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2. The Federalism Papers: Commentary on The History of Federalism.
- Author
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Chatfield, Charles
- Subjects
- *
FEDERAL government , *SOCIAL movements - Abstract
Addresses distinct aspects of the history of world federalism that point to federalism as a process. Theory of federalism in the United States; Details on conceptualizing the federalist problematique; Discussion on considering world federalism and transforming social movements.
- Published
- 1999
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
3. The Moslem World: A History of America's Earliest Islamic Newspaper and Its Successors.
- Author
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Singleton, BrentD.
- Subjects
NEWSPAPERS ,MUSLIMS ,ISLAM ,PROPAGANDA ,MASS media & propaganda ,RELIGIOUS movements ,SOCIAL movements ,RELIGION ,PERIODICALS - Abstract
In the spring of 1893, The Moslem World debuted as America's first Islamic publication. The paper was to be the centerpiece in Mohammed Alexander Russell Webb's Indian-backed American Islamic Propaganda mission to the United States. Despite near unanimous praise from critics with regard to the printing quality of the paper, there was a mixed reaction to the paper's contents and Webb's scheme in general. The paper was only published for seven issues before financial shortfalls from India doomed the ambitious publication. As well, internal strife within Webb's movement hampered efforts to regain the necessary funding to carry on publication of the paper. In subsequent years, Webb was able to publish scaled down newspapers, but The Voice of Islam and the consolidated Moslem World and Voice of Islam were mere shadows of their predecessor and never able to fully fill the void caused by the former's collapse. This essay explores the development, publishing history, press reaction, and demise of these unique American newspapers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2007
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
4. Equity, Empowerment, and Social Justice: Social Entrepreneurship for Formerly Incarcerated Individuals.
- Author
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Trivedi, Chitvan and Ray, Sarah M.
- Subjects
SOCIAL justice ,SOCIAL entrepreneurship ,PRISONERS ,EXPERIENTIAL learning ,SOCIAL movements ,SELF-efficacy ,POWER (Social sciences) - Abstract
The high incarceration rate and systemic racism in the United States, along with entrenched social barriers, highlight the need for creative solutions to help formerly incarcerated individuals (FIIs) reintegrate successfully. This paper highlights social entrepreneurial ventures (SEVs) as powerful agents of social change, underscoring the significance of holistic approaches in successful reentry and transformation of FIIs. We delve into the potential of SEVs as catalysts for social justice within the critical HRD (CHRD) framework, examining SEV's role in advancing learning, challenging power dynamics, empowering marginalized communities, and propelling grassroots-led social change. In doing so, we also emphasize the significance of experiential learning and dialog in cultivating collective knowledge and action within these social movements. We analyze the structural, organizational, and individual factors that demonstrate how HRD and social entrepreneurship complement and broaden modes of engagement. Ultimately, we highlight the promising synergy between SEVs and the CHRD perspective, presenting a transformative approach for both HRD scholars and practitioners and argue that by embracing the values of empowerment, equity, and social justice, HRD can play a pivotal role in fostering more inclusive, equitable, and empowering organizational landscapes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2024
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
5. Mobilizing the Religious Left: Linking the Movement to Individual Political Activity.
- Author
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Conger, Kimberly H.
- Subjects
POLITICAL participation ,ACTIVISTS ,SOCIAL movements ,DATA analysis - Abstract
The contemporary Religious Left (RL) in the United States has proven to be somewhat of an enigma, both for academics and for the activists and voters who desire such a movement to thrive. In this paper, I look at one piece of the puzzle: is the RL able to mobilize supporters to political activity? Combining data from both the individual and movement level, this paper tests whether activity at the movement level of the RL can translate into individual supporters' political activity. Using existing data for 2008 and newly collected data on the RL in the 2016 election cycle, I find that the movement was successful in mobilizing constituents in 2008, but not in 2016. This can be linked to the Democrats' effort to engage religious voters in 2008, and its inability to do so in 2016. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2022
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
6. Comments on the Kennedy Paper.
- Author
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Brown, Mark L.
- Subjects
STRIKES & lockouts ,STRIKES & lockouts -- Textile industry ,LABOR unions ,HOSIERY workers ,SOCIAL movements ,MACHINERY industry ,LABOR movement ,PUBLIC demonstrations - Abstract
The author says that he was an active participant in the Berkshire Strike, in England, even though he was not employed there. He was on the picket line daily from the October 1 start of the strike until mid-January. He was there because the Young Peoples' Socialist League put out a daily strike bulletin, and his sympathies were with the strikers. The research is thorough and reflects an accurate picture of the history and events. The conclusions he draws are incisive, and portentous to the labor movement today. The Berkshire Strike demonstrated the inability of a union to organize successfully an industry that was a miniature of today's conglomerates and that was vertically integrated. The craft union concept that all you needed to do to organize and win is to get the workers to unite, stay off the job, and wait, falls when that industry has a prosperous machine shop, foundry, narrow fabric (ribbon) plant, and control of its product distribution. Profits from other portions can sustain the losses from the strikebound unit The Oakbrook Hosiery Mill, when it was struck, was cut of business. Management had to calculate how long its customers would hold before going to other sources. But with Berkshire, the customer had no choice because the Berkshire controlled its distribution pipeline. When fear of loss of customers became paramount, the Oakbrook management had to settle. .
- Published
- 1979
7. Translating land justice through comparison: a US–French dialogue and research agenda.
- Author
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Horst, Megan, McClintock, Nathan, Baysse-Lainé, Adrien, Darly, Ségolène, Paddeu, Flaminia, Perrin, Coline, Reynolds, Kristin, and Soulard, Christophe-Toussaint
- Subjects
URBAN agriculture ,GEOGRAPHY ,URBAN planning ,HISTORY of colonies ,AGRICULTURAL history ,SOCIAL movements - Abstract
In this discussion piece, eight scholars in geography, urban planning, and agri-food studies from the United States (US) and France engage in a bi-national comparison to deepen our collective understanding of food and land justice. We specifically contextualize land justice as a critical component of food justice in both the US and France in three key areas: access to land for cultivation, urban agriculture, and non-agricultural forms of food provisioning. The US and France are interesting cases to compare, considering the differences and similarities in their colonial and agricultural histories, persistent and systemic race and class-based inequities in land access, and the roles of public bodies and social movements. In this paper, we synthesize literature, share reflections, and offer directions for future scholarship, including a broader comparative research agenda. An important difference we found is in the degree of scholarly attention to race and how it mediates access to land. We also observe that few scholars articulate a clear definition of justice in their work, nor do they share a common justice framework. We hope that this paper contributes to a more robust food and land justice framework for the use of scholars, practitioners and activists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2021
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
8. Before T.H. Marshall: the conceptualization of industrial citizenship in the United States, 1900–1920.
- Author
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McGuire, John Thomas
- Subjects
SOCIAL movements ,CITIZENSHIP ,SOCIAL justice ,FEMINISM ,INDUSTRIALIZATION - Abstract
While T.H. Marshall's famous three-tiered general analysis of citizenship stands as a landmark development, no one has examined how during the Progressive Era (1890–1920) and thereafter a female group of thinkers and labor leaders in the United States redefined the previously restricted definition of citizenship to produce an ameliorative response to the new trends of urbanization, industrialization, and immigration. Reformers such as Florence Kelley and Jane Addams established the principles of industrial citizenship in various publications. Kelley then started a movement called social justice feminism to effectuate this new theory. Social justice feminists' goal of a gender-specific agenda to provide an entering wedge for the eventual inclusion of all workers under the state's protection originally centered on court action and legislation. Then, labor leader Rose Schneiderman brought the fight of industrial citizenship in the United States to female workers even extending the concept to African-American female laundry workers from 1925 to 1933. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2023
