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Emerging from a confluence of events – including Black Lives Matter Movement (BLM) – racial consciousness has intensified in recent years. In the wake of a long declining labor movement, there has also been a surprising upsurge in labor militancy. Are these two currents systematically related? Situating our analysis in the sociological literature on social movement spillover, we ask if there is evidence of racial justice spillover into and stimulating workplace militancy. Employing all known strikes and worker protests during 2021 and 2022, we find: (a) racial justice demands did, indeed, appear as part of workplace militancy during this period; (b) racial justice demands were voiced in both worker protests and strikes launched most heavily by unions but also by alt-labor/SMOs and by unorganized workers; (c) weekly time-series regression models indicate that BLM demonstrations stimulated the frequency of workplace protests and strikes with racial justice demands which, in turn, stimulated wider worker militancy over other issues; and (d) interdependency analysis of worker actions reveals that unionized worker protests served as a key catalyst driving other forms of worker militancy with racial justice demands. We discuss the implications of our findings for social movement spillover theory and for moving racial justice and labor movements forward. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars of Vietnam have studied different forms of labour resistance such as wildcat strikes, petitions, complaints, work stoppages, and boycotts, with which workers demand higher wages and pensions, overall better working conditions, and the implementation of workers' rights. This article pays attention to the small, yet not negligible group of dissident labour activists, who are subjected to much harsher state repression compared to labour resistance in and around the workplace. This article asks: What makes dissident labour activism a (real or perceived) threat to the state? A common and widely accepted explanation refers to the nature of the demands of dissidents, which includes independent trade unions, democratisation, and regime change. This article digs deeper and finds that dissident labour activists function as agents of an emerging epistemological third space, which permits the revitalisation of hidden knowledges about labour rights, the reclamation of the silenced idea of independent trade unions and the co-existence of critique of the status quo and imagination of an alternative future, which together threaten to endanger the Communist Party of Vietnam's political legitimacy and, by implication, capital utilisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While much research examines the challenges facing labor empowerment efforts, less work considers the role marketing could play in the revitalization of labor movements. In this paper, we reframe the challenges faced by labor movements as marketing problems. We then draw from several theoretical perspectives to examine the barriers that affect public awareness of labor issues, and the public's willingness to support policies and practices beneficial to workers. The paper concludes with a research agenda to guide scholars interested in this area of research, as well as nonprofits, government agencies, advocates, and social marketers looking to encourage public support for labor movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The text examines the evolution of the labor movement among education workers during the re-democratization of the 1980s. It discusses the educational reforms implemented under new public management, fiscal adjustment, and productive restructuring, which shifted the labor movement’s stance from confrontation to negotiation and consensus, influenced by the Third Way. During the Lula and Dilma administrations (2003-2016), there was greater openness to participation and high-level negotiations, though this reduced broad mobilizations in defense of public education. During this period, unions were divided between supporters and opponents of the government. The 2008 crisis and the June 2013 protests, along with the fiscal adjustment measures of 2014, reignited strikes and mobilizations. The counter-reforms of the Temer (2016-2018) and Bolsonaro (2019- 2020) governments repositioned the labor movement towards a convergent agenda in defense of public education. The labor movement played a crucial role in electing Lula in 2022, focusing on the revocation of counter-reforms. Finally, the text addresses recent struggles and resistance from educators and social movements against the corporate reform project in education, the current government's responses, and present challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores conflicts in contemporary Chile between local communities and economic elites over water resources usage, developing a frameworkthat seeks to bridge the gap between the literature on social movements and the scholarly work on business politics. It examines two similar cases. The first case deals with the conflict between large avocado producers and the rural community of Petorca, Central Chile, which has meant water deprivation for the aggrieved community. In the second case, the local community of Aysén, in Chilean Patagonia, successfully challenged business interests by halting a mega-hydroelectric project. We found that local communities can prevail when at least three conditions are met. First, the formation of a broad contingent coalition. Second, the elaboration of collective action frames to mobilise new constituencies. Third, the capacity to forge alliances with elite actors, which enhances the movement’s potential to engage in collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the impact of queer activism on the labor movement, particularly in relation to LGBTQ+ workers. It highlights the challenges faced by queer workers, such as low wages, harassment, and difficulty addressing grievances, and how they are turning to unions for support. The article emphasizes the importance of intersectionality and the specific challenges faced by queer workers of color and trans workers. It also addresses the impact of difficult working conditions on LGBTQ+ individuals, including their likelihood of turning to informal economies. The Covid-19 pandemic has further exacerbated economic disparities for LGBTQ+ workers. The article concludes by noting recent advancements in workplace anti-discrimination legislation in the United States and the support of labor organizations for these rights. However, there is concern that these rights could be undermined by employers' religious freedom, and anti-LGBTQ+ organizations have successfully passed laws that roll back queer rights. Queer self-organizing networks within labor have emerged, advocating for anti-harassment and anti-discrimination policies and greater recognition of queer issues within unions. Building alliances and coalitions between organized labor and LGBTQ+ justice movements is seen as crucial for achieving economic and sexual justice. [Extracted from the article]

