary educator movements. Drawing on over five years of research as a movement ethnographer, I argue that informal and non-formal processes of learning and knowledge production drive the growth of the UCORE network and, with it, broader educator movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article "Gender Cartographies" analyzes the transformation of feminist theories in recent decades, highlighting the influence of women's movements on social and legal changes. It emphasizes the importance of considering the diversity and plurality of experiences in defining the concept of "woman" and the need to dismantle binary thinking as the matrix for understanding bodies. The text presents a book that consists of a series of interviews with prominent figures in feminism and queer theory, addressing topics such as cultural criticism, gender violence, and the design of domestic spaces from a feminist and queer perspective. The book seeks to map the main debates surrounding genders and their cultural inscription. [Extracted from the article]

The EndSARS protests that swept across Nigeria in [insert year] marked a pivotal moment in the nation's history, representing a collective outcry against systemic police brutality and an impassioned demand for justice and accountability. Rooted in the discontent with the Special Anti-Robbery Squad (SARS), the movement garnered unprecedented momentum, drawing diverse groups into a unified call for societal change. However, given the current Nigeria situation after the EndSARS protest, does it p and social media activisming impact on the sociopolitical landscape of Nigeria? It is in this regard, that this study adopts a comprehensive approach, combining qualitative and quantitative analyses to provide a nuanced understanding of the motivations behind the protests, the profile of the protesters, and the strategies employed to amplify their voices. Concerning this, ....... questionnaires were distributed among the respondents and the result obtained was analyzed using a descriptive and analytical method. The findings of the study unravel the intricacies of the EndSARS protests, shedding light on the diverse backgrounds of the participants and their shared grievances which is necessitated by bad governance. Furthermore, it assesses the immediate and long-term impacts of the protests on policy reforms, public perception, and the overall discourse surrounding governance and accountability in Nigeria. The study further conclude and recommend the need for a transformative potential of grassroots movements in challenging systemic issues. It emphasizes the need for sustained efforts to address the root causes of social discontent and advocates for continued civic engagement to ensure lasting change. It was further recommended that there is a need to include policy reforms, institutional changes, and ongoing dialogue between the government and civil society to build a more just and accountable society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SEMINAR IDEA Assign students or groups of students to each pick a case of an existing social movement, community organization, non-profit or advocacy group, state-sponsored institution, or some other collective effort (CE) to bring about transformative change. B Collins, Patricia Hill (1990/2000) Black Feminist Thought: Knowledge, Consciousness, and the Politics of Empowerment, Routledge, New York b . A highly comprehensive overview of feminist political theory, with sections outlining four distinct feminist strategies for transformative social change. [Extracted from the article]

Historically, social movements have designed and implemented various modalities for the transformation of the state. Some of these modalities have contributed to the various state transformation projects, while others have not. Overall, state transformation projects have had various outcomes, including success, failure and a mixture of successes and failures. Against this backdrop, this article examines the state transformation project that was undertaken by the Movement for Justice in Africa (moja0 in Liberia from 1973–1980. Specifically, the article interrogates the various modalities that moja designed and implemented in its quest to transform the Liberian society. In terms of a "balance sheet," some of the modalities, including the political conscientization campaign, the training of cadres, the assistance to labor movements, and coalition building with other progressive forces succeeded in promoting the state transformation project. On the other hand, however, moja did not succeed in transforming state structures, state policies, and power relations. Two major factors contributed to these challenges: 1) moja's left-wing populist ideology was an obstacle to the organization's diagnosis of the major causes of the multidimensional crises of underdevelopment that enveloped Liberia; and 2) moja prematurely embraced the Doe-led military regime that came to power after the April 12, 1980 coup, thereby jeopardizing the future of the organization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last decade, emerging digital technologies have created spaces for youth-led activism to flourish across the world. These spaces have facilitated civic engagement and bottom-up political participation from children and young people that are grounded in their specific interests and needs. Since the participatory practices granted by digital activism have been at the core of how younger generations are fighting for and advancing social change, it is essential for development education (DE) to explore the pedagogical possibilities of this particular type of participation. This article analyses youth-led mobilisations in Brazil connected to the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) and their corresponding social media activity as a way to explore digital activism experiences and practices. The mobilisation is the Brazilian school occupations under the hashtag #OccupaTudo and #EscolasEmLuta that address SDG 4 Quality Education. Through a digital ethnography that explores the social media discussions associated with this movement and what can be perceived as the lack of long term impact, the article demonstrates the relevance of political action as a pedagogy and a tool for teaching children and young people about their rights, how to uphold them and how to overcome existing