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
9. States, social movements and markets †.
- Author
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Fligstein, Neil and McAdam, Doug
- Subjects
SOCIAL movements ,SOCIAL marketing ,ECONOMICS ,ECONOMIC sociology ,ELECTRONIC money - Published
- 2019
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
10. Agrarian anarchism and authoritarian populism: towards a more (state-)critical 'critical agrarian studies'.
- Author
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Roman-Alcalá, Antonio
- Subjects
ANARCHISM ,POLITICAL affiliation ,STATE power ,POPULISM ,MORAL development ,SOCIAL structure - Abstract
This paper applies an anarchist lens to agrarian politics, seeking to expand and enhance inquiry in critical agrarian studies. Anarchism's relevance to agrarian processes is found in three general areas: (1) explicitly anarchist movements, both historical and contemporary; (2) theories that emerge from and shape these movements; and (3) implicit anarchism found in values, ethics, everyday practices, and in forms of social organization – or 'anarchistic' elements of human social life. Insights from anarchism are then applied to the problematique of the contemporary rise of 'authoritarian populism' and its relation to rural people and agrarian processes, focusing on the United States. Looking via an anarchist lens at this case foregrounds the state powers and logics that underpin authoritarian populist political projects but are created and reproduced by varying political actors; emphasizes the complex political identities of non-elite people, and the ways these can be directed towards either emancipatory or authoritarian directions based on resentments towards state power and identifications with grassroots, lived moral economies; and indicates the strategic need to prioritize ideological development among diverse peoples, in ways that provide for material needs and bolster lived moral economies. The paper concludes with implications for the theory and practice of emancipatory politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2021
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
11. Transnational Dominican Activism: Documenting Grassroots Social Movements through ESENDOM.
- Author
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Santana, Nelson, Rodriguez, Amaury, and Espinal, Emmanuel
- Subjects
ACTIVISM ,SOCIAL movements ,LATIN Americans - Abstract
Dominican-descended people are one of the most dynamic Caribbean and Latin American ethnic and cultural communities in the United States. Whether in the Dominican Republic or as members of a transnational community, the Dominican population has a long and rich history of challenging the powers that be, confronting unjust acts, and opposing oppressive laws within the communities they inhabit through their civic engagement. This paper addresses one question: As Dominican society and the world have evolved, what has been the role of U.S.-based online media in sustaining, disseminating, and rescuing the long tradition of civic involvement and struggle exemplified by Dominicans at home and abroad? To answer that question, we explore the role of the ongoing online Dominican-centric magazine ESENDOM to demonstrate how online journalism documents activism within the Dominican community. ESENDOM and similar media have filled gaps that the mainstream media has failed to fulfill, as there is a media blackout on the Dominican Republic and its people. This project is one about activism. This humanistic project documents some of the most important social movements to take place in the Dominican Republic and the United States in the past thirteen years (2009-2022), coinciding with the founding of ESENDOM in 2009. This project will present a timeline and an attempt to chart a chronology of political dissent and social struggles within Dominican communities in the United States and the Dominican Republic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2022
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
12. A Complicated Kindness: The Iowa Famine Relief Movement and the Myth of Midwestern (and American) Isolationism.
- Author
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BLOODWORTH, JEFF
- Subjects
SOCIAL movements ,TURN of the century (19th-20th century) ,ISOLATIONISM ,INTERNATIONALISM ,FOOD relief ,HUMANITARIAN assistance ,FOREIGN relations of the United States ,HISTORIOGRAPHY - Abstract
The article discusses nineteenth century famine relief efforts based in Iowa aimed at providing humanitarian aid to Russia in the 1890s. The author focuses on the historiography of American, especially Midwestern, traits of isolationism at the turn of the century. Other topics considered include American humanitarian Clara Barton and her organization the Red Cross, Iowa newsman Benjamin Franklin Tillinghast, the Iowa Russian Famine Relief Commission, immigration to the Midwestern states, internationalism, and the influence of Midwestern politicians on U.S. foreign policy in the 19th and 20th centuries.
- Published
- 2011
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
13. Neoconservatism Prefigured: The Social Democratic League of America and the Anticommunists of the Anglo-American Right, 1917-21.
- Author
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Ruotsila, Markku
- Subjects
COMMUNISM ,ANTI-communist movements ,SOCIAL movements ,CONSERVATISM - Abstract
The article focuses on the formation of neoconservative anticommunist in America. The issue of communism has led to the presence of anticommunist movement. Arno J. Mayer, of Yale University, found two groups constituting this movement which include the Social Democratic League of America and the Anticommunists of the Anglo-American Right. However, the primary aim of the groups has brought them to unite and form the neoconservative anticommunist, to interfere with communist activities.
- Published
- 2006
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
14. Race, power, and policy: understanding state anti-eviction policies during COVID-19.
- Author
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Michener, Jamila
- Subjects
COVID-19 pandemic ,RACE ,SOCIAL movements ,GOVERNMENT policy ,COVID-19 ,POWER (Social sciences) ,ELECTORAL college ,REACTION time - Abstract
In the United States, striking racial disparities in COVID-19 infection and mortality rates were one of the core patterns of the virus. These racial disproportionalities were a result of structural factors--laws, rules, and practices embedded in economic, social, and political systems. Public policy is central among such structural features. Policies distribute advantages, disadvantages, benefits, and burdens in ways that generate, reinforce, or redress racial inequities. Crucially, public policy is a function of power relations, so understanding policy decisions requires attentiveness to power. This paper asseses statistical associations between racial power and state anti-eviction policies. Charting the timing of state policy responses between March 2020 and June 2021, I examine correlations between response times and racial power as reflected in state populations, voting constituencies, legislatures, and social movement activities. Ultimately, I do not find any significant associations. The null results underscore the complexities and difficulties of studying race, power, and public policy with theoretical nuance and empirical care. While the findings leave us with much to learn about how racial power operates, the conceptualization and theorizing offered in the paper, instructively underscore the value of centering racial power in analyses of public policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2022
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
15. Environmental conversions and muslim activists: constructing knowledge at the intersection of religion and politics.
- Author
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Hancock, Rosemary
- Subjects
MUSLIMS ,RELIGION & politics ,ENVIRONMENTAL literacy ,SOCIAL movements ,POLITICAL knowledge ,MUSLIM identity ,ENVIRONMENTALISM - Abstract
This paper examines the production of knowledge by Muslim environmental activists in the United States and Great Britain, applying Eyerman and Jamison's theory of cognitive praxis to demonstrate how religious and political knowledge and practices are synthesised by the activists. The paper emerges from research conducted with Islamic environmental organizations in the United States and Great Britain in 2012–2013 and utilises data gathered from interviews conducted with Muslim environmental activists working in those organizations and from the publicly available newsletters, websites, and articles produced by the activists and organizations. I argue that through the integration of environmental and religious knowledge, Muslim environmentalists construct a 'critical community' within Islam that seeks to transform orthodox Islamic knowledge and practice. In the process, Muslim environmentalists demonstrate that religiously-grounded social movements may simultaneously pursue religious and political change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2020
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
16. Black Sororities' Interactions With the Black Feminist Movement: Respectability and Interstitial Politics.
- Author
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Upton, Aisha A.
