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Game design in systematically excluded communities offers a powerful framework for empowering communities. These findings are based upon The Resisters--an alternate reality game built with young people about social movement history in Providence, RI-- and Vukuzenzele--a collaboration between an interactive media firm and an informal settlement non-governmental organization (NGO) in Cape Town, South Africa. In this article, I assert the value of game development as a process, the importance of considering collaborations with stakeholders, and the challenges and possibilities of intentional game design. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Our research into meanings attributed by parents to children's participation in street protests reveal various reasons why children are deliberately taken to protests, even the children who can barely speak. We also looked at parental educational efforts related to the participation in the protests, as described by the parents themselves. The interviews were inspired by the phenomenographic approach. The analysis resulted in a conceptual graph of themes and logical bridges between them. Participation in protests becomes a form of citizenship education, which supplements Diane Rodgers' concept of 'participation by default.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Across the globe, movements are confronting states and elites, challenging inequalities and mobilising for greater justice, a stronger voice, and progressive policy changes. In this article, I bridge the divide between Social Policy and the interdisciplinary field of Social Movement Studies. I examine how and why social movements, as actors in policy fields and social movement theories, matter for social policy. I argue that research on social movements as actors and engagement with social movement theories can open new horizons in Social Policy research by advancing our understanding of the politics of policy from a global perspective and strengthening our analytical and explanatory frameworks of agency, ideas, and power in the study of continuity and change of policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth organizing can generate tangible improvements in community conditions and institutions while simultaneously promoting positive development among participants and contributing to broader movements for social change. Yet, organizing initiatives must navigate an array of challenges as they seek to continuously engage new leaders to build on the accomplishments of their predecessors who are aging out of youth organizing. This study examines the leadership development ecosystem enabling an exemplary youth organizing initiative to persist, expand, and enhance its impact over 15 years. Analyses of interviews with 19 adolescent and young adult participants reveal that engagement often begins before high school and continues long afterward, with more established older leaders playing a variety of roles to engage younger participants and support their development as leaders. Findings suggest practical strategies that can enhance the sustainability of these initiatives, which are key to the development and exercise of youth power for social justice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Autonomy has been a term often used in agrarian studies to express the ability of individuals or collective subjects to escape the rule of capital or the control of the state. Academic interventions on autonomy in different fields and disciplines discuss how global capitalism operates and what kind of subjects, spaces, and practices can resist it and build alternatives to it. However, a closer look at the literature reveals contending notions of autonomy. This special issue therefore aims to stimulate theoretical debates on autonomy. This introduction provides an overview of the general problematic and major theoretical debates around which the discussion on autonomy has been taking place. This problematic is not specific to rural social subjects but involves the discussion within the Left about the need and possibility for radical social change. This article explores how ideas about autonomy are used by radical agrarian movements and critical agrarian studies scholars. It also presents the key issues covered by and the arguments of the different contributors to this special issue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can litigation contribute to the liberation of oppressed individuals and their communities? Or is litigation antithetical to social movements seeking liberation? Social movement scholars have raised important critiques of litigation's efficacy a tool for social change, questioning litigation's ability to deliver significant social reform and condemning the compromising effects that litigation may have social movements. According to these critics, litigation is incapable of dismantling deep-seated social injustices and may deradicalize and professionalize social movements in ways that undermine their ultimate vision of just world. Drawing upon an in-depth case study, this Article is the first to explore these critiques in the context of the animal liberation movement, to which scholars of law and social change have paid little attention. The case study centers on an extensive litigation campaign to liberate animals from the Cricket Hollow Zoo, unaccredited Iowa zoo, which confined hundreds of animals in inhumane and filthy conditions. This campaign offers important lessons for understanding the relationship between litigation and social movements generally and for understanding the role of litigation in the furtherance of animal liberation more specifically. Although litigation alone cannot fully realize social movements' goals, critics have undervalued litigation's capacity to materially benefit exploited populations. The Cricket Hollow Zoo campaign demonstrates how litigation can have important benefits for movements and the communities they serve, both juridically (through court orders that change material conditions for exploited individuals) and extra-juridically (through public outreach that facilitates broader changes in social norms). I use the litigation campaign against the Cricket Hollow Zoo to explore questions about litigation and social movements, extending the existing literature to the underexplored context of animal protection and drawing lessons that can inform other social movements' uses of litigation towards liberatory ends. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements outcomes has been analysed by different perspectives. Only recently social movements studies start to focus on the unanticipated consequences of social movements strategies and collective action. Talking about unanticipated consequences of social movements meets the need of deeper understanding social, political and cultural change and poses some important questions for social movements research. The article aims to outline some of these questions, also stressing on the reasons why social movements scholars paid little attention to the study of unanticipated consequences of social movements in the past; it also aims at proposing a new classification starting from the Weber's social action ideal type, with particular attention to the Merton's and Boudon's works. Finally, some methodological considerations will be made in order to better understand empirical issues around the topic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This chapter explores the language of anti-violence activists, university coordinators, and due-process activists concerned with Title IX and campus sexual violence. Using an analysis of 32 in-depth interviews with anti-violence activists, due-process activists, and campus Title IX coordinators, the authors identify key themes in Title IX discourse, including ideas about cultural change and safety. In some instances, activists and coordinators discussed the need for cultural change, though often without agreeing on which campus cultures must be confronted. The authors also found the influence of the dominant discourse of the victims’ rights movement in interview subjects’ emphasis on safety and paternalism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario Turismo y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Externado de Colombia, Facultad de Empresas Turísticas y Hoteleras and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Social innovation (SI) continues to raise interest among scholars and policymakers, as a potential panacea for social disenfranchisement and civic dysfunction. What is troubling is diverse perspectives of SI abound, creating inconsistencies in methodological approaches which confound theory development. This paper clarifies that discussion by considering the locus of initiation and locus of benefit as informing characteristics that differentiate grounded social innovation from other types of well-recognized socially beneficent endeavors. The notion of 'from community e for community' is presented to aid understanding of the unique nature of authentically grounded social innovation. This paper is significant as it presents a practical approach to help researchers and practitioners consider where opportunities for targeted policy support, institutional involvement, and agency action can aid community development and wellbeing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Global Struggles and Social Change: From Prehistory to World Revolution in the Twenty-First Century" by Christopher Chase-Dunn and Paul Almeida explores the impact of social movements and collective action on social change throughout history. The authors analyze the connection between local, national, and transnational social movements and demonstrate the positive relationship between these phenomena. They also discuss the future of the global left and the role of social movements in addressing the global climate crisis. The book emphasizes the potential for intersectional alliances and the need for both horizontal inclusiveness and vertical organization within the global left. [Extracted from the article]

The use of digital platforms in social movements has given the Internet a central role in analyzing activism over the last decade. However, social networks' potential for social change has to be analyzed critically and take complex economic and political contexts where actors remain unequally powerful into consideration. Through a combined methodology, this article explores the tensions of free culture communities in Spain when using proprietary digital platforms. These communities include 1651 platforms, of which 1162 are proprietary, and 489 are free. They describe a complex ecology in which they use proprietary platforms or free alternatives depending on their ultimate goals. The logic of technological corporations is notably imposed when communities aim to communicate with outsiders as commercial social networks attract a significantly greater number of users. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on journalists' professional behaviors during the 2013 Gezi Protests in Turkey, this article offers a theoretical framework for understanding the transformation of inertia into contentious action. Accordingly, the emotion of shame triggers contention when it is experienced with a contingent event that generates hope for change. In Turkey, journalists working in the mainstream media extensively practiced self-censorship before the 2013 Gezi Protests and felt ashamed of themselves. This feeling became a trigger for joining public protests, resigning and/or producing non-compliant news stories when Gezi offered them an opportunity for social change. This argument builds on the sociology of emotions and events, and is inductively derived from 20 in-depth interviews conducted with journalists. The article presents the social context in which shame arises and the place of this emotion in generating contention. Through this research, the Gezi Protests assert their continuing relevance for understanding the relationship between repression and contention, especially in countries hit by the current wave of authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Max-Planck-Institut für Gesellschaftsforschung Discussion Papers is the property of Max Planck Institute for the Study of Societies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the literature concerning Marx's Capital II, the question of its systematic connection with Capital I has received limited attention. The present paper is an attempt to fill this gap. Tracing the widening contradictions between capital as it manifests itself in circulation and capital in production, as well as between the total social capital and individual capital, contradictions that transpire as the investigation of the process of production of capital unfolds throughout Capital I, the paper shows that their solution depends on research proceeding forwards from production to the realm of circulation. This already provides a subjective justification for the transition between Capital I and II, but it does not yet grasp the actual necessity that capital itself follows as the actual subject of the movement of our present process of metabolism as human beings. The paper then goes beyond that subjective point of view to show why and how capital necessarily prompts itself forward from the realm of production into the cycle which constitutes the circulation of capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay is in conversation with Brian Martin, who wrote a response to an article I published about the importance of riots in movement uprisings. Martin questions some of my findings, reintroduces Gene Sharp's theories of strategic nonviolence, and raises some further topics for consideration. I approach this as an opportunity to advance the discussion around strategic nonviolence and unarmed violence. Riots are significant moments of resistance, and our stories and strategy of struggle should reflect that reality. In both the title of his article and his conclusion, Martin asks--skeptically, I believe--if rioting can be the basis of movement strategy. In reply, I propose that our strategy must aspire to be riotous. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Benjamin Case (2021) argues that the framework of strategic nonviolence is limited by its assumption that violent protest necessarily demobilises movements, and that rioting can be empowering for participants. However, Case's statistical analysis of US riots and peaceful demonstrations may not be a comparison of rioting and nonviolent action because it is questionable whether, in the US, peaceful demonstrations should be classified as methods of nonviolent action. Rioting can be empowering, but there is also considerable evidence that participation in nonviolent action can be empowering. Much research remains to be done to determine whether rioting can be a leading or major part of strategic action for social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intermediary spaces between health social movements and biomedicine have proliferated since the 1970s and have typically been analyzed through the lenses of co‐optation or hybridization. In this article, we present data from two separate empirical projects (teaching and learning the pelvic exam in medical schools and feminist anti‐violence counseling programs) in order to theorize what we call "counter‐clinical spaces." Counter‐clinical spaces are medicalized sites of knowledge production and practice that are produced through social movements' contestations with biomedicine. Other examples include sexual assault nurse examiner programs, LGBT health centers, and sexual health clinics. Counter‐clinical spaces are "counter" and "clinical" in several ways. First, these spaces are distinctly clinical in that they intervene in the health of the body. Second, these spaces are counter‐clinical in that they are organized in critique of dominant medical practices. Crucially, counter‐clinical spaces engage the clinical encounter as a site of transformation: social movement actors target clinicians' deployment of medical power, especially in their interactions with marginalized persons. We thus attend to the scale upon which social movements make a change in and against medicine, and we highlight how social movement logics can and do change practices even when they are unable to shift structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In response to the underrepresentation of Black people in the travel sphere, Black travelers have created their presence in the market – authentically representing and providing opportunities for Black travelers. This group of Black travelers has taken on the collective name of the Black Travel Movement (BTM). Informed by social movement and critical race theory, nine interviews were conducted to better understand what influences BTM leaders in their quest for social change. Three emergent themes resulted: Catalysts Lead to