barriers for their civic engagement and participation. Building upon Hannah Arendt's theory of action, the article proposes an approach to digital political action as pedagogy and not only as an expected outcome for development education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Cuadernos.info is the property of Pontificia Universidad Catolica de Chile, Facultad de Comunicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Current research article is devoted to the exploration of women’s rights protection movement in modern Armenian society. The exploration of the current situation of the women’s rights protection movement in modern Armenian society includes two components. Firstly, through an analysis of documents (the Soviet state’s first codes of different years), the study examines the evolution of the women's rights protection social movement from the Soviet Union. This investigation illustrates how the Soviet Union’s political system had formed and shaped the women’s movement, which also affected the further development of the movement in modern Armenian society. Secondly, this research paper is based on an analysis of 34 in-depth interviews performed in Yerevan city from 2020-2023, with informants engaged in different types of women’s rights protection activism during the last 20 years in Armenian society. Information gathered from interviews allowed us to split the history of the development of the movement into two time-lapses in modern Armenian society. Triangulation of qualitative document analysis and in-depth interviews, equally contributed to the understanding of the main features of the women’s rights protection social movement as a whole social phenomenon in Armenian modern society. One of the key findings of the research is that despite the existence of diverse groups of women’s rights protection activists and just individuals coping with social system gender inequalities, there is difficulties in establishing social movement in modern Armenian society. The most prevailing definitions of social movements assume non-institutionalized collective actions with a clear set of goals. Instead, what currently exists in modern Armenian society is a form of street activism organized by efforts of different institutionalized organizations, where people engage in sporadic protests to raise awareness about gender issues and gender inequality. The paper also sheds light on social obstacles that prevent the initiative from becoming an institutionalized social movement for women’s rights protection in Armenia. The main social-cultural obstacles can be seen as a combination of factors including the absence of a general feminist agenda, lack of structural strain pushing for mobilization and social conservatism, etc.

Consumer research has focused on the various resources and tactics that help movements achieve a range of institutional and marketplace changes. Yet, little attention has been paid to the persistence of movement solidarity, in particular its regeneration, despite a range of threats to it. Our research unpacks mechanisms that help consumer movement solidarity to overcome threats. Drawing on a 6-year ethnographic study of consumer movements in Exarcheia, a neighborhood in central Athens, Greece, we find that consumer movement solidarity persists despite a cataclysmic economic crisis that undermines their prevalent ideology and the emotional fatigue, that is, common in such movements. Three key mechanisms serve to overcome these threats: performative staging of collectivism, temporal tactics, and the emplacement of counter-sites. Overall, our study contributes to consumer research by illuminating how threats to solidarity are overcome by specific internal mechanisms that enable the regeneration of consumer movement solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the uptake of social justice and climate change as focal issues among the largest U.S. environmental nonprofits. We use 2016 Internal Revenue Service (IRS) filings to identify 5,413 large environmental nonprofits of which 8% attend to issues of climate and 10% to issues of social justice. Larger organizations are more likely to attend to issues of climate change and social justice, as are groups founded more recently. Latent Dirichlet allocation (LDA) topic modeling of organizational mission statements and descriptions of major activities is used to assign groups to six distinct issue categories. Results highlight the divide between wildlife groups that are decidedly unlikely to attend to issues of either climate or justice, and the rest of the national environmental movement. Energy and natural resource groups, while strongly vested in climate issues, rarely attend to social justice. These findings have clear implications for climate and justice advocates seeking change in the environmental advocacy sector. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper analyzes how (post)-migrant media outlets discussed the position of (post)-migrant people in France. (Post)-migrant media are periodicals, radio stations, and other forms of media produced by (post)-migrant actors and addressed to them. I argue that changes in the Global Cold War order, French national politics, and social changes in French (post)-migrant communities fostered a transition from anti-imperialist to multicultural understandings of migration in the examined media. The paper shows how these changes affected the experiences and identities of (post)-migrant people and adds a global history perspective to existing explanations about generational change and national political developments. It tracks how (post)-migrant media offered a space to negotiate the position in France against the backdrop of global developments such as the Cold War, decolonization, the disillusion with postcolonial governments, and the rising human rights movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