- Subjects
GREEK letter societies ,BLACK feminists ,COMMON decency ,BLACK feminism ,SOCIAL movements ,HISTORICAL analysis - Abstract
The post-civil rights era was a transformative period for Black organizations. In this period, organizations had to contend with the changing cultural and political terrain of the United States. Typically social movement scholars have examined movements at the level of the state, paying minimal attention to the relationship between movements and organizations. This paper examines Black Greek-letter organization sororities' interactions with the Black feminist movement from 1968-1980 as a case of how mainstream voluntary associations interact with radical movements. Through a comparative historical analysis of two Black sororities, I find that while one sorority engages in racial uplift and respectability politics - frames that the organizations had historically engaged with - the other sorority begins to incorporate Black feminist frames and language into their organization. I conclude the paper by discussing the way that examining the incorporation of Black feminist frames can help to extend upon the concept of interstitial politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2019
17. Mobilizing In and Out of the State: Feminist Bureaucrats and the Creation of Women s Movement Organizations.
- Author
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Banaszak, Lee Ann
- Subjects
- *
FEMINISM , *SOCIAL movements , *FEMINISTS , *ACTIVISM - Abstract
The creation of social movement organizations is considered one indicator of the development of a social movement. In the case of the U.S. women?s movement, new formal and informal organizations became the basis for a burgeoning activism on the national and local level focusing both on policy change and altering societal norms. Traditional social movement theory views social movement activism and the creation of social movement organizations as occurring outside of the formal boundaries of government. In this paper I argue that such a view is incomplete. Feminists within the state played an important role in the initial mobilization and organization of the movement that far exceeded their numbers within the growing movement. Moreover, their mobilizing activism was not limited to organizations within the state, professional organizations that focused only on their occupational interests or bureaucratic organizations (that is, formal organizations with division of labor, hierarchies and professional staff). Rather, feminist activists who worked within government bureaucracies emphasized the importance of organizing outside of government and some encouraged collectivist, nonhierarchical organizational structures focused on a wide range of feminist issues. The paper relies on interview and archival data to examine the role played by feminist bureaucrats in creating feminist organizations during the first phase of the women?s movement (1964-1975). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
18. Selecting Identities: Racial Frames and the Welfare Rights Movement.
- Author
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Ernst, E. Rose
- Subjects
- *
RACE awareness , *WELFARE rights movement , *SOCIAL movements , *PUBLIC welfare , *ETHNOPSYCHOLOGY - Abstract
This paper is part of a larger project designed to explore components of identity along the lines of race, gender and class in the process of mobilization and maintenance of social movements through the lens of the contemporary welfare rights movement. Welfare is a central organizing image of American political discourse around issues of race, class and gender. The most popular frame of this program is the ubiquitous stereotype of the "welfare queen" has generated a great deal of scholarly attention to the reaction of public and elites to these images and the policy consequences of such reactions. While research has been devoted to the efficiency of the welfare system, the construction of the stereotypes behind this program and how both public and elites respond, there is little scholarship related to how recipients and their allies have reacted to these images at a grassroots level. The welfare rights movement first emerged in the early 1960s with the rise in demands for expansion of poverty relief. The National Welfare Rights Organization (NWRO), composed of mostly African American women, reached its peak in 1969 with 22,000 members. Although the NWRO disbanded in the early 1970s, the movement has endured despite challenges to the concept of welfare since that time and has continued through the current reauthorization process in 2004 of the 1996 act. This paper will focus on how the welfare rights movement has or has not developed strategies to respond to these images of welfare recipients through a comparison of two welfare rights organizations in Washington. The primary hypothesis asserts that identity-based social movements organized around a single, marginalized identity will fail to mobilize around a potentially negative frame that issue targets both the primary marginalized identity as well as other multiple marginalized identities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
19. The New Deal and the Modern Liberal Right to Strike.
- Author
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Lambert, Josiah Bartlett
- Subjects
- *
RIGHT to strike , *NEW Deal, 1933-1939 , *DEPRESSIONS (Economics) , *LIBERTY , *ECONOMIC recovery , *BUSINESS cycles , *SOCIAL movements ,UNITED States politics & government - Abstract
This paper addresses the development of the right to strike during the New Deal era. Policy makers considered three models for constructing the right to strike--the right to strike as a civil liberty, the right to strike as a right protected by compulsory arbitration, and the right to strike as a commercial right. The right to strike as a commercial right prevailed because it best managed the conflict between the state's interest in fostering economic recovery, versus constitutional, institutional and social restrictions upon state activism. Any new strike policy would have involved a reordering of authority relationships within the American political system, but the right to strike as a commercial right was the least disruptive. Moreover, constructing the right to strike as a commercial right proved to be more compatible with the values of modern American liberalism. Modern American liberal support for the right to strike, however, remained ambivalent and conditional, and lacked a stalwart commitment to the right to strike. This paper discusses these three approaches to constituting the right to strike and the impact of the new federal strike policy upon American political development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
20. The More Things Change, the More They Stay the Same: American Political Institutions and Organized Labor’s Legislative Influence Since World War II.
- Author
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Roof, Tracy
- Subjects
- *
LABOR movement , *SOCIAL movements , *POWER (Social sciences) , *POLITICAL science - Abstract
This paper counters American exceptionalist arguments about the weakness of the labor movement in the United States based on cultural and economic explanations and instead argues that American political institutions have constrained labor’s political power. Political institutions that protect political minorities such as the Senate which over-represents rural populations and under-represents urban populations, the Senate filibuster which requires a super-majority to pass controversial legislation, the presidential veto which also requires a super-majority for Congress to override, and rules and procedures in the House favoring conservative interests have historically restricted the ability of organized labor to pass its legislative agenda to expand the size and protections of the welfare state. Although American labor has shared the social democratic agenda of many European labor movements in the post-WWII period, the fragmentation and institutional bias towards the status quo in the American political system have limited organized labor’s legislative successes to incremental change. As union density has declined, many scholars have argued that labor has become increasingly irrelevant in the public policy process. Yet the same institutional protections for political minorities that once benefited labor’s political opponents now benefit organized labor. In addition labor had benefited from institutional changes it pushed for such as the enfranchisement of African-Americans and congressional reforms that reduced the power of conservative, Southern Democrats in the policy-making process over the last two decades. As a result organized labor continues to exercise a level of political influence very similar to that exercised in the forties when organized labor represented a much larger percentage of the workforce. Labor has been able to protect the legislative gains it made in the past and continues to put initiatives for incremental expansion of the welfare and regulatory state on the political agenda. The paper focuses particularly on the areas of employment policy, labor law, and health care reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2002
21. Cycles of Protest: How Urban Cyclists Act Like Insurgents.
- Author
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Beehner, Lionel
- Subjects
LEGAL status of cyclists ,SOCIAL movements ,CITIES & towns ,URBAN policy ,PUBLIC transit - Abstract
Among the fastest growing movements in U.S. cities are urban cyclists. Vocal in their push for greater rights and respect from drivers, pedestrians, and city officials -- as evidenced by Critical Mass rides, the rise in the number of advocacy groups, and the zero-sum discourse employed through their email missives -- their emergence as a major social force has received little scrutiny from social movement or urban policy theorists. This paper argues that cyclists are not unlike insurgent movements abroad, with diffuse social networks, a disciplined core membership, and a radical fringe that can engender a counter-movement to roll back the group's gains. The advances made by cycling advocates have been met with a mix of acceptance and opposition -- a disparate coalition of well-connected businesspeople and politicians, drivers and pedestrians -- that has coalesced to roll back cyclists' rights. Employing qualitative data that includes three months of interviews, as well as a trove of emails to New York's Department of Transportation obtained through a Freedom of Information Act (FOIA) request, this paper takes a social movement theorist's lens to urban cyclists. The case study is a bike lane installed in Park Slope, Brooklyn, in 2010 that generated international headlines after local residents sued the city. The paper finds that the residents were motivated by NIMBY concerns but were also responding to a radical fringe of the cyclist movement, a finding consistent with how locals respond to insurgent movements abroad. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2013
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
22. Fighting "the Man's technology": Visions of technology in the underground press of the American counterculture (1964-1974).