This article seeks to extend the theoretical discussion of interstitial emergence to an authoritarian context. An interstitial space is a space whose relations with the dominant power structure are not yet institutionalized. In analyzing interstitial emergence in an authoritarian context, it is necessary to examine the interaction between interstitial space and the state as an institutionalizing force and recognize that 1) institutionalization is an ongoing process that spans over a period and 2) a state's intervention may induce unintended consequences. The rise and fall of labor NGO activism in China between 1996 and 2020 are used as a case to illustrate the theoretical discussion. Labor NGOs emerged out of the interstices of state control since the 1990s. Although the state started to regulate these organizations since the late 2000s, its intervention lacked consistency. Before the state finally gained the capacity to enforce rules, which was around 2015, labor NGOs had already launched a series of advocacy activism and cultivated a group of activists who identified with the value of social movement. Hence, although the activism was eventually incorporated, it had successfully thematized labor issues and produced enduring impact on the culture of public discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

For over sixty years Kipp Dawson has built coalitions on the front lines of the civil rights movement, Vietnam antiwar movement, women's movement, gay liberation movement, labor movement, and education justice movement, confronting state-sponsored violence and challenging systems of active harm and death. Her astonishing career—and marginalized identities as a lesbian, Jewish, working-class woman from a multiracial family—demonstrates the radical power of ordinary people engaged in collective, transformative action. In this visual essay, the authors share material from two new archival collections spanning the remarkable breadth and depth of Dawson's intersectional feminist activism. They suggest rethinking movement leadership as women's radical collaboration and demonstrate its role in organizing both resistance to state violence and alternative visions for the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Freiburger Zeitschrift für GeschlechterStudien (FZG) is the property of Verlag Barbara Budrich GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

"Contesting Austerity: Social Movements and the Left in Portugal and Spain (2008–2015)" by Tiago Carvalho explores the responses of social movements in Portugal and Spain to the financial crisis and austerity measures implemented during the Great Recession. Carvalho examines the impact of structural adjustment programs and the interactions between institutional and non-institutional players in shaping anti-austerity movements. The book identifies different types of movements, such as nationalist, housing, student, anti-precarity, and Internet-based mobilizations. It also highlights the contrasting trajectories of mobilization in Portugal and Spain, with decentralization and grassroots activity playing a significant role in Spain's emergence of Podemos as a national force. [Extracted from the article]

