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"Coed Revolution: The Female Student in the Japanese New Left" is a book that explores the history of female activists in the Japanese New Left student movement of the 1960s and early 1970s. The author, Chelsea Szendi Schieder, examines the ways in which young women were both given a voice and silenced within the movement. She argues that women in the New Left were often rendered invisible and faced gendered stereotypes and sexist sensationalism from the mass media. The book also highlights the gendered hierarchies within the movement and the failure of the radical student movement to disrupt the larger social structure. Overall, the book provides valuable insights into the history of women's activism in postwar Japan and contributes to feminist research on left-wing political activism in the country. [Extracted from the article]

"Me Not You: The Trouble with Mainstream Feminism" by Alison Phipps is a book that explores the exclusivity of mainstream feminism. Phipps argues that mainstream feminism fails to address intersecting inequalities based on class, race, religion, (dis)ability, citizenship, and gender identity. The book examines the history of racism, classism, and sexism within mainstream feminism, as well as the exclusion of trans women from the movement. Phipps emphasizes the need for intersectionality within feminism and calls for the dismantling and rebuilding of oppressive structures. [Extracted from the article]

Jane Freeland's book "Feminist Transformation and Domestic Violence in Divided Berlin 1968–2002" explores the evolution of feminism in Germany, including the German Democratic Republic and Federal Republic, up to the reunification in 1989. The study focuses on grassroots efforts to address domestic violence, highlighting the intersectionality of race and gender, and the challenges faced by women in shelters. The book also delves into the debates and activism surrounding domestic violence under state socialism in East Germany, showcasing the complexities of feminist movements in both East and West Germany. Freeland's work contributes to historical debates on feminism, offering a broad definition of the movement and emphasizing the importance of understanding the different political regimes that shaped feminist activism in Germany. [Extracted from the article]

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5 Natalie Havlin, "'To Live a Humanity under the Skin': Revolutionary Love and Third World Praxis in 1970s Chicana Feminism", I Women's Studies Quarterly i 43.3 (2015): 82. 6 Loretta Ross, interview with Elizabeth "Betita" Martínez, March 3 and August 6, 2006, Atlanta, GA, and Oakland, CA, in Voices of Feminism Oral History Project, Sophia Smith Collection, Smith College, Northampton, MA, p. 5. 7 Judy Tzu-Chun Wu, I Radicals on the Road: Internationalism, Orientalism, and Feminism during the Vietnam Era i (Ithaca, NY: Cornell University Press, 2013), 213. 2 Annemarie Pérez, "'Tu Reata Es Mi Espada': Elizabeth Sutherland's Chicana Formation", in I Chicanas Movidas: New Narratives of Activism and Feminism in the Movement Era i , ed. Later, as coeditor for I El Grito del Norte i , Martínez was proud of the fact that of all the newspapers of that era, theirs was distinguishably "international,"[11] sending reporters to many of the countries affected by imperialist invasions.[12] In fact, Martínez herself visited North Vietnam in 1970, the first Chicana civil rights leader to do so.[13] Martínez was part of an internationalist current of the Chicano Movement. Multiple Insurgent Feminisms A central, if not a fully recognized figure in Chicana emancipation, Martínez was not only an early feminist: her cross-movement work and multiple insurgencies came to define a complex, nuanced intersectional feminism that she forged in multi-issue organizing.[16] As Martínez (and another SNCC Chicana member, Maria Varela) both struggled to find their place in an organization that began to turn toward Black nationalism, Martínez eventually left SNCC and dedicated her writing talents to the New Mexican Land Grant Movement. [Extracted from the article]