- Subjects
SOCIAL movements ,COUNTERCULTURE ,CAPITALISM ,TECHNOLOGICAL innovations - Abstract
This paper explores how the American social movements of the 1960s and 1970s talked about the technology of their time. Through an analysis of a sample of underground newspapers, it highlights how the American counterculture thought of technology in a prevalently negative way. It identifies three negative discourses: technology of war, technology of capitalism, technology of repression. These three views are effectively condensed into the famous expression attributed to Huey P. Newton: "the spirit of the people is greater than the Man's technology", whose meaning and diffusion is traced throughout the sample. Two, more marginal, views - technology for abundance and technology for revolution - are also analyzed. I then argue that these diverging visions of technology are also different visions of social change. The paper thus contributes to the debate on the relationship between social movements and technologies by historicizing it and emphasizing the symbolic role that technology is invested with. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
23. ENGENDERING THE HISTORY OF RACE AND INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS: THE CAREER OF EDITH SAMPSON, 1927-1978.
- Author
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Jordan, Gwen
- Subjects
WOMEN lawyers ,ACTIVISTS ,WOMEN'S rights ,RACE discrimination ,SOCIAL movements ,CIVIL rights ,HISTORY - Abstract
Edith Sampson was one of the leading black women lawyers in Chicago for over fifty years. She was admitted to the bar in 1927 and achieved a number of firsts in her career: the first black woman judge in Illinois, the first African American delegate to the United Nations, and the first African American appointed to the North Atlantic Treaty Organization. Sampson was also a pro-democracy, international spokesperson for the U.S. government during the Cold War, a position that earned her scorn from more radical African Americans, contributed to a mis- interpretation of her activism, and resulted in her relative obscurity in the historical record. This paper reexamines the work of Edith Sampson by employing a critical race feminist analysis to her career. This new lens reveals that, rather than a marginal figure, Sampson's work was an important part of a gendered black activism that sought racial justice for women of color in the United States and around the world. Understanding Sampson's career in this context connects the activism of African American women to the issues of race, racial justice, and international relations during the decades before and after the start of the Cold War. Sampson was part of a vibrant and dynamic African American women's civil rights network that employed a rich diversity of strategies, both domestic and transnational, to secure a gendered racial justice-one that included the concerns and position of black and brown women. Through an examination of Sampson's work as an attorney and a leader in Chicago and her international work, this article hopes to contribute to recent studies that are beginning to alter our understanding of the role African American women played in the domestic and international civil rights movement from the 1920s through the 1950s. This piece argues specifically that Edith Sampson, and her sister black women lawyers and activists, engaged in domestic and international activism to pressure the United States government and its citizens to end race discrimination as they worked to ensure that the growing civil rights movement in the U.S. included the advancement of the position, rights, and protections of African American women. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2012
24. Taking the bus daily and demonstrating on Sunday: Reflections on the formation of political subjectivity in an urban world.
- Author
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Boudreau, Julie-Anne, Boucher, Nathalie, and Liguori, Marilena
- Subjects
SOCIAL movements ,URBAN planning ,PUBLIC demonstrations ,IMMIGRATION policy - Abstract
This paper explores the reasons behind people's engagement in political action, particularly the marginalized and threatened. Using the example of the marches against immigration reform in the USA, the paper follows immigrant women in an effort to understand what made them participate in those demonstrations despite risks of deportation, lack of experience in demonstrating and fear. Based on fieldwork with domestic workers in Los Angeles, we suggest that in a condition of urbanity (understood as a historically situated condition characterized by a mode of living based on interdependencies, mobility, uncertainty and speed), there is much continuity between everyday life and political events. Everyday life is constituted by personal biographies, which we define as the accumulation of experience and emotional trajectories. Most social movement theories tend to emphasize the extraordinariness of political events, focusing on ruptures with everyday life. In this paper, we argue that radical urban theory ought to remain closer to the feelings experienced in political practice, bringing the obvious continuities into theoretical development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2009
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
25. For a revival of feminist consciousness-raising: horizontal transformation of epistemologies and transgression of neoliberal TimeSpace.
- Author
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Firth, Rhiannon and Robinson, Andrew
- Subjects
FEMINISM ,NEOLIBERALISM ,SOCIAL movements ,FEMINISM & education ,CONSCIOUSNESS raising - Abstract
This paper looks back on the methodology and experience of feminist consciousness-raising (CR) in the 1970s, in relation to the current re-emergence of feminism. It constructs an argument that a new wave of CR is desirable so as to construct new forms of feminist pedagogy and activism. The paper will argue that contemporary feminism in the UK and USA would benefit from this kind of methodology, through which a standpoint is constructed. The core of the paper is an analysis of how CR works as an affective and social process. Drawing on academic studies and participant accounts, the paper reconstructs the mechanisms through which participants' subjectivities and narratives are expressed and transformed. It suggests that these mechanisms express different non-homogeneous temporalities. The paper invites feminist pedagogy to get back to the base level of experience and unfold new theories and strategies to address the current context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2016
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
26. Recognizing Early Women in Sociology.
- Author
-
Nichols, Lawrence T.
- Subjects
WOMEN sociologists ,SOCIAL settlements ,APPLIED sociology ,SOCIAL movements ,SOCIOLOGY - Abstract
This article introduces a series of articles on the contributions of early women in sociology in the U.S. The initial paper by Patricia Lengermann and Jill Niebrugge describes the social settlement movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, in order to analyze settlement workers as practicing sociologists operating within a paradigm of the neighborly relation. Linda Rynbrandt and Mary Jo Deegan focus on Caroline Bartlett Crane, a Progressive Era reformer. In their analysis, the authors develop a characterization of Crane as an ecofeminist and forerunner of contemporary reform movements. They argue further that Crane deserves to been as a founding figure in sociology in the U.S. who associated with recognized pioneers, including Jane Addams and Charles Henderson. Barbara Richardson portrays Ellen Swallow Richards, the first woman to graduate from the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, as an applied sociologist with a distinctive emphasis on humanistic oekology. Richards focused on gender issues and the application of scientific methods for the solution of contemporary social problems. The final paper, by Erich Goode, departs from the overall theme and offers a rejoinder to an analysis of the death of the sociology of deviance.
- Published
- 2002
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
27. Conforming (to) the opposition: the social construction of geographical information systems in social movements.
- Author
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Sieber, R. E.
