Search

Copyright of Arenal.Revista de Historia de las Mujeres is the property of Arenal. Revista de Historia de las Mujeres and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Mainstream and alternative media often frame key political events in divergent ways. The present research examined how mainstream and alternative media consumption was linked to public support for Bersih, a pro-democracy movement in Malaysia. We conducted a two-wave panel study before and after the Bersih 5 protests demanding electoral reform (N = 422), and another two-wave panel study before and after the 14th General Elections which were historic in unseating the ruling government (N = 386). Against mounting corruption, the two events were important to Malaysia's democratic transition. Across both studies, alternative media consumption was linked to more positive attitudes toward the Bersih movement, especially among people who were strong supporters of the previous ruling government. Mainstream media did not play a consistent role in shaping attitudes toward the movement, nor was there evidence of backlash among government supporters. Thus, alternative media may have legitimized the cause for social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the question of transcending reactiveness in social movements. By analyzing the square movements, it teases out three ideas with which the movements engaged in theory and practice: (1) refusal, (2) destituent power and (3) creative resistance. These concepts did not operate as part of an explicit ideology but were rather enacted in the encampments, public assemblies and protest actions. Philosophy drew from practice. The first two concepts (refusal and destituent power) have been salient subjects of debate in the square movements and similar movements of resistance in the last twenty years. However, creative resistance is the least documented of the three, and I argue that it is the key to transcend the reactive stagnation (the "anti" stage) that social movements often face. The paper explores the question of how to escape the trap of shaping movements of resistance in function of the powers that are being contested. Going further, it analyzes the role of affirmative personal transformation and everyday life politics in social change. It draws from a two-year fieldwork and participation in the square movements (in Barcelona, New York, Paris, Montreal and Mexico City) and engages with texts and debates on the movements. It contextualizes these debates - historically and philosophically - in order to draw lessons for future social struggles. The square movements showed the importance of outrage as a triggering factor for social struggles, but also raised questions about the dangers (and ultimate futility) of dwelling in reactiveness. The article proposes that striving for creativity and engaging in proactive experimentation could be crucial attitudes to go beyond the sole acknowledgement of injustice. Ten years after the coming about of the square movements and with the prevalent culture of reactiveness and outrage, these questions are more important than ever in contemporary social movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The qualitative content analysis examines the motivations and barriers to engagement in activism of 1360 LGBTQ+ people (Mage = 21.05, SD = 7.46). Data on motivators and barriers to activism were collected through force choice and write‐in responses. Content analysis of the write‐in responses revealed six themes for motivation for activist participation (social justice, empathy for others, internal motivation, personal experience with heterosexism, improving one's own situation, and build LGBTQ+ community) and six themes for barriers to activism (lack of resources, concern about others' disapproval, lack of opportunity, concerns about safety, disagree with practices/attitudes of some groups, and no interest/lack of commitment). This study adds to the understanding of various motivations and impediments to activism by understanding engagement or lack of engagement in activism in participants' own words, which can help make opportunities for activism more accessible to more individuals in the LGBTQ+ community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

I draw on Erving Goffman's Frame Analysis and Eviatar Zerubavel's sociology of attention to examine social movement communication as attempts to change hearts and minds by changing definitions of social problems. Specifically, I ask: When and how do bystanders entertain affective and cognitive disruptions? By what processes do movement bystanders listen to movements? I conceptualize social movement listening as a set of processes by which bystanders might entertain the affective and cognitive disruptions necessary for considering broader claims and symbols of movement activism. I demonstrate three types of attempts by movement actors to successfully create these listening possibilities: anchoring selves into social movements, accommodating anti‐criticalness, and reversing attentional socialization. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Collective action research tends to focus on motivations of the disadvantaged group, rather than on which tactics are effective at driving the advantaged group to make concessions to the disadvantaged. We focused on the potential of nonnormative nonviolent action as a tactic to generate support for concessions among advantaged group members who are resistant to social change. We propose that this tactic, relative to normative nonviolent and to violent action, is particularly effective because it reflects constructive disruption: a delicate balance between disruption (which can put pressure on the advantaged group to respond) and perceived constructive intentions (which can help ensure that the response to action is a conciliatory one). We test these hypotheses across 4 contexts (total N = 3650). Studies 1–3 demonstrate that nonnormative nonviolent action (compared with inaction, normative nonviolent action, and violent action) is uniquely effective at increasing support for concessions to the disadvantaged among resistant advantaged group members (compared with advantaged group members more open to social change). Study 3 shows that constructive disruption mediates this effect. Study 4 shows that perceiving a real-world ongoing protest as constructively disruptive predicts support for the disadvantaged, whereas Study 5 examines these processes longitudinally over 2 months in the context of an ongoing social movement. Taken together, we show that nonnormative nonviolent action can be an effective tactic for generating support for concessions to the disadvantaged among those who are most resistant because it generates constructive disruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Subaltern social groups do not see their conceptualizations of leadership represented by the images of leadership and leaders portrayed in the narratives of the "official" history of their countries. This article draws from the experience of an American Indian summer leadership camp in the United States (US) where memory is used by the organization as a resource for legitimizing their power and leadership perspectives to effect social change. Through a leadership work based on rhetoric and framing to decolonize the dominant history of the US, a process of collective sense and meaning-making is unfolded. This work of leadership builds collective agency that contributes to legitimize both American Indian memories and leadership perspectives. Through legitimacy, subordinated social groups develop the capacity to justify that they hold the power to govern themselves and not just to consent and submit to external actors. Eventually, legitimacy of memory and leadership perspectives can be leveraged as power since the group believes in their potential. Through a critical approach drawing from history and sociology, the study contributes insights to both the social change and the Indigenous leadership literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates the relationship between online civic participation and their real-life civic participation among Hong Kong young people. Online participation and social media were found to be conducive for possibilities of civic engagement among young people. Hong Kong saw several big social movements in recent years, and the wide participation of young people has caught worldwide attention. There are speculations that online civic participation has led to their real-life participation. Attempting to explore this question, this study utilized a validated questionnaire to investigate the relationship between online and offline civic participation among 1,057 Hong Kong young people in 2020, when the mass participation in the anti-extradition bill was just over. The result found that internet political activism and online critical perspective have a possible statistically significant effect on young people's interest in politics, interest for social and civic participation, off-line citizenship self-efficacy, and active participation for social change. Generally speaking, this study confirmed online civic participation has an effect on offline civic participation, though young people tend to engage themselves online rather real-life participation. Our findings also support the correlation between youth's offline and online civic participation. Other emergent social and education questions such as digital citizenship education can be followed [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accumulating resources for mass action in francophone West Africa involves seeking financial, media, and popular backing. Many prominent social movements have succeeded in finding the necessary resources for their activism, but they often face apprehensions concerning the legitimacy and origin of their resources. Focusing on the Y'en a marre movement in Senegal, this article argues that resource mobilization presents several challenges for francophone African activists, some of which can delegitimize their struggles for social change and expose them to governmental surveillance and repression. The article primarily explores the benefit and inconvenience of traditional and social media for mass action. It examines the evolution of Senegalese youth engagement in social change and the origin of the financial resources of Y'en a marre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this brief Essay, I offer frameworks for different ways of thinking about lawyering for abolitionist movements. In so doing, I offer a set of preliminary roles, functions, and questions that can be used to guide lawyers seeking to support movements for abolition. As I argue, in this movement for radical social change, there is a role for lawyers to play in supporting abolitionist movements in their calls to remake the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Youth Organizing as a tool for social change has helped to not only change material conditions in some respects, but it has also equipped youth with the critical tools needed to engage in long term social movement building. As a result, youth activists and organizers have been able to increase investments in the highest needs communities, gain access to college, and even defund and abolish school police. In the political moment of COVID-19 and the global fight