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Abstract: Anger and long-lasting resistances in the Colombian Pacific Civil: Strikes in Buenaventura and Quibdó (1964-2017) In May 2017, two civic strikes occurred in Buenaventura and Quibdó, Colombia. Amid large cycles of global protest, these contentious collective actions demonstrated, once again, the failure of state promises made for decades to the inhabitants of the Colombian Pacific region. Based on historical-sociological information, we used qualitative-discursive analysis of archival sources, databases, and secondary material, as well as critical Latin American perspectives, to seek to carry out a processual and relational reading of social protest in the Pacific between 1964 and 2017. Our main conclusion is that the various events and struggles that took place during these 53 years constituted moments of historical, political, and cultural condensation of localized, micropolitical, and communal anger and resistance, from which some key challenges appear for the Pacific region and the country. Resumen En mayo de 2017 acontecieron dos paros cívicos en Buenaventura y Quibdó, Colombia. En medio de grandes ciclos de protesta global, estas acciones colectivas contenciosas evidencia-ron, una vez más, el fracaso de las promesas estatales realizadas por décadas a los habitantes de la región del Pacífico colombiano. A partir de una indagación de corte histórico-sociológico, donde empleamos el análisis cualitativo-discursivo de fuentes de archivo, de ba-ses de datos y de material secundario, así como perspectivas críticas latinoamericanas, busca-mos realizar una lectura procesual y relacional de la protesta social en el Pacífico, entre 1964 y 2017. Nuestra principal conclusión es que los diversos eventos y luchas que tuvieron lugar durante estos 53 años constituyeron momentos de condensación histórica, política y cultural de iras y resistencias lugarizadas, micropolíticas y comunales, de los cuales derivan algunos desafíos centrales para la región del Pacífico y el país.

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This paper aims to analyze the spelling regulations implemented by Facebook and Twitter users during the national strikes of 2019 and 2021 in Colombia. From a glotopolitical perspective, the study identifies the discursive constructions associated with spelling adequacy in virtual interventions (comments and posts) as well as in public spaces (graffiti) within the context of these social movements. The topoï that support these discourses are located, and the argumentative strategies employed by individuals in their publications are highlighted. The analysis focuses on the underlying ideologemes of these interventions and reveals that both proponents and opponents of the strikes share conservative perspectives regarding spelling, often linking it to factors such as education level, intelligence, and criminality. Finally, the research uncovers a relationship between the unrestricted surveillance of spelling regulations and the defense of social regulation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The specialized literature on social movements and contentious politics in Argentina during the democratic transition has focused on the emergence and dynamics of particular actors, or has concentrated on certain critical junctures. But it has neglected a global vision of the social mobilization of the period, thus disassociating the emergence of these new actors from the persistent and central character of other classic actors of the mobilization processes, such as the trade unions, after the last military dictatorship. This article seeks to restore this global vision and presents a map of social protest during 1984-1989 with the aim of putting the study of social mobilization processes into perspective. We resort to the analysis of a database of protest events specially designed for this purpose. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Social & Political Psychology is the property of Leibniz Institute for Psychology (ZPID) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This work analyzes the socio-historical implications of the indigenous movement in Ecuador; As such, it is a reflection article that focuses on the following sections: the analysis of the 1990 uprising, its struggles, aspirations and historical implications to achieve power and political participation. This dispute, which was initially for the defense of the land and respect for their culture, gave the indigenous movement the leading role of becoming one of the key actors and claiming the needs of Ecuadorian society. In a second section, the conjunctural arrival to power in the uprisings of the year 2000 is examined. Finally, the presence of the indigenous movement in the riots of October 2019 is highlighted, which, together with many other social, student, transport unions, peasants and citizens, fought for the repeal of a Decree that raised the price of fuel. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research tries to comprehend the societal beliefs and the collective emotions about the social protest in the context of peacebuilding. It was used a qualitative methodology with hermeneutical approach, and it was made an analysis of content about what was said in the semi-structured interviews of 18 participants that were classified in three groups according to their position about the social protest: a group in favor, a group against it, and a third one with an ambivalent position. As a result, there were contrasted the positive societal beliefs and the collective as empathy, understanding against prejudices and stigmata. There were emerged beliefs about the "other" as an opponent and enemy, expressions of social distance between groups, discrimination, exclusion, and hate. The mass media were identified as configuration mechanisms of these societal beliefs and collective emotions, associated to rejection of social movements that feeds the political polarization and reduces the possibility to recognize the other as a human being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Reflexión Politica is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Campos en Ciencias Sociales is the property of Universidad Santo Tomas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios Politicos (01215167) is the property of Universidad de Antioquia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