- Subjects
GEOGRAPHIC information systems ,SOCIAL movements - Abstract
This paper proposes a new framework to understand the use and value of GIS by social movement groups and to transcend the contested debate over how and whether GIS should be adopted. It frames the debate in terms of the conforming properties of GIS. The proposal is that conservation GROs must conform to GIS to ensure effective usage; however, in the process of that use, they mould the GIS to their own objectives. Various examples from the North American conservation movement illustrate the properties of GIS conformity and likely outcomes of research. This paper asks the reader to rethink PPGIS and GIS diffusion. It also poses questions for further research that frames adoption as an issue of conformity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2000
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
28. Generative work: Day labourers’ Freirean praxis.
- Author
-
Theodore, Nik
- Subjects
SOCIAL movements ,SOCIAL change ,DEMOCRACY ,LABOR market ,DEMOCRATIZATION ,FOREIGN workers - Abstract
This paper examines an important aspect of the politicisation of contingent work: the evolution of grassroots organising strategies by immigrant day labourers, an allegedly ‘unorganisable’ class of contingent workers. The paper focuses on the ways in which repertoires of contestation – based in a philosophy of social transformation through radical democracy and Popular Education – have defused from mass-movement social struggles in Latin America in the 1980s to street-corner organising in US cities today. Through a series of in-depth interviews with day labour organisers, the paper: (1) follows the continental travels of Popular Education methodologies; and (2) explores how organising approaches from the global South have been adapted and recombined to meet the challenges presented by day labour markets in the US which are characterised by rampant violations of core labour standards. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2015
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
29. Applying to university with criminal convictions: a comparative study of admissions policies in the United States and United Kingdom.
- Author
-
Custer, Bradley D.
- Subjects
UNIVERSITIES & colleges ,HIGHER education ,UNIVERSITY & college admission ,CRIMINAL convictions ,SOCIAL movements - Abstract
Higher education institutions in the United States and the United Kingdom increasingly require prospective students to disclose past criminal history on admissions applications. However, a social movement aimed at improving opportunities for people with criminal records may force higher education to reconsider this practice. This paper offers a descriptive comparative analysis of admissions policies for people with criminal records in the US and UK by exploring policy contexts, written policies and admissions data. For the first time, admissions data were collected from a sample of UK universities, finding that while thousands of applicants with criminal records apply to universities, only a small percentage are rejected solely on the basis of their convictions. In addition, variation in the tone and scope of policies appears to reflect the variation in national criminal records laws between the US and UK. These, and other findings, have implications for the continued use of these policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2018
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
30. The Relational Sources of Advocacy Strategies: Comparative Evidence from the European and U.S. Climate Change Sectors.
- Author
-
Hadden, Jennifer
- Subjects
PRESSURE groups ,CLIMATE change & politics ,ASSOCIATIONS, institutions, etc. ,COMPARATIVE studies ,PEERS ,DECISION making in political science ,SOCIAL cohesion ,NONGOVERNMENTAL organizations ,POLITICAL participation - Abstract
Copyright of Policy Studies Journal is the property of Wiley-Blackwell and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)
- Published
- 2018
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
31. #Eduresistance: a critical analysis of the role of digital media in collective struggles for public education in the USA.
- Author
-
Thapliyal, Nisha
- Subjects
DIGITAL media ,PUBLIC education ,SOCIAL media in education ,UNITED States education system ,EDUCATION policy ,SOCIAL movements - Abstract
From Facebook-coordinated high-school walkouts to compelling Internet-based protest art that has accompanied recent teacher strikes, grassroots education activism in the USA has gone digital. Despite the proliferation of research on the mediatisation of education policy, few studies have explored the ways in which activists for public education engage with Web 2.0 technologies. This paper makes a contribution to this under-researched area by exploring selected activist accounts including Parents Across America, United Opt Out National, and the PS 2013 campaign in New York City. I draw on critical, feminist, and cultural studies theories of education and social movement media to analyse activist media practices in a policy and political milieu dominated by corporate media and neoliberal governance structures. The analysis reveals that progressive education activists strategically deploy digital media to amplify voice, build collective identity, and disseminate alternative knowledge to enable direct action. A situated analysis also reveals significant differences in activist media practice which are shaped by particular political histories and geographies. The paper concludes with a discussion about future lines of inquiry into the role of digital media in collective struggles for public education. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]
- Published
- 2018
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
32. Are Parties Helpless Against Social Movements? Republicans 1912 v. 2012.
- Author
-
Gardner, Kimberly
- Subjects
- *
PRESIDENTIAL candidates , *SOCIAL movements , *TEA Party movement (U.S.) - Abstract
A conference paper on the analysis and comparison of scholar Mildred Schwartz on the party and social movement interaction for the presidential nomination process in 1912 and 2012 is presented. It mentions the interactions between social movements and the U.S. political parties such as Republican Party, Tea Party movement. It presents an overview on the election of the U.S. Presidential election of William McKinley in 1896.
- Published
- 2012
33. Advocating for an Incarcerated Informed Lens in Therapy.
- Author
-
Tadros, Eman, Hutcherson, Rayna, and Greene, Aubrey
- Subjects
FAMILY psychotherapy ,RACIAL inequality ,SOCIAL justice ,SOCIAL movements ,FAMILY relations ,DISCRIMINATION in medical care - Abstract
Exceptionally high rates of incarceration in the United States have caused a need for a major social justice movement. This paper explains the various collateral damages endured by the incarcerated population. Several research studies related to the unintended consequences of incarceration on outcomes related to couple and family relationships, racial disparities, employment, poverty and public health are examined. The importance of individual, couple, and family therapy and its effectiveness toward improving the lives of those negatively impacted by incarceration is discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2021
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
34. The LGBT Movement Inside the United States Government: Analysing Social Movement Networks in Political Spatialities.
- Author
-
Smitton, Ben
- Subjects
LGBTQ+ organizations ,SOCIAL movements ,POLITICAL change - Abstract
This paper explores the relationship between the Lesbian, Gay, Bisexual and Transgender movement and the United States Government in Washington, District of Columbia. It makes the argument that the LGBT movement has established itself in the political spatialities found in Washington D.C. in order to create pro-equality social reform. The paper identifies a new trend in the LGBT movement whereby the movement uses networks to manoeuvre in political spaces and places to bring about political change. The data used to establish these findings in the research consist of interviews with former and current Members of the United States Congress, Senate and House senior staff and leading LGBT organisations based in Washington D.C. The analysis of the data is presented in three ways: how LGBT movement networks are situated in political institutions, how inter-organisational networks collaborate and how LGBT movement networks move in political spatialities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2017
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
35. The Return of Conservative Populism: The Rise of the Tea Party and Its Impact on American Politics.
- Author
-
Rae, Nicol C.