Evolving digital tools are opening new avenues of inquiry for historical research. This research note provides a methodology for collecting historical data on government grants to non-governmental organizations. State funding has had a profound impact on the voluntary sector since the 1960s. The women's movement, in particular, has been deeply impacted by the state's intervention into the voluntary sector. Using grants data has the potential to provide unique insights into the dynamics between the state and civil society. Among other things, it enables historians to track organizations over time periods and jurisdictions; to document the diversity of organizations in the voluntary sector; to identify new organizations for historical research; and to compare funding trends among organizations or governments by region, time period, and issue area. The methodology presented in this study includes the use of digital tools to collect, process, and analyze grants data from multiple levels of government while sharing some preliminary findings on the impact of state funding on the women's movement in Canada since the 1960s. The data reveal, among other things, how state funding has fostered the proliferation of voluntary organizations and privileged certain organizations within the movement as well as vast disparities in funding among regions within Canada. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the intersectional origins of the Mouvement de libération des femmes (MLF) in France through analysis of one of its founding groups: Féminin, Masculin, Avenir (FMA). Complicating historiographical perceptions that the feminist revival of 1970 largely resulted from the revolutionary activity of May 1968 in France, this article argues that Women's Liberation also sprung from a transnational, multi‐issue activist network that predated the events of that year. FMA, though statistically insignificant in the vast arena of late‐1960s activism, boasted a disproportionately influential share of MLF activists who would go on to shape the principle theories of Women's Liberation in France. Their engagement with anti‐colonialism, Black liberation and Marxism facilitated their feminist activism, sharpened their theories of oppression and provided them with models of successful identity‐based social movements. FMA explored the intersections of race, class and gender before eventually abandoning these intersections in the name of 'women' as a class. This turn away from solidarity with anti‐racist and anti‐colonial movements in the name of feminism shaped the priorities of Women's Liberation for years to come. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we explore the Nordic Summer University (NSU), an independent and migratory scholarly organisation, as a platform for interaction and cooperation for the new women's movements and an arena for the development of women's research in the Nordic region. In several accounts, NSU is described as a pivotal context for the development of Nordic women's and feminist research and frequently appears in memoirs by pioneers in the field, but it has never been the direct object of scholarly focus. In recent years, there has been a scholarly debate about the historical narratives concerning the history of academic feminism in the Nordic region, where both the connection to the new women's movements in the 1970s and the notion of the 'Nordic' have been contested. This article intervenes in these discussions by exploring the 'women's circles' within NSU as they appear in various sources such as historiographical accounts, reports and memoirs and thereby, thereby defending a hands-on archival approach. We argue that focusing on an alternative international institution for knowledge production such as NSU offers valuable insights into how feminism as a social movement and a scholarly project - politics and academic endeavours - have been negotiated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Investigaciones Feministas is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article explores how anarchist women viewed the feminist struggle for suffrage in the early 1900s. By focusing on this ostensible historical anomaly -- women against patriarchy refuting the call for women's suffrage -- the article ventures into a plural history of feminism. The historiographic wave metaphor, typically employed to portray different stages of feminism, is here reimagined as radio waves. Through a variety of publications written by influential anarchist women, the article tunes into a broadcast that airs how anarchy expels patriarchy through a generic struggle against hierarchy. The case of anarchist women and women's suffrage arguably signposts how to productively invoke plurality in social movement historiography. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While gender has been widely used as an analytical category to understand the dynamics of conflict transformation in Northern Ireland, surprisingly little has been written on the ways in which the conflict has shaped or constrained feminist organising. Singular focus on groups or initiatives like the Northern Ireland Women's Coalition, Peace People or the Women's Support Network has overshadowed the contested history and intricacies of the wider feminist movement. Adopting a more holistic view, this article takes the concept of 'bridge-builders' as conceptualised by Ruane and Todd in The Dynamics of Conflict in Northern Ireland (1996) to examine the fractured development of the feminist movement in the North. It charts how 'bridge-builder feminism' became a distinguishable feature of the feminist movement during the Troubles and was used as a mechanism to transgress what Todd calls the 'grammars of nationality' (Todd, 2015). I argue that although this organising approach pioneered some changes in Northern Irish society, it overlooked key feminist struggles and thrived at the expense of an inclusive, intersectional feminism. Though the movement has undergone significant changes in the last two decades, the legacy of bridge-builder feminism continues to impact the capacities of the movement to address key feminist issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The #MeToo movement resurfaced tensions between second- and third-wave feminists, who are often framed in media narratives using a paradigm approach that defines them as separate, competing social movements. Using a historical analysis, this study builds upon evidence supporting a continuity approach to social movement scholarship that instead emphasizes ideological connections and spillover effects. An examination of the archives of Journalism and Women Symposium (JAWS) members in the 1980s and 1990s illustrates that second-wave feminists played a discursive role in helping shape the priorities of the third wave, creating a continuum of the movement to help ensure its future. This study argues that embracing this theoretical perspective and approach to media framing better serves the feminist social movement by providing a more historically accurate portrayal of the transition between waves and by creating a structure of collaboration rather than competition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although white feminists are increasingly likely to recognize women-of-color feminism, Levenstein argues, "many still resist prioritizing these views", posing challenges for future coalition building (192). They Didn't See Us Coming: The Hidden History of Feminism in the Nineties Lisa Levenstein New York: Basic Books, 2020 vii + 295 pp. [Extracted from the article]