There is perhaps nothing more hopeful in the world than to attempt to develop a truly meaningful relationship with another human being. The formation of authentic relationships can be powerful for many reasons including contributing to the formation of collective movements and social change. But, what does an authentic relationship look like in an inherently time-limited community-engaged learning (CEL) experience? I utilize the case of a CEL class, rooted in some of the aims of the Jesuit Justice Circle (experience, understanding, imagination), which offers the opportunity for college students to enjoy early morning walks to school with youth.2 I analyze student data from their relationship development journals and semester-long writing assignments to describe patterns in their development of relationships with fellow classmates and community members. In so doing, I offer an initial descriptive account of what the critical CEL aspirational concept of authentic relationships looks like "on the ground.". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do women who have faced housing instability interpret and set up strategies to access housing? This article reflects on biographical narrative interviews conducted with women who have experienced compulsory housing removal and with women who were living in squats organized by social movements in the city of Porto Alegre, Southern Brazil. These interviews were further analysed through the use of the biographical case reconstruction method. This method aims to comprehend the interviewees' past and present perspectives on experiences of struggle related to housing, and its connection to individual and family stories and broader socio-historical processes. The two cases discussed in this article show that to access formal housing through social policy, not rarely women confront socially and politically legitimate discourses and practices by adopting strategies beyond legal or formal means. The selected cases have demonstrated distinct perspectives on similar conditions, revealing that women who have faced housing instability can interpret and experience the consequent processes of temporariness and of changing geographical and social ties in different ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Sociology: Bulletin of the Yerevan State University / Banber Erevani Hamalsarani. Sots'iologia is the property of Publishing House of Yerevan State University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social movements use a variety of methods to drive social change, including the use of events. Events can be used to drive social change because they provide a space for like-minded individuals to gather and mobilise networks and resources, growing the social movement community's self-efficacy. These three aspects of the social movement framework were applied to event experience in light of event cancellation, in the context of Pink Dot Singapore, a social movement for LGBTQ equality. Through interviews with attendees of the event in its physical and virtual formats, this study found that the cancellation of a physical event inspired appreciation of its consciousness-raising potential. It also spurred attendees to develop self-efficacy. The event's virtual iteration also benefited from the resource mobilisation that had developed from its physical iteration. Recommendations are made in relation to risk management and scenario planning to provide policy guidelines that will enable responses to disruptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What characterizes the administrators (or admins) of social media groups dedicated to social change and protest against institutional injustices? The article analyses the characteristics of such admins using the activism for justice for Roman Zadorov in Israel as a case study. The findings demonstrate a phenomenon of 'ad-hoc activism': The background of the admins is heterogeneous, with most having no history of activism before their involvement in the activism for justice for Zadorov. In addition, these admins have negligible involvement other activism causes – they gather 'ad hoc' only through justice for Zadorov activism. The socio-demographic and other characteristics of the admins are discussed. Implications regarding the character of contemporary online activism and of the people leading it are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Literary responses to Mexico’s 1968 sociopolitical movements tend to focus on male perspectives, resulting in a largely masculine version of the events. This study expands on this rather homogeneous response by focusing on two plays by women: Sócrates y los gatos by Elena Garro and Octubre terminó hace mucho tiempo by Pilar Campesino. Both works problematize the male-centered sociopolitical movement that advocated equity and inclusiveness while marginalizing women’s contributions to social activism. By focusing on personal relationships in parallel to political discourse, the two pieces underscore the political as explicitly intrinsic to gendered concepts and structures. Through their critique of Mexico’s political ideology, Garro and Campesino accentuate a male-centered social stratification that severely discounts women’s contributions to social change. Their plays propose an understanding of gender inequality as an encounter between a paternalistic nation-state, a tradition of masculine ideology as the center of Mexican thought and social movement, and a patriarchy embedded in identity formation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The social structure of an animal population can often influence movement and inform researchers on a species' behavioral tendencies. Animal social networks can be studied through movement data; however, modern sources of data can have identification issues that result in multiply-labeled individuals. Since all available social movement models rely on unique labels, we extend an existing Bayesian hierarchical movement model in a way that makes use of a latent social network and accommodates multiply-labeled movement data (MLMD). We apply our model to drone-measured movement data from Risso's dolphins (Grampus griseus) and estimate the effects of sonar exposure on the dolphins' social structure. Our proposed framework can be applied to MLMD for various social movement applications. Supplementary materials accompanying this paper appear online. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Community-based participatory research (CBPR) is increasingly being used by academics to address urban health and inequity. While its foundational literature emphasizes CBPR's role in eschewing the traditional balance of power between communities and institutions, some scholars and grassroots activists note that it has not consistently delivered community-led, action-oriented strategies. Here we examine gaps between theory and current practice of CBPR. First, we assess its fundamental practices through social movement theory. Second, we examine narratives from grassroots leaders who have utilized CBPR in their environmental justice efforts. Three key facilitating factors are often cited for authentic applications of CBPR: (1) grounding research within community-specific opportunities for change, (2) collaborating with a strong community partner, and (3) facilitating flexibility in research processes. Building on previous scholarship, we investigate the complexity of CBPR implementation that may dampen its potency as a social change strategy and highlight the need for nuanced and critical application of best practices to suit local contexts. This is accomplished by pairing the theoretical framework with the experiences of four community leaders who are members of the Moving Forward Network (MFN). Narratives from their experiences with partnering with academic institutions speak to how theoretical complexities with CBPR occur in practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It remains to be seen whether the American Psychological Association's new apology and resolutions on racism will help redress longstanding inequities in the field. To be sure, critiques of psychological science vis-à-vis racism have been around for decades, despite being ignored by psychological science, even when spoken by Dr. King—in his profound meditation on science, psychology, and racism in a speech delivered to the APA—or by psychiatrist Frantz Fanon—who has had a foundational influence on the broader history of anti-racism scholarship but remains relatively disregarded in his own psy-fields. This article addresses the viewpoints of these and other people of color on psychological science, which have yet to be adequately incorporated into the perspectives of psychological science. We also address traditions of communities of color that have become absorbed or consumed by psychological science but often after their cultural and historical origins are erased, like Buddhism. We locate these racial and scientific dynamics, and associated patterns of neglect and erasure, within a longstanding aversion in and by psychological science—here understood as a collective actor unto itself—to perspectives of people of color. Consequently, the promise not only of diversity, but of desegregation, has yet to be fulfilled within psychology. We conclude by discussing the psychosocial power of social movements—including South Africa's apartheid-related Truth and Reconciliation process as personally experienced by our second author—to suggest elements of pathways forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyses learning related to experiencing violence in social actions and social movements. Activists may experience physical abuse from individuals and from organised entities such as the police, both accidentally and as a form of intentional repression. Applying the social movement learning approach to the analysis of individual experience, collective responses to violence, and preparations for the eventuality of its occurrence allowed us to identify the functionalities of protest culture towards de-escalation of violence. The article offers a review of literature as well as an analysis of empirical data from our previous research projects. The result of the analysis is a model of social movements learning about violence, linking individual suffering with the potential of social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two research streams examine how social movements operate both "in and around" organizations. We probe the empirical spaces between these streams, asking how activism situated in multi-organizational contexts contributes to transformative social change. By exploring activities in the mid-1990s related to advocacy for domestic partner benefits at 24 organizations in Minneapolis–St. Paul, Minnesota, we develop the concept of inhabited ecosystems to explore the relational processes by which employee activists advance change. These activists faced a variety of structural opportunities and restraints, and we identify five mechanisms that sustained their efforts during protracted contestation: learning even from thwarted activism, borrowing from one another's more or less radical approaches, helping one another avoid the traps of stagnation, fostering solidarity and ecosystem capabilities, and collaboratively expanding the social movement domain. We thus reveal how activism situated in multi-organizational contexts animates an inhabited ecosystem of challengers that propels change efforts "between and through" organizations. These efforts, even when exploratory or incomplete, generate an ecosystem's capacity to sustain, resource, and even reshape the larger transformative social change effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a consideration of physical activity within the contexts of social movement philosophies, decision making, strategies, and tactics through an examination of the 1986 Great Peace March for Global Nuclear Disarmament. Drawing from interviews with twenty activists on the Great Peace March, the author argues that physicality and endurance actions—literally, but also symbolically—signify particular meanings of movement for social movements, such as persistence, focus, and determination, to stretch sociopolitical limits and boundaries. Participants endeavor to accomplish difficult physical challenges and maintain the solidarity of their communities to analogize the coming into existence of equally extraordinary visions of social or political transformation. Physical and symbolic expressions of what the author terms "endurance activism" sustained the marchers' vision of community and the survival of their organization. The article encourages sport historians to use a wider framework to interpret the links between physical activity, social activism, and oppositional movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the importance of inquiry in civic education, highlighting its role in shaping democratic futures and empowering students to engage critically with societal issues. Topics include the transformative potential of asking radical questions, the need for a culture of civic inquiry in classrooms, and the significance of fostering students' emotional awareness as a foundation for meaningful civic engagement.