- Subjects
- *
TEA Party movement (U.S.) , *SOCIAL movements , *PRACTICAL politics , *PUBLIC administration - Abstract
This paper argues that the Tea Party is the latest in a long line of populist social movements - of both right and left - that emerge periodically in American politics - and particularly in times of economic hardship. These movements tend to be ephemeral but they frequently leave a lasting impact on American politics and public policy. The paper discusses the rise of the Tea Party, the nature of the movement, its popular base of support, its tense relationship with the "Republican Establishment", its impact on the 2010 midterm election campaign, its future prospects, and how closely its development to date fits the historical pattern of American populist social and political movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2011
36. The Contemporary Revival and Diffusion of Indigenous Sovereignty Discourse.
- Author
-
Steinman, Erich
- Subjects
FEDERALLY recognized Indian tribes ,SOVEREIGNTY ,TRIBES ,SOCIAL action ,TRIBAL government ,MINORITIES ,NATIVE Americans - Abstract
Abstract: The paper identifies the puzzle of the contemporary revival and diffusion of sovereignty discourse in U.S. federal Indian policy. After a century of primarily being treated as wards of the state, racial and ethnic minorities, and holders of anachronistic rights, American Indians tribes have in the last thirty years once again become treated as sovereign nations by federal policymakers. The paper disputes the common understanding that this represents a fundamental continuity with preceding policies. Instead, the paper asserts that a discourse of sovereignty was maintained by tribal communities through decades when the idea of tribes as sovereign nations was nonsensical to non-Indians. Furthermore, it argues that the contemporary policies and discourse of sovereignty was not explicitly intended by federal policymakers at the beginning of the current "self-determination" policy era. Rather, entrepreneurial tribal leaders both aggressively circulated sovereignty discourse and engaged in nation-building to instantiate the concept. Through a contingent process, both discourse and practices became increasingly plausible, reinforcing, and are now institutionalized in federal policy and language. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
37. Right-Wing Mobilization and the Academy: Pro-Life Mobilization on College Campuses in the United States.
- Author
-
Munson, Ziad
- Subjects
SOCIAL movements ,SOCIAL psychology ,SOCIAL processes ,POLITICAL participation ,UNIVERSITIES & colleges - Abstract
Social movement scholars have long been interested in the role of students and college campuses in social movement recruitment and activity. For the most part, however, their attention has focused almost exclusively on liberal activism. This paper brings attention to the extensive conservative organizing that has long been present on American college campuses. It identifies several important processes by which conservative social movement mobilization is taking place on campuses today. It also clarifies the specific ways in which biographical availability and social networks-two of the key underlying mechanisms for social movement recruitment-- operate among today's students. The empirical data for the paper come from a national study of the pro-life movement in the U.S. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
38. Platform Leadership: Cultivating Support for a Public Profile.
- Author
-
Kretschmer, Kelsy and Meyer, David
- Subjects
LEADERSHIP ,SOCIAL movements ,CIVIC leaders ,PUBLIC support ,EXECUTIVE ability (Management) - Abstract
Although there is a broad recognition that styles and context of leadership are important factors in affecting the emergence, development, and ultimate impact of a social movement, the literature on leadership is underdeveloped (but see Morris and Staggenborg 2004; Robnett 1996). In this paper, we mean to contribute to an emerging literature by outlining an ideal type of a distinct model of leadership within movements, that of a platform leader who builds an organization with the primary purpose of supporting and amplifying her voice. The platform leader speaks on behalf of a position or a constituency, but beyond this, the actual relationship to that position or constituency is unclear.In this paper, we first discuss the ways scholars have dealt with the conflicting demands placed on leadership, including distinguishing between types of relationships leaders have with their followers, distinguishing between the kinds of audiences with whom leaders must communicate, and distinguishing between the types of activities in which leaders must be competent. We also discuss the broader trend in American associational life: the reduction of rank-and-file member participation within their organization combined with the rising importance of professional leaders. Next, we present two case studies of platform leadership within opposing organizations, comparing the development and maintenance of platform leadership. Finally, we discuss the implications for future research on the platform leadership model, including how it fits with the existing models of leadership, and what kinds of organizations and what kinds of movements are most likely to develop platform leaders. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
39. Opposing Workfare in New York City: Mechanisms of a War of Position.
- Author
-
Krinsky, John
- Subjects
EMPLOYMENT of welfare recipients ,PUBLIC welfare ,SOCIAL movements ,EMPLOYABILITY - Abstract
A case study of recent challenges to welfare-work programs in New York City reveals the complex dynamics of social movements with institutional politics, and reveals continuities and discontinuities between the two. Drawing on Gramscian state theory, political process theory, and recent relational extensions of political process theory, the paper shows the ways in which five mechanisms-path-dependency, institutional spillover, certification/decertification, scale-shift, and time-shift-combine within and across instititutional settings to enable or stymie workfare workers' and their allies' efforts to gain rights under a workfare program that denied them clear rights-bearing status. In showing the operation of these mechanisms-which lie between structure and strategy-in worksite-based organizing, courts, legislatures, and in mass-mediated moral protest, the paper shows the ways in which challengers to workfare were at a structural disadvantage. It argues further that revealing structural disadvantage is the main justification for the study of social movements as distinct from (though embedded in) institutional politics, and is preferable to an analytic strategy that begins with pluralism, and treats movements and interest groups as the same type of entity. Finally, assessments of social movement outcomes should focus on the reconfiguration of policy options and the coalitions that underlie them. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
40. Measuring SMO Populations: Methods for Compiling a Comprehensive 100-Year Time-Series of National U.S. Environmental Organizations.
- Author
-
Turner, Liesel Hall, Brulle, Robert, Jenkins, J. Craig, and Carmichael, Jason
- Subjects
SOCIAL movements ,SOCIAL psychology ,ORGANIZATIONAL behavior ,ENVIRONMENTAL organizations ,ASSOCIATIONS, institutions, etc. - Abstract
Social movement organizational studies have primarily relied on the analysis of one source. Recently study showed the use of one source was inadequate to study the population of environmental groups at the state level. This raises questions regarding the use of single sources for the study of national and international social movement organizations. A single source that has become a standard for social movement organization research is the Encyclopedia of Associations, however, we know of only one paper assessing the adequacy of the EofA's coverage of movement organizations. Overall, an important component in the analysis of social movements is the adequacy and reliability of the data utilized. We need to know if multiple sources will result in a significant difference from the analyses based on a single source. To accomplish this, we used 155 sources (IRS data, directories, books, reports, proceedings, and web sources) to gather a comprehensive population data set of national and regional U.S. environmental organizations over a 100-year time-series. The purpose of this paper is to describe the methods used in this analysis. Our research and methods revealed that the use of a single source, such as the EofA, is significantly insufficient for studying the U.S. environmental movement population. Multiple sources are needed, including the web and IRS data files, in order to capture a representative population. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
41. How Differences in Cultural Institutions Affect City Policies: City Responses to Changes in Dog Ownership.
- Author
-
Terrien, Elizabeth Jefferis
- Subjects
MULTICULTURALISM ,ASSOCIATIONS, institutions, etc. ,CITIES & towns ,SOCIAL conflict ,COMPARATIVE studies ,DOG parks ,ANIMAL rights - Abstract
Political policy outcomes are frequently understood in terms of rational actor or organizational decision-making models, but these often fail to analyze institutional effects that cut across organizations. Taken-for-granted cultural institutions are frequently overlooked as causal agents of urban conflict. Analysts are instead inclined to rely on parsimonious economic or class explanations, even though clashing cultural institutions might be an important part of the story. Urban environments push diverse cultural perspectives up against each other, occasionally inciting social movements. Many contentious issues call for official municipal involvement, for example, parade/festival management, public art selection/location, or park use allocation. To operationalize institutionalized cultural attitudes in cities, this paper examines how city policies attempt to resolve conflicts caused by cultural diversity in human-canine relationships in three US cities: Chicago, Los Angeles, and New York. Cities are simultaneously pressured by small social movements for more dog parks and by large international movements for stronger animal rights. Two opposing urban dog cultures - dog worship and dog fighting - involve assorted actors and garner the attention of city officials in unexpected ways. Relying on ethnographic research of dog worship in Chicago, this paper discusses one component of the larger, three-city, comparative study. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