to address anti-Black racism, how have Black boys and young men engaged in the fight for their own lives? Building upon critical frameworks in education, I chronicle how Black boys and young men engage in Black Transformative Agency, which I define as an axis of processes that Black boys and young men adopt to both politicize their peers and transform anti-Black racism in their communities. For educational practitioners, youth workers, and the like, Black Transformative Agency can be a useful framework for engaging politically activated Black youth in their schools and their communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Accumulating resources for mass action in francophone West Africa involves seeking financial, media, and popular backing. Many prominent social movements have succeeded in finding the necessary resources for their activism, but they often face apprehensions concerning the legitimacy and origin of their resources. Focusing on the Y'en a marre movement in Senegal, this article argues that resource mobilization presents several challenges for francophone African activists, some of which can delegitimize their struggles for social change and expose them to governmental surveillance and repression. The article primarily explores the benefit and inconvenience of traditional and social media for mass action. It examines the evolution of Senegalese youth engagement in social change and the origin of the financial resources of Y'en a marre. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyse the Chilean Spring of 2019-2020 – the fiercest social outburst in Chile during the last three decades. After discussing the combined role of long-standing grievances, political attitudes, and cultural change in triggering the outburst, we study the interplay among peaceful and violent protests and criminal activity. We argue that brutal police repression and governmental mismanagement contributed to deepening the crisis once it exploded. We conclude by describing the attempts of the political class to cope with the crisis and speculate about its potential political consequences, especially for the Chilean party system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The contentiousness of markets has recently been assessed by the social movements literature. Activists can use a broad range of tactics to compel corporations to change their practices. This paper examines the outcomes of this contentiousness. It draws on an empirical study of a disruptive tactic used by anti-corporate activists: the shame-on-you prize. I propose to adopt an economic sociological perspective to understand the mechanisms by which social movement organizations seek to undermine the values that underpin the economic order. Activists provide new categories for valuating economic activities that challenge the existing ones. Social movement organizations legitimate these valuations as coming from civil society and reflecting public expectations about what should count in valuations of economic activities. As such, they may encourage public decision-makers to undertake regulatory action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements aim to change society, but whether they actually cause change is difficult for researchers to assess. A social constructionist approach can add to the understanding of social movement outcomes by allowing the activists themselves to define these consequences. I demonstrate the utility of this approach with a qualitative study of the social movement actors who attempted to change their society through Euromaidan in Ukraine. The movement in Kyiv grew into a nation-wide contention in which local Maidan actors issued their own demands to authorities. The larger consequence was the resignation of the President and new elections, followed by a military conflict in the east of the country. To examine the outcomes of Maidans from the participants' point of view, I used primary documents issued by protest assemblies in 2013-2014 to select four local communities as case studies and, in 2018, held 24 interviews with 33 Maidan activists, representatives of local authorities, and observers. My findings suggest that local Maidans resulted in a rotation of local elites, but also in shifts of the receptiveness of local authorities to public opinion. These changes, however, mostly did not spread, which is due to the military conflict that ensued immediately after Maidan. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper we intend to analyse the political consequences of the cycle of protest (2011-2016) in Spain, this is, the recent cycle of mobilizations starting with the 15M indignados movement. We consider that there is a link between the cycle of protest and the political changes that have occurred. First, we run a correlation analysis between the number of demonstrations and the electoral changes. Then, we analyse the profiles of protesters and that of voters of the new parties. Our focus is set on changes such as the breakdown of the two-party system and the emergence of new political parties with parliamentarian representation. Approaching through di#erent causal mechanisms, we conclude that both events can be analysed as political consequences of the Spanish cycle of protest. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Theory of Social Change underscores that public policy that tries to solve a collective issue will always have the capacity of impacting on the process and on the evolution of social change. Since from the start of coronavirus infection cases in Brazil, state governments established legal mechanisms for the control and coping with the disease within their respective jurisdictions. Current paper analyzes the norms and laws published by the administration of the state of Paraná, Brazil, issued between 2019 and 2020, from the point of view of the Theory of Social Change. Norms were selected by researching the digital platform Legislation State System available by the government. Research criteria were the terms "covid", "coronavirus" and "sars cov 2". However, following inclusion/exclusion criteria, only laws with direct and wide social impact were selected for analysis. Initial research produced 297 results, but only 15 attended to selection criteria. Results show the effort by the administration to control and cope with the pandemic through changes in customs involving self-protection and social movement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As a type of written discourse without guaranteed readership and response, protest graffiti nonetheless projects a participation framework in which protesters address different participants, including not only the government but also other potential 'participants' in the social/cultural/political context. This paper studies a dataset of graffiti associated with a protest movement in Macao, China. A survey of the longitudinal data reveals that the contents and visual representation of the graffiti have changed to reflect evolving participation frameworks which are in response to different stages of social movements. While graffiti in earlier stages tends to be more accusatory and anti-governmental, graffiti in later stages shows a shift of protesters' position more in alignment with patriotism and allegiance to authority. Instead of presenting views competing with mainstream political discourse, our data, with their multimodal resources, draw heavily on Chinese cultural discourses which are supposedly shared among the protesters and addressees in this context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Zeitschrift für Internationale Bildungsforschung und Entwicklungspädagogik is the property of Waxmann Verlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Understanding the success of social movements in terms of their situatedness in the social and historical context is a necessary direction for social movement research. In Ireland, much of the research on reproductive rights activism since the 2018 referendum that legalised abortion has examined distinct aspects of the movement that might be improved going forward. The present study endeavoured to examine the discursive strategies used by the Repeal campaign. Qualitative data, collected from 23 activists from the 'Repeal the 8th Campaign' at a critical moment in time - ten months before the referendum - were subjected to critical discourse analysis. Situating the Repeal movement within a theoretical framework, we propose that initial pro-choice activism since 1983 maintained the abeyant movement until the receptive environment re-opened. From 2012 to 2018 pro-choice activists capitalised on the newly receptive environment to remove Article 40.3.3 from the Constitution of Ireland successfully. Findings demonstrate how activists created social change by mainstreaming discursive categories that were not previously culturally dominant, drawing on discourses of feminism, modernity versus traditionalism and approaches of strategic consciousness-raising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Recent criticism has considered how literary texts harness historical and ideological forces in the representation of the body. However, much of that scholarship focuses on hegemonic structures such as Western medicine, post-human technologies or colonial race theories. This article looks at how two poets from the Americas - Indigenous North American Chrystos (Menominee) and Mahadai Das from Guyana - express representations of the body from a position of marginalisation to emphasise the connections between individual subjectivity and social transformation. I discuss the body as theme for producing a resistance poetry that directly connects desire, disaffection, sexuality and mourning to decolonisation. I perform close readings that emphasise the linkages between intimate relations and social movements. Chrystos and Das speak to a constitutive divide in post-colonial studies between the personal and political in what is called resistance literature. By centring deeply personal perspectives on decolonial struggle within a figurative context that encourages contemplation and complexity, these poets contribute to a diversification of resistance theory that addresses gender, anti-racist, sexual diversity and other movements of the last few decades. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the Transition movement for climate change resilience as a cultural revitalization movement that is unfolding in response to the unique problems and prospects of the Anthropocene era. Drawing on ethnographic research, I suggest that personal well-being and community cohesion are essential motives for environmental movement participation. As Transition participants work to generate more satisfying cultural options, they relieve existential angst, reclaim the possibility of a positive future, create a safe space for radical resistance, and engender a simultaneously local and global sense of community. Ultimately, I argue that embracing environmental and (inter)personal action as both complementary and inextricably intertwined is essential if we are to catalyze the broad behavioral changes needed to evade catastrophic climate change and socioecological collapse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An emerging literature suggests that the success of social movements depends, partly, on their ability to garner