What do those seeking social change stand to gain or lose when they turn to litigation? Scholars of legal mobilization have addressed how litigation can shape social movements through its indirect effects, as going to court can unite, mobilize, or legitimize activists and their opponents. But these previous studies tend to disregard the nuts and bolts of litigation, instead focusing on judicial decisions or treating lawsuits as monolithic events. In contrast, this Note attends to the process of litigation in all its complexity, arguing that particular elements of litigation— namely claiming, discovery, and record building—are critical sources of indirect effects. This Note further argues that while such elements offer activists distinctive opportunities to draw extralegal benefits from legal action, these benefits are enabled and constrained by the procedural rules and norms that structure litigation. By constructing a new approach to legal mobilization that highlights the centrality of procedure, this Note challenges the terms of the debate over the utility of courts to social movemen [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Following the landmark Urgenda case, European social movements and legal networks have increasingly turned to courts to compel governments to more ambitious mitigation policies. The rapid proliferation of Urgenda‐like cases in the most diverse European jurisdictions, makes a compelling case to investigate the motivations and goals animating European climate litigators, especially when facing high legal barriers. While timely legal analyses of high‐profile climate litigation abound in the literature, an emerging body of research has focused on the genesis of climate cases , their strategies, and societal impacts. To contribute to this latter thread, the article investigates how legal barriers and considerations, and social movements' motivations and goals,have shaped a diverse range of legal strategies in high‐profile climate lawsuits inspired by Urgenda in Europe. The article shows that courts might turn into very different arenas to pursue social change, in which actors elect cautious or daring strategies, depending on the legal system and tradition they refer to, but also their vision and objectives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objectives of this article are: first, to review the quantitative indicators used in the literature to measure bonding, bridging and linking types of social capital; and, second, to review its operationalization process. It takes into consideration the methodological ambiguity with which these concepts are treated. It is argued that there is a good number of indicators that do not represent the theoretical concepts, based on: (i) the overlapping of chosen indicators between the dimensions of the concept; (ii) the theoretical ambiguity of social capital in its definition (especially from the communitarian approach); (iii) the empirical ambiguity in the choice of indicators; (iv) the lack of an ad hoc design to measure social capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The opposition driven by social movements rooted in native or peasant communities against mining projects, such as the Conga's ones (Peru), shows a special difficulty for the analysis due to the importance of ceremonies in which entheogens are used to contact with spirits and to enable the production of information, diagnoses and plans. This kind of social movements require a cultural analysis that underlines the cultural gaps between the collective actors that also affects the ideological frameworks and the theoretical models that are used by the activists and the researchers. At the end, the article concludes that the four-ontology map proposed by Descola, which establishes four relationships between the human and the non-human, is very useful in order to analyze conflicts in terms of ontological gaps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Humanity & Society is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses some elements proposed in the book "The Great Transformation of Sociology" (Torres, 2021), focusing on the link between social sciences and social change. For that purpose, I return to the concept of mediations elaborated by Marcuse (1993), as a key to thinking about connections between social sciences, subjects and socio political processes. I go deeper into this discussion by analyzing some features of feminist social sciences, particularly the way they relate to feminist social movements and the way they articulate theoretical development and the will of changing patriarchal relationships. As a corollary, I reflect on the possibilities of recovering some learnings from the feminist thinking in order to revitalize critical social sciences, pointing out the connection between academic development and political commitment as a prominent feature, based on the strong bonds it has with such an expanding social movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Polis (07176554) is the property of Polis - Revista Academica Universidad Bolivariana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Purpose: This research explores how protest events can change and develop over time, through an analysis of stakeholder perceptions of the EXIT festival in Serbia. In doing this, it builds on previous research into protest events from a critical events studies perspective and has implications for the management and understanding of events linked to social movements. Design/methodology/approach: This research took a neo-institutionalist perspective and is based on 18 stakeholder interviews, which were analysed using reflexive thematic analysis. Purposive sampling in the highly-networked city of Novi Sad, Serbia, allowed for the inclusion of diverse participants from politics, NGOs, media and the festival itself. Findings: The findings reveal that the EXIT festival has departed significantly from its original protest roots. Although it is now perceived as part of the dominant political culture in Serbia, it still has the potential to campaign on issues of relevance to the region, which is unrealised. This research demonstrates that the neo-institutionalist