Before the presidency of President Joko Widodo (2014 – present), Indonesia's small but feisty labor movement was remarkably successful in defeating government policies that it opposed and winning pro-labor policies. Labor's success, however, was quickly reversed after Joko Widodo became president. I argue that social movement and contentious politics scholarship provides insufficient analytic leverage to explain labor's sudden reversal of fate. The budding literature on democratic backsliding, which analyzes the incremental steps through which democracies become less democratic, provides critical insights to understanding labor's changing fortunes. This broader regime context of executive aggrandizement, not deficiencies in the labor movement or a mere closing of the political opportunity structure, explains both the rapidity and the depth of labor's reversal of fortune since 2014. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jörg Nowak's book, "Mass Strikes and Social Movements in Brazil and India: Popular Mobilisation in the Long Depression," challenges Eurocentric perspectives on class struggle and labor movements. Nowak examines mass strikes in Brazil and India, highlighting the ways in which workers came together and fractured apart in their struggles. He proposes a new theory of strikes that goes beyond traditional trade unions and workplace-focused organizing. The book also explores the politics of knowledge production and the role of the researcher in shaping the narrative. Nowak's research sheds light on the violence and power dynamics within workers' movements and challenges assumptions about migrant workers' participation in labor action. The book concludes by discussing the larger implications of these strikes and the rise of right-wing authoritarianism in both countries. Overall, this book is a significant and essential read for those interested in contemporary labor movements. [Extracted from the article]

The United States is currently witnessing a surge in labor activism that will likely embolden many workers to engage in occupational activism and thus enact their jobs in socially transformative ways. We illustrate this argument through a case study of K-12 educators who participated in a teachers' walkout and subsequently became engaged in efforts to promote diversity, equity, and inclusion in their schools. We then outline an agenda for future research on occupational activism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Tail that Wags the Dog: Lessons from London's Independent Trade Unions for Trade Union Renewal" is a contribution that points to the lack of risk taking within established unions and a tendency to focus on partnerships and more institutionalized approaches to relations with employers. Recent changes in European trade unionism: new trade union cleavages, trade union renewal,... New types of organization advocating for workers' rights and working conditions are emerging in response to this new, neoliberal, economic context. The traditional tools of trade unions are less useful in the context of new forms of work, while the bureaucratization of these unions and their lack of agility in the face of rapidly changing labor markets has also made it harder for them to effectively engage the workers represented by these new groups, although this has been steadily changing and much depends on the original social orientation of the union ([24]). Conclusion and reflection: appreciating the complexity of trade union-social movement rela... However, the actual interface and the issues between the social and economic dimensions of worker representation remain complex, and we are at a stage where we need to see that perhaps there is no clear fit between the community, social, and movement dimensions of workers as these can be porous and open to a range of different structures and hybrids ([33]; [37]). [Extracted from the article]