This article draws on oral history interviews with twenty-six lesbian and bisexual women who came out within the context of heterosexual marriages between the 1970s and the early 2000s. Despite the extent to which the LGBTQ community emphasizes narratives of progress and triumph, feelings of shame, guilt, regret, and ambivalence figured significantly in these women's life stories, particularly with regard to their experiences of coming out. This article thus considers how oral history can provide queer narrators with an opportunity to share negative feelings that often remain unspoken within mainstream LGBTQ culture and politics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The women’s liberation movement was the impetus for the founding of new institutions of psychological and mental health care for women in the late 1970s and 1980s. This article draws upon the archive of one such site, based in Islington, North London, to explore the ways that members of the movement interacted with local politics and were attentive to racial and economic oppression. It demonstrates that consciousness-raising groups and feminist magazines made women’s distress visible and that this visibility led to the development of feminist critiques of mainstream psychiatric care. The critiques of mainstream provision laid the ground for grassroots interventions into women’s mental healthcare in the community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article contributes to the debate around early modern women’s work. It concerns not waged labour but rather the unpaid contributions made by women to both home and the business undertaken by their husband. It focuses on Elizabeth Jeake, the wife of Samuel Jeake, a merchant from the Sussex port of Rye. Through the letters exchanged between the family, it explores Elizabeth’s skilled work in support of her husband. This included giving instructions to contractors, gathering and disseminating business and investment information, negotiations with Samuel’s business partners and acquaintances, managing property and tenants, negotiating credit relationships and purchasing and selling commodities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

At the turn of the twentieth century, Stettin, the major city of the Prussian Province of Pomerania, was the home of the Stettin Women’s Association (Stettiner Frauenverein). It engaged in welfare work as well as educational activity using modern forms of social work focused mostly on supporting lower-class women and children. This article presents the results of research into the sources of success of this organisation. It is worth attention because the organisation was established in a city where, similarly to the entire province, women’s movement demanding changes to behaviour patterns attributed to sex and background did not attract much support. In the light of preserved archives, it was Rosa Vogelstein, the wife of a local rabbi, who wielded decisive influence on this and who with full awareness resigned from exposing her role in the establishment and operations of the association which led to the memory of her achievements gradually fading. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is about the clinical principle of informed choice-the hallmark feature of the midwifery model of care in Ontario, Canada. Drawing on ethnographic history interviews with midwives, I trace the origins of the idea of informed choice to its roots in the social movement of midwifery in North America in the late 1960s and 1970s. At that time informed choice was not the distinctive feature of midwifery but was deeply embedded what I call midwifery's feminist experiment in care. But as midwifery in Ontario transitioned from a social movement to a full profession within the formal health care system, informed choice was strategically foregrounded in order to make the midwifery model of care legible and acceptable to a skeptical medical profession, conservative law makers, and a mainstream clientele. As mainstream biomedicine now takes up the rhetoric of patient empowerment and informed choice, this paper is at once a nuanced history of the making of the concept and also a critique of the ascendant 'regime of choice' in contemporary health care, inspired by the reflections of the midwives in my study for whom choice is impossible without care. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the author's views about the political and social conditions in Italy during 1968, and it mentions student protests, the involvement of young people in social movements, and various protests involving secondary school students in Italian cities in 2017. Political participation and direct action events such as sit-ins and marches in Italy are assessed, along with graffiti slogans and a feminist movement in Italy in the 1970s.