42. American Children's Novels: A History of Subversive Fiction.
- Author
-
Singer, Amy
- Subjects
SUBVERSIVE activities ,SOCIOLOGISTS ,SOCIAL norms ,SOCIAL movements ,SOCIAL control - Abstract
Sociological conversations about cultural products like books have a long history, to which this paper contributes. In addition, sociologists have long been interested in questions about how social norms and ideas are sometimes reproduced and sometimes resisted. This paper is rooted in a tradition of sociologists who study the novel as a source of data. Like these sociologists, I look to the American novel for information about social ideologies and structured representations; like them, I look to the history of American book publishing for information about how texts come to exist and circulate. Unlike them, though, I focus on the cultural content and publishing history of American children's novels, and on each text's willingness to resist the reproduction of dominant social arrangements which are based upon inequality. Further, literary scholars argue that modern feminist fiction emerged during the 1970s, as a component of second wave feminist political activity. This sociological study also critiques and transforms definitions of 'the feminist novel,' and suggests that feminist, or subversive, children's novels existed well before the late-twentieth-century eruption of second wave feminism. By using a less-individualistic theory of social stratification and resistance than previous research, the paper uncovers a range of narrative strategies that explicate and resist overlapping forms of oppression. This paper conceptualizes children's novels as (potentially) containing narratives of resistance, which permits a connection to feminist theories of narratives, since they offer the best models for these types of questions and goals. ..PAT.-Unpublished Manuscript [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2006
43. From Rights to Revolution: The Impact of the Prisoners' Rights Movement on the Carceral State in the United States.
- Author
-
Gottschalk, Marie
- Subjects
PRISONERS' rights ,PRISONERS ,CIVIL rights ,GROUP rights ,RIGHTS - Abstract
The explosion of prison unrest in many advanced industrialized countries from the 1960s to the 1980s belies just how distinctive the U.S. prisoners' rights movement was. The movement's roots, leadership, relationship with state institutions, and the broader political environment in which it operated distinguished it from prison activism in other countries. The most significant historical and institutional factors that shaped the U.S. movement and made it distinctive are the deep and longstanding racial cleavages in the United States; the origins and development of the black nationalist, civil rights, and black power movements; and the central role of the courts and a discourse on rights in American political development. These factors help to explain an ironic outcome. The United States gave birth to a prisoners' rights movement that was initially more powerful and significant than prison reform movements that emerged elsewhere at roughly the same time. But that movement developed in ways that helped create conditions conducive to launching the "race to incarcerate" in the United States. This helps explain why the United States, a forerunner in the rights revolution, ended up being a forerunner in the development of public policies that built the carceral state. This paper situates the U.S. prison movement and the rights discourse concerning prisoners within a wider political context. It shows how the dense network of interest groups and organizations that initially gave the prisoners' rights issue such political traction developed in complicated ways that hastened the rise of the carceral state in the United States. This paper focuses on four developments specifically related to race that help explain the exceptional development of the U.S. prisoners' rights movement: the rapid transformation of the inmatepopulation beginning in the 1930s; the efforts by the federal Bureau of Prisons to desegregate federal penitentiaries from the 1940s onward; the mobilization of black Muslims, officially known as the Nation of Islam, behind bars that started in earnest in the 1950s; and the growth of the black nationalist, civil rights, and black power movements. It concludes with a brief comparison of the U.S. prisoners rights' movement to prison activism elsewhere, notably in Britain and Scandinavia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
44. Do Regulatory Agencies Matter?: Forest Service, Fish&Wildlife Service and Citizen Enforcement of Environmental Policy.
- Author
-
Bevington, Douglas
- Subjects
ENVIRONMENTAL law ,ENVIRONMENTAL protection ,ENVIRONMENTAL policy ,GOVERNMENT policy ,WILDLIFE conservation - Abstract
Contemporary environmental struggles have centered around the problem of "bureaucratic slippage" in the implementation of environmental laws. Various theories account for that slippage by focusing on how the specific characteristics of a regulatory agency shape its implementation of environmental policy. In this paper, I review the major theories used to explain the logging policies of the Forest Service. I then evaluate these models by applying them to the U.S. Fish and Wildlife Service (FWS). In each case, the FWS appears to have already "solved" the problems highlighted in these analyses of the Forest Service. The FWS should therefore be an ideal vehicle for implementation of environmental laws. However, for all of their differences, the FWS and Forest Service display remarkably similar patterns in terms of citizen enforcement litigation. This litigation is associated with a dramatic reduction in logging levels and a dramatic increase endangered species protection in the 1990s. Accordingly, successful implementation of environmental laws appears to depend less on the characteristics of the implementing agency than on the presence of mechanisms of public enforcement of those laws from outside of the agency. This paper concludes with an evaluation of the implications of citizen enforcement for environmental policy and scholarship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
45. An Analysis of Newspaper Coverage of High School Gay-Straight Alliance Clubs 1984-2004.
- Author
-
Miceli, Melinda S.
- Subjects
GAY-straight alliances in schools ,LGBTQ+ student organizations & activities ,SCHOOLS ,SOCIAL change ,SECONDARY education - Abstract
The number of Gay-Straight Alliance clubs [GSAs] in high schools across the United States, has grown from two in 1989 to over 2,000 by the year 2004. One important factor in the spread of these clubs has been the coordinating and networking of information and local efforts by several, state, regional and national organizations. Since the early 1990s, organizations like the Gay Lesbian Straight Education Network [GLSEN], Project 10, The Safe Schools Coalition, and the GSA Network in California have established themselves as groups that both assist lesbian, gay, bisexual and transgender [LGBT] students starting GSA clubs and that educate educators, parents, policy makers, and the general public about the needs and rights of these students. These efforts, combined with the work of LGBT and straight ally students, have coalesced into a social movement. This paper examines effectiveness of the newly emerging GSA movement in establishing themselves as experts on LGBT issues in education, getting their framing of the issues out through the media, and influencing public opinion. The paper also examines the effectiveness of countermovement organizations from the religious right in influencing these same things with their frames of the issues. The assessment is based on a content analysis of over three hundred new stories, editorials, and letters to the editor about GSAs that appeared in newspapers around the country from 1984 to 2004. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2005
46. The Transformation of American Indian Tribes? Status and The Emergence of Tribal Governments.
- Author
-
Steinman, Erich
- Subjects
INDIGENOUS peoples of the Americas ,DECISION making ,SOCIAL movements ,POLITICAL development ,FEDERAL government - Abstract
Over the course of the past three decades American Indian tribes have gone from being extremely marginal social groups largely dominated by the Bureau of Indian Affairs to wielding advantageous ? and distinctively governmental ? rights and powers. They are now legitimate and functional members of the American intergovernmental structure, and enjoy unique access to federal actors and decision-making processes. These striking outcomes present a puzzle to students of social movements, racial politics, and political institutions, as well as to those studying American political development and federalism in particular. In this paper I explain these distinctive outcomes and offer an innovative account by extending the synthesis of cultural institutional and social movement theory. I focus on tribal institutional entrepreneurship. To gain acceptance as legitimate governments rather than as minority groups or wards of the state, tribes newly adopted conventional territorial organizational forms and functions. These actions were accompanied by discursive advocacy providing justifying accounts for this status. Entrepreneurs opportunistically exploited contradictions and ambiguities in federal policy statements to promote this shift in the accepted status of tribes. The paper provides a detailed analysis of the contingent and iterative process through which this institutionalization of tribal status occurred, as well as analytically accounting for the pivotal events and outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