Malcolm Chase (1957–2020) was the pre-eminent scholar of the Chartist democratic movement, and more broadly, of working-class political and social action in early nineteenth-century Britain. His work in many respects shaped a shift in the study of Chartism within labour and cultural history. Rejecting the inward-looking diversion into the 'linguistic turn' of the early 1990s, Chase offered a broader and holistic view of not only what class, political radicalism and the land meant to working-class people, but also how it was a lived experience expressed in action as well as words. This article is a re-appreciation of Chase's major contribution to the field. It charts the origins and development of Chartist studies, and surveys recent publications, including the wide range of articles published on Chartism in the English Historical Review. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the resistance rhetoric that media workers use to publicly organize trade unions online in a social movement genre of strategic communication activism: the critical manifesto. The paper provides a genre analysis of the rhetorical strategy, form, and devices of 30 online Why We've Organized statements of the Writers Guild of America, East as a case study of a labor movement organization's resistance rhetoric. Through a promulgation strategy, the statements reproduce and modify the critical manifesto, using resistance rhetoric to strategically negotiate power relations. The statements outline a selective history of workers' grievances, a solution to them, and proposals to resist them. This rhetorical form and key rhetorical devices inform the content of the organizing statements, revealing important issues affecting work, workers, and employers. This paper contributes a novel framework to understand resistance rhetoric within this genre, better positioning researchers to analyze social movement genres of organizational communication. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US government's expanding role in assisting businesses with the development of new technologies has significantly increased corporate dependence on the state. This dependence creates new opportunities for social movements to extract significant concessions from capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since it first originated in the United States, #MeToo has spread around the world, giving rise to the most powerful and widespread global campaign against sexual violence in history. In March 2019, Mexican women created Twitter accounts and hashtags to share their experiences of sexual assault at workplaces and schools, in a country where nearly eleven women are murdered every day. The #MeToo campaign was intense and brief. It was trending at the end of March 2019, but by mid-April interest in it had plummeted. This article examines how the hashtag depended on activists' efforts in order to build an affective community for disclosure of sexual harassment. Based on the voices of participants, this study argues that although activists were able to handle affective labor to solve collectively urgent problems arising within the campaign, they failed to withstand the backlash which followed the suicide of Armando Verga Gil, a famous rock musician, after being accused of sexual abuse online. From the perspective of social movements theory, #MeToo is characterized as digital direct action forming part of the repertoire of contention of feminist crowds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Open Marxists argue that capitalist society is mediated through forms of alienated and dispossessed labour from the means of production. For Open Marxists, then, labour is fluid in its constitution because it is constantly struggling to various degrees in and against its alienated and dispossessed capitalist form. Static sociological concepts of social class therefore cannot fully grasp this fluid and antagonistic relationship between labour and capital. In this paper, we agree that the starting point for an analysis of class under capitalism is the dispossession of labour from its means of production. But we further argue that even at this relatively high level of theoretical analysis, it is still possible to isolate a more complex account of social class than many Open Marxists would accept. We then employ this alternative class perspective to highlight some weaknesses in respective Open Marxist accounts of class and social and political movements. Following these critical observations, and with the theoretical assistance of Gramscian analysis, we demonstrate how Open Marxism can develop a more robust account of the class nature of contemporary social and political movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In particular, the special issue contributes to the field of social and political movements by offering papers that ask (1) how can contemporary collective action critically advance social theoretical ideas, and (2) what new tools of inquiry can build on existing theoretical approaches to enhance our critical understanding of social movements. Keywords: protest; political contention; social movements; social theory EN protest political contention social movements social theory 3 6 4 02/23/23 20230301 NES 230301 Since its establishment in 1977, I Capital and Class i has provided a critical space for scholars and activists to explore existing and new forms of socio-political struggles and movements in and against capital. His areas of interest include social movement activism on the public sphere, public space and free speech, work and global political economy, voluntary activity, and Marxist theory. [Extracted from the article]

