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Copyright of Humanitas: International Journal of Social Sciences / Uluslararasi Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi is the property of Humanitas: International Journal of Social Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article shows that Sheikh Mohammad Khiyabani, Taghi Rufat, Seyyed Jafar Peshavari, Firudin Ibrahimi, Muhammad Biriya and others were among the South Azerbaijani Turkish thinkers who spoke about the synthesis of various socio-philosophical ideas. According to their worldviews, the best option at the present time was to take advantage of the social-democratic (partially liberal-democratic) principles as much as possible, to integrate those ideas with national characteristics. From this point of view, they did not show much inclination to the ideas of Turkism and Islamism, they accepted the nationality more like Azerbaijanism (Azerbaijani nation, Azerbaijani language) and Islamism within the principles of secularism. Later, the article mentions that the universality and uniqueness of our history of philosophical and social thought, which has revealed itself in the national democratic direction, is undeniable. It is true that, in the early days, the national democratic direction was mostly related to social-democratism, and to some extent to Marxism-Leninism originating from Soviet Russia. However, the Azerbaijani-Turkish social-democrats, who understood the essence of Russian Bolshevism more deeply from time to time, turned towards centrism and went a little further towards right-centrism and became representatives of national democracy. In this sense, the philosophical and social-political thoughts of democrats or national democrats were not limited to social-democratism and national characteristics were also prominent. It is not correct to value the cultural-philosophical and socio-political heritage of many of our thinkers like Peshavari, Firudin Ibrahimi, Alirza Nabdil, Muhammad Biriya and others in a narrow and limited way. Of course, among our thinkers and statesmen who wrote and created under the conditions of that period, some were under the influence of Marxism, were exposed to the political-ideological pressures of Soviet Russia, and therefore had conflicting sides. However, when we look at the environment and landscape of that period in general, we see that the main goal of the national-democrats, who were attached to the social-democratic beliefs or not, was to reveal the national-cultural and political-economic existence of the Azerbaijani people. Purpose - To reveal the uniqueness of the national-democratic and social-philosophical ideas of South Azerbaijani Turkish thinkers. Methodology - comparative analysis, inheritance, transmission of ideas, analysis. The results of the study - Searching for reconciliations between the ideas of South Azerbaijani Turkish thinkers and the socio-political and ideological requirements of the contemporary era. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the relationship between the geographical context as a physical space and the historical narrative as an imagined space in the formation of Taiwanese national identity. Based on the theoretical proposal of constructivism, that emphasises the importance of identity in shaping the interests of the States, the article suggests that the geographical and historical conditions have enabled Taiwan to develop a different national identity from that of the Chinese. For this, the assumption is that the geographical context generates material conditions and social interactions, turning the territory into an “imagined” space. This immaterial space is, above all, the result of historical narratives. Thus, the elements that configure the Taiwanese identity affect the foreign policy of this State, particularly in the search for international recognition. The conclusion highlights how the case of Taiwan evidences the manner in which identity influences foreign policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Trashumante. Revista Americana de Historia Social is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of the Institute of Croatian History / Radovi Zavoda za Hrvatsku Povijest is the property of Zavod za Hrvatsku Povijest, Filozofski Fakultet and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Surra Man Ra'a is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Around the turn of the twentieth century, the image of a rural woman handing a gaucho on horseback a drink before he trotted away began to circulate with increasing frequency in the Río de la Plata region. The drink the woman passed the man was the local infusion yerba mate , and, in earlier illustrations, it had been served by another man. This gendered shift occurred alongside a dramatic expansion of common peoples' access to images via photographs and postcards. Tracing the social and visual history of the goodbye mate ritual from the early nineteenth century through the mid-twentieth reveals the quotidian manner in which locals in this region constructed, consumed, and circulated overlapping visions of their nations. As the gaucho become a popular and contested national symbol in Argentina and Uruguay alike, the rural woman (then referred to as la china , but now largely unnamed) became a local one whose faithfulness to the gaucho and, by extension, the nation, was coveted by men across the sociopolitical divide. This article is, on the one hand, a microhistory of the goodbye mate ritual and, on the other, an argument about how centering visual sources and marginal figures, like the china, allows us to better understand the historical and hierarchical construction of national identities and icons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We use an experiment across the Arab Twittersphere and a nationally representative survey experiment in Lebanon to evaluate what types of counter-speech interventions are most effective in reducing sectarian hate speech online. We explore whether and to what extent messages priming common national identity or common religious identity, with and without elite endorsements, decrease the use of hostile anti-outgroup language. We find that elite-endorsed messages that prime common religious identity are the most consistently effective in reducing the spread of sectarian hate speech. Our results provide suggestive evidence that religious elites may play an important role as social referents—alerting individuals to social norms of acceptable behavior. By randomly assigning counter-speech treatments to actual producers of online hate speech and experimentally evaluating the effectiveness of these messages on a representative sample of citizens that might be incidentally exposed to such language, this work offers insights for researchers and policymakers on avenues for combating harmful rhetoric on and offline. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing upon archival and oral sources, this article addresses the dynamic intersection of gender, familial and imperial identity representations, focusing on the evolution of Portuguese colonial discursive production and governance policies regarding the Indian communities settled in Mozambique throughout the Estado Novo (New State, 1933–1974). The analysis suggests that there are good reasons to interconnect the ambivalent self‐image of the semi‐peripheral Portuguese empire with the way Portuguese colonialism wavered between the feminisation of Hindu men and the recognition of their masculinised resistance, or between the hypermasculinisation of Muslim men and political manoeuvres aiming to control their supposedly effeminate minds. The article concludes by exploring how this ambivalent model of governance operated as an identity compensating strategy to gloss over Portugal's semi‐peripheral position within the competitive colonial structure of the world‐system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Rouya Turkiyyah is the property of Insight Turkey and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Tikrit University for Humanities is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Historische Zeitschrift is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Author-supplied Abstracts.)