perspective can offer fresh insights for research into protest events. Taking this perspective suggests practical implications for the managers of events with protest roots and for social movements seeking to use protestival-style methods to achieve social change. Originality/value: This paper provides a new theoretical perspective on protest events and proposes a new model that can be used in future research into protest events that persist over time. It also suggests implications for the management and development of protest events within social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the linguistic innovation and phrase overtourism was used in an online news report to describe excessive tourism in Iceland in 2016, legacy and social media soon following with in-depth articles and visual representations of perceived excessive tourism in other locations around the world. Given the growing calls for action on overtourism, this study takes a social network analysis (SNA) approach, using a network analysis and visualization software package called NodeXL Pro, to better understand the 10,325 tweets which used the hashtag 'overtourism' between July 2013 and September 2020. By exploring central users, conversation starters, gatekeepers and influencers, the analysis indicates that an ad hoc network was built around #overtourism on twitter. The analysis indicates that this network is held together by a small number of experts, who play a key role in presenting, distributing and circulating information about this controversial topic. While the studies practical contribution is the use of NodeXL Pro for advanced social media network analysis, the findings also indicate that the ability of these experts to influence perceptions of overtourism inside and outside twitter will depend on whether it can engage broader publics as the tourism sector recovers from a global pandemic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of REICE. Ibero-American Journal on Quality, Effectiveness & Change in Education / REICE. Revista Iberoamericana Sobre Calidad, Eficacia y Cambio en Educación is the property of Red Iberoamericana de Investigacion sobre Cambio y Eficacia en Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of REICE. Ibero-American Journal on Quality, Effectiveness & Change in Education / REICE. Revista Iberoamericana Sobre Calidad, Eficacia y Cambio en Educación is the property of Red Iberoamericana de Investigacion sobre Cambio y Eficacia en Educacion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Actas de Diseño is the property of Facultad de Diseno y Comunicacion, Fundacion Universidad de Palermo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Local food movements rely on engaged farmers, gardeners, and shoppers to challenge the conventional food system through consumer-based tactics by advocating food systems change to reduce social injustice and environmental harm. While much literature engages in debate over the efficacy of such "lifestyle movements" to effect change, little analysis to date considers the rationale for and contexts in which lifestyle politics are used as an approach to address the socio-ecological impacts of conventional food production and consumption. Using interview data and participant observation collected from 57 leaders in eat-local initiatives in three Canadian cities, we analyze why leaders in the movement rely on consumer-based strategies to both initiate and sustain engagement from actors that might not otherwise engage in social movement mobilizations for food system change. We found that many "eat-local" leaders are aware of the political limitations of shopping for change tactics, but withhold explicit critiques of power in the food system from public debate. They do so in order to maintain a perception of optimism that they perceive as central to maintaining and increasing engagement of consumer actors in eat-local initiatives. This study advances research on informal participation in food movements by demonstrating how convivial engagement at the everyday level can sustain political participation and simultaneously obscure critical political talk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social trust has been compromised locally, nationally, and globally, and very recently more and more social scientists, ethicists, theologians, and civic leaders have highlighted its necessity for the function of social life. This article reviews the ways that social trust has been jeopardized and engages indicators that attempt to find where the trust is most at risk and what the better responses to it might be. It then turns to two collective gatherings, populism and synodality, to consider how we might better respond to these different forms of collective movements or gatherings so as to further the restoration of social trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conceptual framing of artist activists as arts entrepreneurs is pivotal to this study's analysis of artists' political organizing during the overlapping moments of the Covid-19 pandemic and the Trump presidential era. However, artist activism as a form of arts entrepreneurship is underexplored in the arts entrepreneurship literature. To address this gap, I conduct a side-by-side comparison of key principles in the arts entrepreneurship and social movement literatures to establish a transdisciplinary theoretical baseline that supports my argument that artist activism is a vital form of arts entrepreneurship. I then analyze interviews with twenty-seven artist activists who cultivated and exercised actions for "changing the future" (Koppl & Minniti, 2008a, 17) during this period and apply my findings to further expand the taxonomy of arts entrepreneurship first developed by Chang and Wyszomirski (2015) beyond management process to vehicle for institutional change. In addition to connecting arts entrepreneurship to the social movement literature and conceptualizing artist activism as a form of arts entrepreneurship, I identify strategies and tactics employed by US artist activists in their creation of both economic and social value in the 2020-2022 period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]