support from third‐party groups. One factor that appears to predict support is social movements' use of nonviolent (compared to violent) strategies to achieve their goals. However, this literature is not definitive. Herein, we report the results of a meta‐analysis of research that has assessed the effect of the use of nonviolence on third‐party support (k = 16, N = 4598). A small‐to‐moderate positive effect was observed, d = 0.25. Additionally, research that used a control or baseline comparison group suggested that using nonviolent strategies marginally (p =.090) increased people's willingness to help the movement (d = 0.17) while adopting violent strategies did not increase or decrease people's willingness to help the movement (d = −0.03). Publication bias was evidenced by bigger effect sizes of published (vs. unpublished) studies. Target (i.e., state vs. social issues) and location of the protest (i.e., domestic vs. foreign) were not significant moderators, whereas the context (i.e., real vs. hypothetical scenarios) was, although marginally. Results suggest that it behooves social movements to adopt nonviolent strategies if third‐party support is desired. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social movements often seek news media attention as a means to garner public attention to social problems; social movements may also attempt to circumvent traditional media channels through the use of social networks. The role of social media in cultivating political and social change is an area of increasing interest to scholars studying the politics of social movements, yet there exist few systematic studies on how social media attention interacts with traditional forms of media to produce public attention to social issues. Using the 2016–2017 protests of the Dakota Access Pipeline by the Standing Rock Sioux Tribe and allies, we examine how social media (Facebook, YouTube, Twitter) influenced public attention to the NoDAPL protests, demonstrating that engagement with social media has effects independent of traditional forms of media coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How and why neoliberal policies spread across political jurisdictions is a fundamental question for economic geographers and critical policy scholars. Many accounts inspired by the policy mobility approach point to neoliberalism as having a conditioning effect on the ease and speed with which policies transverse the globe. Yet the role that social movements and transnational advocacy networks play in shaping and at times facilitating neoliberal policy diffusion has been under-examined. In this article, I bring a new perspective to the policy mobilities literature, by incorporating insights from radical feminist and critical disability theorising. Drawing on the work of Nancy Fraser, I argue that in their haste to scrutinise and theorise neoliberalism as a project of the Right, policy mobility scholars have neglected the mobilising role of the transnational left. Elements of the Left have leant critical support to market-based models of state restructuring, out of concern for minority rights and the welfare state's denial of individual agency and choice. To illustrate my argument, I use a case study of the disability movement and the policy model of individualised funding, which is driving the current trend towards greater marketisation in the provision of disability services. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are changing times impacting on the possibility of collective agency by actors and agencies responding to domestic violence against women in London? The struggle against the domestic abuse of women was grounded in the 1970s women's liberation movement under the rallying cry of 'the personal is the political'. Over time, the domestic violence (DV) response has become professionalised and mainstreamed, located in public sector agencies and charities, with small feminist groups challenging gender inequalities in different settings. These combined efforts are having no impact on the incidence of DV, and recent years have seen dramatic cuts in DV services. A snowball sample of 25 professionals, policy makers and activists across the DV response engaged in semi-structured interviews exploring their work experiences, particularly experiences of 'multi-sectoral collaboration', the professional instantiation of collective agency. Thematic analysis depicted an exhausted and divided sector. Nearly all informants saw DV as rooted in gender inequalities, and viewed collaborative working as essential for tackling its interlocking individual and social drivers. However, contemporary feminism was seen as completely irrelevant to the daily realities of professionals' work. The paper explores how the current economic, political and cultural contexts of interviewees' work experiences were hostile to the practice of multi-sectoral collaboration. Such contexts actively militated against collaborator solidarity, the inclusion of survivor voices and a social change orientation – preconditions for effective collective agency in tackling such a complex and multi-level social problem. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intensive use of digital platforms by the feminist movement has been identified as one of its main characteristics. Numerous studies address the tactical use of social networks by this movement, especially on 8 March in Spain. This paper studies the action repertoires of different actors who participated in the 2019 Women's Strike conversation, including automated accounts. Empirical results demonstrate that Twitter is not an exclusive field for the feminist movement. Along with activists who promoted and informed the Women's Strike, political parties proposed concrete policy measures, and conservative factions criticized the movement calling for demobilization. In this sense, for the first time in these M8 mobilizations, bots participated in this polarisation of the debate through partisan hashtags and the dissemination of fake news. The investigation thus confirms that automation techniques and contradictory flows of power are critical elements to understand the real potential of social networks for feminist social change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Anthropology is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