Copyright of Historia y Comunicación Social is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Domestic work represents a significant share of global wage employment, but domestic workers – the majority of whom are women – remain to a large extent excluded from the scope of labour laws and, consequently, from the legal protection enjoyed by other workers. Since they work behind the closed doors of private homes, domestic workers are also shielded from public attention and are often hard to mobilise. In Hong Kong, women’s activism involving local and migrant domestic workers illuminates points of connection and distance as they are simultaneously privileged and marginalised along the hierarchies of class, ethnicity and nationality. Building on feminist and social movement scholarship, I illustrate how global frames facilitate our understanding of feminist solidarity among local and migrant domestic workers. I argue that the meanings of solidarity that dominate at any particular moment are not stable and enduring, but rather formed out of negotiation and struggle within and across domestic workers’ unions. This framing process involves these women working deliberately to make connections between global processes and local contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article surveys English-language writings on gender and modernity in Japanese history in the "long twentieth century." The discussion is organized around the themes of gendering the public sphere, feminism and the gendered state, gender and labor, and gender, sexuality, and cultural politics, with some closing reflections on emerging research themes which place the study of Japan's modernity in a transnational frame. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lien Social et Politiques is the property of Institut National de Recherche Scientifique (INRS) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses various reports published within the issue, including one by Bressey on feminism in Victorian England, one by De Groot on Iranian women's movements, and one on the queering history of British feminists.

The article examines feminist writing as locations of different forms of silencing. According to the author, the notion of fat as a feminist issue has blocked and silenced possible ways of thinking on food, diet, embodiment and selves. It also focuses on the selective histories of feminism that stresses the turn to difference in the women's liberation movement which is likely to be a product of poststructuralist insight. Moreover, it argues that questions on race, class and imperialism were the focus to much feminist writing in the 1970s and early 1980, indicating that the received histories sum to nothing less than a silencing of the fundamental parts feminism's political past.

Copyright of Recherches Feministes is the property of Groupe de Recherche et d'Echange Multidisciplinaires Feministes and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The author reflects on the political illuminated themes of National Federation of Women Teachers (NUWT) women. She found that the persistence and vigour with which feminist teachers pursued their specific interests as working women is striking. She also mentioned that the union's political philosophies and strategies of early twentieth century feminist teachers are fascinating.

The paper deals with the several aspects of the history of Feminism in the Ottoman Empire. It elucidates the early stages of the formation of the Feministic ideas and tendencies in the Turkish society at the end of the 19th and the beginning of the 20th century. Particular attention is paid to the social-political activities and the role of the Turkish women writers Halide Edib, Arife Hanım, and others. The author discusses inter alia the impact of the Armenian intellectual milieu and, especially, that of the Turkish Armenian women's literature on the inception and development of the Feministic literature in Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents an interview that was conducted with three feminist organizations; the Guerilla Girls, Dyke Action Machine (DAM!), and the Toxic Titties. The article also provides a background to each of the organizations and the contributions they have made in the women's rights movement. In the interview members of the groups are asked who they believe to be key figures in the history of the feminist movement, and who are the major contemporary figures. The members are also questioned on how images of women function in their activism.

Examination of the background to the song Jerusalem reveals that it was originally composed as wartime propaganda in 1916, and was later adopted as the Voters' Hymn during the campaigns for suffrage. This article questions the significance of the National Federation of Women's Institutes' choice of a hymn which only five years earlier had been used to celebrate women's suffrage: was it chosen as a mark of respect to their suffrage predecessors and does it reflect adherence to feminist ideology within the organisation? Although the lack of references to its suffrage background indicates that Jerusalem was not used as a feminist musical backcloth to the Federation's wider goals, it should not be concluded from this evidence alone that its early use was totally devoid of associations with the suffrage movement (particularly in view of the membership network in women's organisations) or that the organisation altogether rejected attitudes and behaviour patterns that might be described as feminist. Examination of the National Federation's leaflets on Jerusalem (published in 1934 and 1950) show that the allegorical nature of Blake's poem enabled its meaning within the organisation to change, and provides a valuable means to assess how important issues such as rural identity and personal empowerment have been to members at all levels. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents conversations generated from three roundtable discussions among editorial Collective members about the history of the "Feminist Review," in light of the journal's 25th anniversary. The authors' encounters with the publishing Collective, the Women's Liberation Movement, and the intellectual energy associated with feminist thinking; Theoretical conflicts such as class definition, race, intellectual elitism, sexuality, and socialist feminism.