Self-Efficacy, Awareness Leads to Consciousness Raising, and Community Activation Leads to Resource Mobilization. As evident from our interviews with BTM leaders, discrimination, bias, racism, and inequities are ubiquitous and continue to create inhospitable and toxic touristic experiences and landscapes for Black and people of color. However, results reveal a cyclical model that highlights hope through activism and community mobilization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the motivations of young Ukrainian immigrants to support the Euromaidan from abroad. Existing research has documented social movements within their national boundaries and the participation of young people in them. However, it has rarely examined the expansion of social movements beyond their national boundaries and the engagement of young immigrants in such movements. Drawing on a larger qualitative study, this article presents the findings about what motivated 24 young Ukrainian immigrants residing in the USA to support the Euromaidan movement of 2013–2014 and compares their motivations to those of the protestors in Ukraine. We argue that motivations of young Ukrainian immigrants to support the Euromaidan from abroad manifest themselves in symbolic or psychological causes. Our findings demonstrate that the individual motivations were driven by an ideological commitment to systemic change in Ukraine, manifested through young Ukrainian immigrants' (1) desire to end injustice, (2) solidarity with fellow Ukrainians, (3) moral obligation to raise awareness among the US public, and, most prominently, (4) sense of agency to contribute to the long-awaited change in the homeland. Our findings also show that overall, the motivations of young Ukrainian immigrants to join the movement aligned with those of the protestors in Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The digital revolution has drastically transformed the conventional system of political representation, participation and communication, bringing accordingly many cultural changes in the public sphere where collective action is built and new identity aspects are constructed. This article attempts to make sense of the February 20th movement youth activists' actions, understand their dynamics, analyse their mobilisation process, examine their paradoxes and highlight their promises from a social and political outlook. Youth activists in this movement used the internet as a tool to strategise, organise and mobilise supporters across the country to take the streets to demand for the democratisation of political institutions, lifting the veil on the dysfunctional and seriously out of touch political parties, more freedom of expression, more limits on the royal power and an end to corruption, nepotism and favouritism. To address this concern, a quantitative opinion survey was addressed to 100 activists in the February 20th movement in 2011 in three major cities in Morocco: Rabat, Casablanca and Meknes. The results obtained were significant with regard to gender participation in the movement, level of education, political affiliation and the use and manipulation of the Internet for political activism. Similarly, the manuscript shows that activists in the February 20th Movement have managed to transform the Moroccan society and changed the meaning of political participation and social debate in Morocco, altering, thus, Morocco's protest culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Protests can play a crucial role in contributing to social change. In many countries that have transitioned from authoritarian to more democratic forms of governance, protests have demanded accountability for human rights crimes. This article focuses on Indonesia's longest-running human rights protest, Kamisan. This protest is contrasted with one of the most recognisable human rights protests internationally – the Mothers of the Plaza de Mayo in Argentina – on which Kamisan was based. The article asks why these similar protest movements have had vastly different impacts – whereas the protest of the Mothers has generated human rights reform, this remains elusive in Indonesia. The article uses an interdisciplinary approach, drawing on theories of human rights change and social movements, and combines this with a focus on the specific historical, social and political contexts in which both protests have developed. Drawing on the Argentinean experience, the article argues that human rights protests are influenced by possibilities for activism in repressive regimes, the nature of democratic transition and political culture. These factors illustrate that ultimately the success of human rights protest is contingent on the balance of social and political forces in a given context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intermediary spaces between health social movements and biomedicine have proliferated since the 1970s and have typically been analyzed through the lenses of co‐optation or hybridization. In this article, we present data from two separate empirical projects (teaching and learning the pelvic exam in medical schools and feminist anti‐violence counseling programs) in order to theorize what we call "counter‐clinical spaces." Counter‐clinical spaces are medicalized sites of knowledge production and practice that are produced through social movements' contestations with biomedicine. Other examples include sexual assault nurse examiner programs, LGBT health centers, and sexual health clinics. Counter‐clinical spaces are "counter" and "clinical" in several ways. First, these spaces are distinctly clinical in that they intervene in the health of the body. Second, these spaces are counter‐clinical in that they are organized in critique of dominant medical practices. Crucially, counter‐clinical spaces engage the clinical encounter as a site of transformation: social movement actors target clinicians' deployment of medical power, especially in their interactions with marginalized persons. We thus attend to the scale upon which social movements make a change in and against medicine, and we highlight how social movement logics can and do change practices even when they are unable to shift structures. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addressing the debate regarding the impact of the Great Recession on changing union strategies in post-socialist Europe, our analysis shows that in Croatia and Serbia the crisis, while depressing strike numbers, was nevertheless met with substantial union resistance. Developing a paired comparison and relying on protest event data for the period 2000–2017, we argue that the differences among the two countries' respective varieties of capitalism drive divergent union strategies described as social movement unionism. In Serbia, the role of unions in protests articulating workers' demands remained more central and unions were overall more present in the protest arena, while in Croatia, unions have exhibited stronger propensity to forge alliances and adopt innovative policy strategies. While taking on board scholarship that portrays social movement unionism as signalling union weakness, we argue that strategies which increase union mobilization capacity may also be understood as increasing union resilience in changing social circumstances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Most research portrays the gun violence prevention (GVP) movement as predominantly white, dominated by national Washington DC-based policy organizations and recently by white middle-class women seeking stronger gun regulations, overlooking organizing by people in racially oppressed communities. In contrast, we extend the multi-institutional politics approach to social movements to understand how interlocking political, institutional, and cultural systems of domination shape GVP efforts across communities. We develop the concept multisystem logic to analyze the public communications of 10 GVP groups in Connecticut from 2013 to 2018. We identify an intervention logic seeking to interrupt or prevent community gun violence and a gun reform logic promoting change in laws and policies. For gun scholars, our approach makes clear that the GVP movement is not solely focused on policy change but on social change more broadly. We suggest the applicability of our model to a range of social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent work on social movement fields has expanded our view of the dynamics of social movements; it should also expand our thinking about social movement success. Such a broader view reveals a paradox: social movements often snatch defeat from the jaws of victory by narrowly targeting authorities with their actions instead of targeting the broader social movement field. Negative impacts from the wider social movement field can then reverse or overshadow initial victories. We distinguish between a social movement's victory over the immediate target, and more lasting success that arises from shifting alignments in the broader social movement field. To test the predictive value of the distinction, we compare two very similar student-led social movements, both of which targeted university policies regarding sensitivity to race issues and changes in university personnel. One built a broad coalition of support that extended across its social movement field and was thereby able to institute durable change. The other did not, and despite its clear initial success, this protest movement produced consequences mainly adverse to its preferred outcomes. We demonstrate how pervasive this paradox is with examples from other U.S. protest outcomes and studies of revolutions. The paradox is resolved by focusing on changes in the entire social movement field. We thus argue that achieving, and understanding, lasting social movement success requires attention to the entire social movement field. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

LIBERATING LEARNING: EDUCATIONAL CHANGE AS SOCIAL MOVEMENT: By Santiago Rincón Gallardo Co-recipient of the 2021 O. L. Davis, Jr. AATC Outstanding Book in Education Award* In Liberating Learning: Educational Change as Social Movement, Santiago Rincón Gallardo (2019) offers a highly complex, conceptually steep alternative vision of education's purpose. As Rincón Gallardo makes explicit, Liberating Learning: Educational Change as Social Movement is concerned with three "complementary ideas" (p. 2): 1. [Extracted from the article]

This article aims to analyze, from a comparative perspective, the processes of collective resistance against test-based accountability policies in education in three countries: Chile, Spain, and Mexico. The study follows the comparative method to identify the convergences and divergences between the Alto al SIMCE movement in Chile, the teacher protest movement in Mexico, and the Green Tides movement in Spain. The results indicate that the adoption processes and the specific forms of test-based accountability policies can influence, condition, and constrain social movements' protests and the possibilities for social change, underlining the interdependent relationship between action and social structure, which is key to explaining social a protest's success or failure. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements and academic research debate about how to address climate change. One such debate asks whether climate change should be addressed by new policies and technological innovation within the existing economic system or if it requires a more fundamental change to the system. How much do mainstream climate change protestors support a radical shift away from capitalism to address climate change? Using original survey data collected during major U.S. climate change movement events, I examine the individual-level predictors of protestors' support for a radical shift away from capitalism and the demographics of mainstream climate change protestors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A retrospective analysis is made of the armed rebellion that took place in Ivory Coast between 2002 and 2011 as one of the most important insurrectionary social movements of West Africa in the first decade of the 21st century. It is assumed that French neocolonialism influenced this social movement through co-option to strengthen its regional influence, which was threatened by the actions of the current government in Ivory Coast. From an analytic-synthetic perspective supported on critical points that stand out for the discussion, it is concluded that despite anchoring its claim in the Ivorian identity crisis, the social movement at issue drifted from its aspiration of identity social change, to the interest in political power, for having been co-opted to secure external interests, for which the sharpened Ivorian problem was poorly managed and resolved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper aims the viability of building an ecological citizenship, understood as a response to the environmental crisis, a product of the advance of symbols of the instrumental rationality of modernity. The confluence of diverse theoretical, cultural, educational, philosophical and social movements gave rise to the emergence of a political ecology, which was built on the utilitarian foundations established by Western logos, while allowing a holistic, complex and heterogeneous understanding of relationality man/naturalness. However, the environmental problem was not resolved with the political emergence of ecology; it required entering into sustainable development, with the presence of an ecological citizenry, whose fines are placed on the responsibility and active role of the citizen in favor of the environment, to the communities in the processes of transformation of society. However, to consolidate this proposal, it cannot be achieved without environmental education, thought, in the bureaucratic terms of the academy, as a life training, which must be carried out from birth to death, promoting axiological training and a culture sustained, fair and sustainable. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Thesis Juris is the property of Revista Thesis Juris and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Espacio, Tiempo y Forma: Serie V, Historia Contemporánea is the property of Editorial UNED and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Anagramas is the property of Editorial Universidad de Medellin and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Tram[p]as de la Comunicación y la Cultura is the property of Universidad Nacional de La Plata and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Occupational divisions in any country are understood largely as change in the activities of the members in a given society and the way to earn their livelihood. Mostly, the change is observed in terms of changes in the distribution activities in relation to socio-economic structure of the society. India was a traditional caste-based Hindu society, and a person who is born into a particular caste cannot easily escape from its prescribed values including occupational activities. Its hierarchical nature reveals its rigid values attached and hence change should also be understood in terms of socio-cultural aspects and not merely socio-economic. In the caste hierarchy, the groups of people commonly known today as Dalits occupy the lowest rung. The point of departure of this paper is the caste affirmation and its ramifications on a traditional Dalit community that has been protesting against its nomenclature and trying to revive its lost identity through its traditional occupation. This affirmation in turn is expected to lead to a shift in the sociopolitical relationships of the community with the other dominant communities in the social hierarchy. In India, occupational changes are taking place more widely than statistical changes and emerging with an alternative social movement. The paper empirically validates the emerging alternative collective social movement of a community; authenticate its social status through traditional occupation, knowledge system and its resistance to State nomenclature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In China, a widespread movement for animal rights arose only recently and without a strong level of state-based support, unlike the well-documented rise in Europe and North America. This movement has nonetheless become a vocal force for social change. Somewhat surprisingly, as other social movements have experienced increasing state-led resistance and pressure since 2012, the animal rights contingent has remained a vibrant part of the social landscape that mediates humans' relations with other animals. How have these agents been able to persist despite the greater political clampdown? We argue that the Covid-19 pandemic, first identified in China, has become a new resource for animal rights activists. These activists are working to leverage the growing fear of zoonotic contagion as a rationale for their work for dogs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]