The chapter explores the ideas of "Europe" in the discourse of Hungarian politicians, historians and intellectuals from the end of the 18th century until the 1980s. What notions of "Europe" did they coin? Which plans of supranational federations did they bring up? What was the place of Hungary within "Europe" - was it "West", "East" or the "Center"? How did they instrumentalise "Europe" to serve specific purposes? It is shown that most of the time, especially in times of crisis, "Europe" played a major role in Hungary. It served as a vanishing point for hopes and dreams of modernisation and democratisation that were ascribed to be naturally "European" or "Western", but also for nationalist and even imperialist visions of a strong Hungary attached to the "East". Mostly, however, Hungary was described as forming a "Center", incorporating characteristics of both the "West" and the "East" and therefore being a "Europe in little". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the social process of denationalization for Haitians in the Dominican Republic. The author comments on the social conditions of Haitians and those of Haitian descent living in the Dominican Republic and comments on the migratory phenomenon between the two countries. The laws and regulations regarding Haitian immigration in the Dominican Republic are also examined.

In this article I explore the emergence, or re-emergence, of what I refer to as adjacent identities in response to changing circumstances for many Northeast communities in the last decade. In this paper I argue that it is important to consider seriously the ways in which communities in the region respond to the material and ideational changes to their lives in the present conjuncture by exploring adjacent ways of constructing identity in the face of, but not necessarily directly caused by, changing social, political, and economic circumstances. Massive investment in connectivity, which has transformed the Northeast from a frontier into a corridor, rapid urbanisation in the region, and an increase in migration out of the region have intensified the encounters between communities from the region and so-called ‘mainstream’ India and have brought different ethnic communities into closer daily proximity in the plural urban spaces of the region. The purpose of this article is to recognise adjacent ways of constructing identity in the face of, but not necessarily directly caused by, changing social, political, and economic circumstances. I provide two examples, shared Northeast identity in response to racism and broader ethnic inclusion based on shared cosmopolitanism. The former is a mass category in which virtually anyone from the Northeast can slip into, whereas the second relates specifically to speakers of a common language divided by international and internal borders. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Turkish Culture & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly is the property of Turkish Cultur & Haci Bektas Veli Research Quarterly and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Hileya: Scientific Bulletin / Gileya is the property of GILEYA Publishing and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Evaluating the representation of the East Indian communities in the national political identity of Caribbean countries, and building on the discussion waged in Guyana and especially Trinidad and Tobago, this article elaborates on the example of Suriname. It argues that the Surinamese example differs from that of other countries in the region with respect to the ample opportunity the Indo-Surinamese community had to change their exclusion from political representation. A second distinguishing feature of Suriname is the uncontested Creole preponderance. Theoretically, the article differentiates the Gramscian concept of hegemony into contested, resisted, and accepted hegemony in order to capture the relations between the Indian communities and the national political identity. The article argues that part of the difference between these Caribbean countries, and more specifically, part of the self-restraint on the political agency of the Indian community in Suriname, can be attributed to these countries' ideologies and specific demographic and political constellations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an analysis of European border cities and risks and opportunities related to them. Topics discussed include challenges faced by Nicosia, Cyprus while separation of Greek and Turkish inhabitants, SWOT analysis for analysis of strengths, opportunities and threats associated with economic development of Kaliningrad, Russia, concept of national identity and cross-border cooperation relationship between Romania and Hungary.

The Eurovision Song Contest (ESC) was created for strengthening the development of a European soul. But generally speaking, one can say it has been used as a tool for nation-branding, and as a means for Central and Eastern countries to “return” to Europe, in particular after the fall of their Communist regimes. In the difficult social, economic, political, and historical context of the Republic of Moldova nowadays, the ESC furthermore allows the discursive construction of the nation and the building of a particularself. Accordingly, based on a method inspired by the Critical Discourse Analysis methodology applied to three local newspapers, the research demonstrates how the ESC acts as a sound box when building the Moldovanself. The Moldovan identity that emerges from the articles seems to be an identity in crisis which proves much different from the usual political constructions of the nation. This bottom-up identity put forward by journalists has indeed to be related to the twofold crisis in which Moldova is at the moment: social and economic, on the one hand, and linked to a permanent struggle between a separate Moldovan or an integrated Romanian identity, on the other. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]