Relates the history of "Feminist Review" since the 1980s. The journal's attempt to overcome issues surrounding black- and white-dominated feminisms, identity, and feminist politics and broaden the participation of various groups in the collective; The journal's commitment to political change.

Discusses the history of women's movements in Italy. Characterization of women's movements and feminism in Italy; Overview of the establishment of the Catholic Centro Italiano Femminile (CIF) and the Unione Donne Italiane (UDI); Comparison of the CIF and the UDI.

Presents an examination of two socialist feminist organizations in Boston, Massachusetts in the late 1960s and 1970s, Bread and Roses and the Combahee River Collective. Description of the organizations; Charge that the white women's movement was racist; Analysis of the women's movement; Study of the second wave of the women's movement; Factors which divided women other than race; Evidence of racism within these two women's organizations.

This paper examines feminist social movements in both the United States and Canada and describes and analyses the anti-feminist countermovements that have repeatedly arisen in response to them. The dialectical relationship that has existed between these movements for the last century is documented in an effort to further understand the nature and character of these two groups. Specific attention is paid to the role of the pro-family movement in Canada in opposing contemporary feminist goals. It is shown that an interdependence has developed - with the formulation of sophisticated programs, ideologies and strategies on both sides - as the struggle for dominance has intensified. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comments on the possibility that feminism is in a crisis. Description and analysis of the doubts and arguments forwarded by internal feminist criticism; The impact of globalization on feminist theory; Connections between feminism and Western imperialism; The crucial distinction between essentialism and universalism; Discussion of the philosophical conceptions of the One and the Other; Exploration of whether gender roles are innate or culturally formulated; Details on the ensuing problems; Outline of the possible solutions.

This article presents information regarding the structural tensions in the nineteenth century women's movement. The organizational affiliations of the groups of nineteenth century women in New York State provide the basis for an exploration of tensions between local and national level organizations within a social movement. The Seneca Falls Convention in 1848, New York, initiated a sustained series of similar events and created a permanent organizational infrastructure to work for women's voting rights. It is generally accepted to have been the first moment of decades of sustained collective action which eventually led to the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution in 1920 nationalizing women's suffrage. The story of the early women's movement and of its organizations, leaders, limits, and accomplishments has been told many times, but each of the several historical accounts follows a distinct plot line and identifies particular sets of heroines and antagonists. These differences in focus have generated a divergent set of scholarly evaluations of the aims, significance, and impact of the drive to secure full rights for women, including political enfranchisement. Some scholars characterize the movement as part of a general reformist current in American society, arguing that it was connected to a variety of causes and advocacies that altered the national agenda.

Presents information on the feminist historiography of Plato. Studies and theories which have propounded the views that Plato is a father of logocentric discourse and thought; Representations that supplement the feminine metaphors of parents and offspring; Effect of Plato's women and representations of feminine activities and qualities on subsequent philosophical and cultural understandings.

Sisterhood and After: The Women's Liberation Oral History Project, illuminates the impact of women's movements in the UK in tracing the life histories of key UK-based activists and intellectuals, but it more directly eludicates the biographical consequences of activism. This, I suggest, has a different but also important value, not simply in terms of understanding the impact on the many individuals who do become life-long activists, but as a contribution to cultural memories that show how gender relations can be different and better. In this respect, oral history projects can be part of a process of feminist influence that goes beyond the more measurable aspects of campaigns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article reports on the one-semester course, The Czech Women's Movement up 1914, to be offered in the 1999-2000 winter session by the philosophy faculty at Charles University in Prague, Czech republic. This course covers the period between 1820s and 1914. It is based on existing literature as well as on archival sources. It focuses mostly on struggles of Czech women, represented by several dozens of activists, to step outside of their private sphere to achieve more possibilities for their education and gradually, for a more equal in private as well as public spheres. With the exception of the revolutionary period 1848-1849, up to the 1860s the overall political situation in the Habsburg Empire did not allow for organized women's efforts. Cultural and social events thus played the role of communication means on matters of public interests. And still, even in this period a number of women managed to achieve admirable results through their courageous private initiative, especially in education and as writers, although at the cost of heavy personal sacrifices. With the introduction of constitutional freedoms in the 1860s more possibilities opened to women and they used them fully to advance their course and to fight the conservative perceptions of women as inferior creatures.