How do activists defend their opinions regarding uniformed police being celebrated in Pride parades? Twelve semi-structured in-depth interviews were conducted in Vancouver, Canada with six people who supported the celebration of uniformed police and six people unsupportive of uniformed police in Vancouver's Pride parade. Findings show four ways people frame their stance on uniformed police in Vancouver's Pride parade. Those who support a police presence justify their stance with two arguments: historical progress and the transnational versus local resonance of social movements. Activists who do not support the police invoke two different arguments: memory of historical marginalization, and pinkwashing. These findings show that people who support the police in Pride parades focus on positive social change that the LGBTQ community has achieved, while those who are against focus on the specific ongoing oppression of members of the LGBTQ community by the police. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How can we break away from a fixation on top-down power dynamics and track the impact of social movements in societies that do not easily fit with Western neoliberal theorisations? Building on Foucault's insights on governance, this article proposes an analytical lens of the 'biopolitics of existence' to address this problem. The term existence refers not simply to the 'corporeal' needs of survival (be it of an individual or an organisation) but also to the freedom to (self-)develop and the ability to interact with others. By examining how the Good Food Movement has transformed the bios of ordinary people into agency and reshaped the governing ethos in China's food system, this article demonstrates that to assess the gravity of social change is to first comprehend how actors calculated their action in a particular socio-political ecology. To speak of the politics of existence is to recognise that existence is simultaneously something to be defended and to be established. A 'biopolitics of existence' lens is instrumental in making visible social actors' logic in (re)forming socio-political norms while keeping in sight the entanglement of different stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper offers a brief social history of the hospice movement in Russia. The author explains why the hospice movement has become so relevant over the last five years in modern Russia; who the people are who lead this movement; how their ideas collide with 'reality'; and what consequences of this collision can already be observed. The author presents the Russian hospice movement as a dynamic social process which arises in the particular context of the political protests of 2011–2012. The paper is based on the first results of ethnographic research conducted in several hospices in Siberia, as well as on data from in-depth interviews with hospice movement activists and archival materials. The author argues that the hospice movements in contemporary Russia serve a social function as grassroots mediation for social and economic care between local bureaucracy and patients. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Addressing past and present injustices in order to create more just futures is the central premise of most social movements. How activists conceptualise and relate to time affects 1 how they articulate their vision, the actions they take and how they imagine intergenerational justice. Two social movements for change are emblematic of different relationships with time: the struggle to resolve and repair past injustices against Indigenous peoples and the struggle to avert environmental disaster, which haunt the future of the planet. We report ethnographic research (interviews and participant observation) with young activists in these two social movements in New Zealand: Protect Ihumātao seeks to protect Indigenous land from a housing development, and Generation Zero is lobbying for a zero-carbon future. We argue that analysing activists' articulations and sensations of time is fundamental to understanding the ways they see themselves in relation to other generations, their ethical imperatives for action and beliefs about how best to achieve social change. Protect Ihumātao participants spoke of time as though past, present and future were intertwined and attributed their responsibility to protect the land to past and future generations. Generation Zero participants spoke of time as a linear trajectory to a climate-altered future, often laying blame for the current crises on previous generations and attributing the responsibility for averting the crisis to younger generations. How activists conceptualise time and generational relations therefore has consequences for the attribution of responsibility for creating social change. Understanding and learning about temporal diversity across social movements is instructive for expanding our thinking about intergenerational responsibility which might inform ways of living more respectfully with the planet. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]