Freedom of association can include the right of labour unions to take collective action in the interest of their members. In this regard, it is presumed that unions increase worker freedom. However, there is little literature on how worker freedom as self‐actualization is linked to union collective action involving coalition‐building with civil society. This article uses the notions of freedom according to Berlin (1969) and MacCallum (1967) to assess the meaning of such coalition‐building for worker freedom. It then employs a radical democratic perspective (Laclau and Mouffe 2001) of union engagement with the Just Transition in New Zealand to explore how unions enhance worker freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article looks at how social movements in francophone Belgium shaped the institutional contours of adult education 'from below'. It focuses on the integral role played by progressive social movements in the creation of a regional state-based system of adult education in 1976, known as the Service de l'Éducation Permanente (SdEP). Blending historical and sociological methods, it is shown that the SdEP emerged when a movement-based legacy of popular education initially forged as an extension of the labour movement in the francophone community during the late nineteenth century converged with new sets of movement-based actors and ideas emanating from a contentious wave of youth- and student-led protest around 1968. Additional insight is also given into a series of political processes that empowered the efforts of social movement actors working in the field of adult education: regionalisation and Europeanisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of GVcasos: Revista Brasileira de Casos de Ensino em Administração is the property of Fundacao Getulio Vargas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Anuario de Historia Regional y de las Fronteras is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of HiSTOReLo: Revista de Historia Regional y Local is the property of Universidad Nacional de Colombia, Centro Editorial Facultad de Ciencias Humanas y Economicas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article provides a case study, based on original author research, about the start of the union co-op movement in Cincinnati a decade ago. The author views the formation of initial union co-ops through the lens of social movement theory. Doing so identifies mechanisms critical to the success of a local union co-op movement, including the following: emulation – where a group of people model their work on that of others; social appropriation – where a group of people involved in an organization with one purpose utilize the organization for a new purpose; diffusion of information – sharing knowledge to wide networks; brokerage – relying on known individuals and organizations to connect with other potential allies and supporters; and resources, such as amassing pooled cash, recruiting government support, and locating meeting space. Additionally, those involved in a successful union co-op movement must be adaptable, draw on a wide variety of experts, aggregate information, and engage in long-term planning. Leadership and a substantial commitment of time to the movement by the leaders was repeatedly recognized by the interviewees as crucial to success. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Liberalisation of industrial relations entails the weakening of unions and a respective rise of alternative, 'new labour actors', altering traditional class representation by introducing new strategies. Research on this phenomenon has focused on decentralised contexts, where new actors are seen to pursue both independent strategies as well as cooperation with unions to contest rising employers' discretion. Drawing on multiple qualitative methodologies, this article analyses the roles and contributions of new actors in the context of corporatist industrial relations, to find rising conflicts between them and unions. Combining social movement theories of strategic change with industrial relations theories of power and theories of institutional complementarity, reveals conflictual forms of complementarity between new actors and corporatist unions. Through interacting with new labour actors, corporatist union strategies are seen to change in a 'spin-off' form, reforming unions' traditional power and dominance to (partially) counter previous liberalisation of industrial relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Historia del Derecho is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones de Historia del Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is axiomatic that high-risk activism requires solidarity if social movements are to have success in struggles against powerful adversaries. However, there is little research that attempts to gauge the impact of various types, limits, or breakdown of solidarity directly and systematically. Drawing from historical political economy, cultures of class formation, and social movement outcome literatures, we address the question of solidarity's impact across dimensions and at various levels of scale (i.e., at the point of production or firm level, local community, and wider society) by analyzing the outcomes of more than 4,500 strikes during the late-nineteenth-century rise of US industrial capitalism. We find that while strike solidarity at the point of production is necessary, it is not sufficient for success. Disruption costs that strikers seek to impose to gain leverage can be significantly reduced by the countertactic of hiring strikebreaking replacement workers recruited from the local community or imported from beyond. We also find that the urban regime of strike policing matters by moderating the impact of strikebreakers. The most powerful predictor of strike outcomes is employer use of replacement workers, signaling the key to undermining working-class strike solidarity directly pits the working class against itself. Intraclass solidarity is necessary for the success in interclass struggle but needs to extend beyond the struck firm implicating the importance of solidarity of the surrounding community and wider social factory. We discuss the implications of these findings for understanding the historic formation of the US labor movement and its present predicament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Education Policy Analysis Archives / Archivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas / Arquivos Analíticos de Políticas Educativas is the property of Educational Policy Analysis Archives & Education Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Varia História is the property of Varia Historia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article discusses updates in the social justice movement, particularly the emergence of climate strike as the key form of action as seen in the formation of the first climate strike group Fridays for Future. Other topics include the relationship between climate strike and other movements like the labour, feminist, and anti-racist movements, and school climate strike as generational reproduction strike.

This commentary provides a critical discussion of the three essays in this forum and reflects on the similarities and differences between the crises of democracy under globalized neoliberal capitalism in South Korea and South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