47. Religion and Sexuality in Latin American/U.S. Cultural Systems and the Practice of Santeria.
- Author
-
Vidal-Ortiz, Salvador
- Subjects
IMMIGRANTS ,LATIN Americans ,RELIGIOUSNESS ,SEX customs ,SOCIAL movements - Abstract
This paper explores two oppositional binaries for Latino immigrants in the U.S.; first, in terms of religiosity, where Latin Americans are assumed Catholics, while "Americans" are most often understood as Protestants, and second, through sexuality, where Latin American sexual behavior is often contrasted to identity based U.S. gay and lesbian social movements. This paper engages in the intersectionality of religion, migration, ethno-racial politics, and sexuality with Latin Americans in the U.S., and attempts to respond to the foundation of those oppositional practices. Much literature on migration, Latinos, and religion is used in order to discuss these points. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
48. Discourse Interaction and Power: The Political Implications of Non-Political Movements (A Case Study of the 1960s).
- Author
-
Pacewicz, Jan
- Subjects
SOCIAL movements ,DIVISION of labor ,ACTIVISTS ,INTERPERSONAL communication - Abstract
Social movement theorists belonging to both the resource mobilization school and the framings school tend to define social movements as phenomenon that actively pursue political goals, despite disagreements over whether cognitive conceptions or resources are more important in the successful attainment of these goals. The following paper seeks to enter into a dialogue with these two traditions by examining the possibility that social movements may contain features that are not overtly political, or themselves be entirely unconcerned with political goals, and yet still produce politically relevant consequences. Borrowing loosely from mechanisms for the generation of discourse developed by Foucault, the paper conceptualizes social movements as unique loci of discourse interaction, which both generate and are sustained by an incipient new discourse. The discourse created therein, furthermore, is important due to its cognitive aspect, which constrains the thinking of individuals within the movement, and due to its communicative aspect, which allows it to be spread outside of the movement through the simple act of communication (thus breaking free of the initial locus). This new discourse is further relevant, because it effects which aspects of reality are communicated in inter-personal interaction, thus severely constraining which action oriented frames can be constructed. The paper concludes with a discussion of the possibility of a division of labor within social movements, in which discourse is generated via discursive interaction in several loci, and subsequently woven together in other movements before becoming framed in a politically relevant manner. The paper ends with several implications of the importance of discourse in formulating a more complete understanding of social movements, as it relates to generating more nuanced theories of power. The case study of the 1960s in the United States is employed to highlight these phenomena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
49. Masterframes and Movement Trajectory: A Case Study of the American Abolitionist Movement.
- Author
-
Whooley, Owen
- Subjects
ABOLITIONISTS ,ANTISLAVERY movements ,EMANCIPATION of slaves ,SOCIAL movements ,LIBERTY ,GOOD & evil - Abstract
Critiqued as being a-historical, current social movement theorists argue for the implementation of a more dynamic model for understanding social movements that focuses on processes within historical contexts (McAdam, Tarrow, Tilly, 2001). This paper seeks to apply existing social movement theory on framing to the historically, embedded case of the American abolitionist movement. Specifically, this paper analyzes the influence of the adopted religious masterframe of the abolitionist movement on the trajectory of the movement. Prior to the Civil War, the, good versus evil mindset purported by the religious masterframe mobilized movement followers against slavery. However, with Emancipation and the onset of the muddled political environment of Reconstruction, the religious masterframe could not muster the same degree of support. Attempts to alter the masterframe to a rights based masterframe compromised the internal integrity of the movement?s frame. Ultimately, the movement dissolved, unable to remedy their masterframe with the new political reality [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
50. The Institutionalization of theEqual Employment Opportunity Commission.
- Author
-
Ramos, Mitzi
- Subjects
- *
LABOR laws , *ANTI-discrimination laws , *AGE discrimination in employment , *CIVIL rights , *SOCIAL movements - Abstract
With a budget of $2.25 million, and approximately 100 employees located at its central headquarters in Washington DC, the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission (EEOC) emerged in May of 1965 to oversee the implementation of Title VII of the 1964 Civil Rights Act. Though the EEOC began with the charge of enforcing federal laws designed to end workforce discrimination based on race, sex, color, religion and national origin, the Commission has seen significant increases in size and scope. By 2002, the EEOC’s budget increased to $310.406 million and its workforce grew to 2,782 employees in over 50 field offices nationwide. In addition to Title VII, the scope of the EEOC has grown to include federal laws addressing discrimination against individuals over the age of 40 (1967 Age Discrimination in Employment Act); discrimination on the basis of gender in compensation (1963 Equal Pay Act); and discrimination on the basis of disability (1990 Americans with Disabilities Act, 1973 Rehabilitation Act); in addition to the enforcement of the 1991 Civil Rights Act, which provides monetary damages in cases of intentional discrimination. Today, the EEOC is responsible for coordinating all federal equal employment opportunity (EEO) regulations, practices, and policies; interpreting employment discrimination laws and monitoring federal sector employment discrimination program; providing funding and support to state and local Fair Employment Practices Agencies (FEPAs); and sponsoring outreach and technical assistance programs (EEOC, www.eeoc.gov/welcome.html). Considering the growth in the size and scope of the EEOC from its inception in 1965, one would expect to uncover literature surrounding the institutionalization of the Commission. Instead, one finds research focused on the institutionalization of race in public administration theory and practice (Alexander, 1997) and the institutionalization of EEO policy (Skrentny, 1994). In addition, other EEOC literature has examined the establishment of diversity and organizational inclusion in the workforce (e.g. Bond & Pyle, 1998; Giscombe & Sims, 1998); the impact of representative bureaucracy on workforce diversification (e.g. Kerr & Mladenka, 1994; Lawton, 2000); the economics of workforce diversification (e.g. Cohn, 1996; Landes, 1968); the establishment of guidelines for the proper implementation of EEO laws (e.g. Dodge, 1997; Wheeler, 1999); and the impact of social movements on EEO policy (e.g. Burstein, 1991). Neglected in the literature is a discussion of the institutionalization of the EEOC itself and a broader understanding of how bureaucracies may transform from organizations that handle specific tasks for clients to institutions with size, stability, rules, and value beyond the tasks at hand. This project, then, offers the first attempt to address the transformation of the EEOC from the 1965 legislative-created organization to the fully entrenched institution seen today. To examine the process of EEOC institutionalization, this study relies on Huntington’s four dimensions of institutionalization (adaptability: chronology, generation age, institutional functions; complexity; autonomy; and coherence) and Squire’s professionalization model (which permits the examination of how bureaucrats provide services for their clients). The study examines multiple indicators of the development of the EEOC from 1965 to 2002, including budget changes; structural changes in the commission’s organization across the country, employee growth; changes in leadership; and fluctuations in charges filed and resolved. The paper also provides a multivariate analysis of the impact of congressional, presidential, and judicial decisions on the institutional development of the EEOC. The study concludes that the EEOC became a stable institution as early as the 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]
- Published
- 2004
- Full Text
- View/download PDF
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