this paper aims to discuss the relationship between workers' militancy and repression in Recife through the path of Júlia Santiago da Conceição (1917-1988). During the democratic period (1945-1964), Pernambuco witnessed a series of political and social movements, and as a result of this effervescence would emerge, for example, communist parliamentarians, the election of Miguel Arraes as governor by the Frente do Recife (Recife Front) and the Ligas Camponesas (peasants Leagues) of Francisco Julião. Julia Santiago, however, was constantly persecuted by her bosses and arrested by Recife's police as a result from her union activities and communist militancy. Despite being on the radar of the authorities - both factory's and State's - since, at least 1933, it was precisely after Estado Novo that she became the most watched and arrested. Reconstituting part of its trajectory, based on the principle of variation in the scale of analysis, it is intended to understand how militancy and repression in the workplace could coexist in the capital of Pernambuco, regardless of the current regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Écrans is the property of Classiques Garnier and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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This article examines the grassroots anti-Brexit movement in the UK and its failure to prevent a hard Brexit. The lack of support from elites, internal divisions, and ineffective messaging are identified as key factors contributing to this failure. The article contributes to the literature on pro-EU movements and social movements more broadly. It analyzes the political context, mobilizing structures, and messaging of the anti-Brexit movement, highlighting its inability to present a positive vision of EU integration. The authors conclude that it is difficult to determine whether the movement's failure was due to its own deficiencies or the overwhelming obstacles it faced. [Extracted from the article]

Following years of declining labour activism, militant forms of worker mobilization have recently emerged in the Italian platform economy and logistics sector, exhibiting novel forms of organization and action repertoires. This article investigates two cases which have been ongoing since 2011, namely mobilizations by logistics porters and food delivery couriers. Both cases seem puzzling since workers have mobilized under circumstances normally associated with non-mobilization, meaning workplaces characterized by technological innovation and absent or ineffective trade unions. How have these mobilizations occurred? We argue that these workers successfully overcame such circumstances by relying on resources and opportunities related to their workplace and external to it, which they have been able to create and develop over several years. We gathered data from semi-structured interviews with workers, union representatives and lawyers, and participated at political meetings, strikes and protest events in four Italian cities between 2018 and 2019. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

During the past half century, the study of social contention has been characterized by a division between research on labor movements and studies on other social movements. This division also left its mark on the study of modes of action: while labor scholars mainly examined strikes, social movement scholars have increasingly come to focus on street protests. This article is a contribution to bridging the gap between the two research areas both on theoretical and empirical levels. On a theoretical level, I discuss the usefulness of combining economic and political models of contention from the two research areas. On an empirical level, I use official data provided by Spanish ministries to examine and relate the workers' use of strikes and street protests between 2000 and 2016 in Spain. Examining strikes and street protests jointly does not only provide a fuller picture, it also helps to discern contrasts and thus the specificities of each mode of action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines Greek protests against economic adjustment programs during the sovereign debt crisis by both the social and labor movements from a perspective of civil resistance theory. While the movements were influential enough to shape the political landscape of the country, by toppling the governing party and helping a previously small party to be elected, they underestimated to what degree economic policy- and decision-making are shielded from democratic pressures and how forcefully its beneficiaries can assert their interests by economic means, for instance via the leverage of debt. Thus a 'people power' strategy to effectively challenge economic policies must be based on an analysis of pressure points and leverage affecting this economic regime. After a brief description of the economic reforms that were protested, some central theoretical concepts of civil resistance are briefly presented, which are then applied to two examples of resistance, concluding with strategic considerations for research, analysis and action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the relationship between the contemporary teacher movement and the social, political, and labor movements of the past. Using interviews with Philadelphia teacher-organizers, this investigation highlights specific past movements that shaped, informed, and inspired their work in the city. More specifically, the significance of the Jewish labor movement and Black liberation movements are explored, underscoring the ways that many of today's movement teachers learn from and stand in solidarity with the movements that came before. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of the study of the spatiality of labor and social movements. It describes how the dialogue between social movement research and critical labor studies has enriched our understanding of the spatiality of social conflict. It begins with a description of the theoretical approaches and research interests that arose in the 1980s as a reaction against Marxist and structuralist perspectives; specifically, New Social Movement theory, drawing on constructivist and poststructuralist approaches and the local and community turn in labor studies. In the second part, the article reviews several works that in recent years have developed new approaches to the spatiality of labor and social movements that pay attention to agency, multiscalarity, and the manifold dimensions of space. The article explores how important developments in social movement research and labor studies have nourished from the intersections of both fields of inquiry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]