En la última década, la incorporación en la agenda de la investigación de los movimientos sociales sobre el tema de su influencia política ha ido ganando terreno. Se ha venido a reconocer la importancia de las organizaciones de los movimientos en la toma de decisiones políticas, como uno de los elementos centrales para identificar los fundamentos cívicos de las democracias actuales. Partiendo de una visión dinámica y transdisciplinar de los estudios sobre movimientos sociales se presentan en este trabajo algunas propuestas interpretativas sobre la naturaleza, la evolución y el alcance de los movimientos sociales en Canarias en los últimos cuarenta años. Lo que se pretende es ofrecer un amplio marco de posibilidades para abrir debates y avanzar en la investigación sobre los movimientos sociales en Canarias y comprender de manera más ajustada el papel que han jugado en la dinámica política insular. English In the last decade, the incorporation in the agenda of the social movements inveatigations about the subject of its political influence has been gaining ground. It has come to be recognized the importance of the organizations of the social movements in the political decision-making, as one of the central elements to identify the civic foundations of the present democracies. Starting from a dynamic and transdisciplinary vision of studies on social movements, it is presented in this paper some interpretative proposals on the nature, evolution and scope of the Canary social movements over the last forty years. The aim is to offer a wide range of possibilities to open debates and advance on the research of social movements in the Canary Islands and to understand more closely the role they have played in the island’s political dynamics.

Copyright of Anuari del Conflicte Social is the property of Universitat de Barcelona - Facultat d'Economia i Empresa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Española de Sociología is the property of Federacion Espanola de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Sociales (0797-5538) is the property of Universidad de la Republica, Faculdad de Ciencias Sociales, Departmento de Sociologica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

El objetivo de este artículo es reflexionar en torno a la protesta social contemporánea y su vínculo con el uso de redes sociodigitales. Se presenta un estudio de caso a partir de una reseña de manifestaciones del movimiento social llamado Malnacidos en Hermosillo, Sonora. Plantea un método de etnografía digital mediante la consulta de archivos audiovisuales de Facebook y YouTube. Los resultados mostraron que los entramados de interacciones digitales estimularon la emergencia de un sujeto colectivo que se opuso al paquete fiscal de la entidad emitido en 2013. También se encontró que el movimiento se caracterizó por tipificaciones diferenciadas, las cuales dieron lugar a negociaciones entre ciudadanos y representantes de los poderes ejecutivo y legislativo. Concluye que determinados actores políticos también formaron parte de las acciones reivindicativas. Frente a este hallazgo, el estudio presenta la limitación de haberse enfocado únicamente a la dimensión ciudadana.

The aim of the present work was to identify the role played by the social class in the participation or non-participation of people in protest actions, in the context of the socio-environmental mobilizations that took place in 2016 on Chiloé Island, in the southern Chile. A quantitative cross-sectional study was carried out, by applying a survey to a random sample of 400 people over the age of 18, from the two main cities of the island. A structural equations model was tested that included variables traditionally identified by social psychology as predictors of participation, in addition to the social class of individuals, variable that is not usually included in social psychology studies in this field. The results show that the proposed model presented an adequate fit and the social class is an important predictor of participation in collective action, although in the opposite direction to that hypothesized. That is, it was the upper and middle class people who tended to participate more in the protests. The implications of these results are discussed in the context of social-environmental movements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recently, the criminalization of protest has been placed as a topic of academic and non-academic discussion in Latin America. Despite this, the debate has developed, in many cases, in the midst of a conceptual uncertainty about what is (and what is not) the criminalization of protest. The present article intends to contribute to this discussion through the construction of a state of the question that recovers the main works developed around this topic, placing particular emphasis on what has been produced for the Latin American case. The information has been obtained through the systematic consultation of bibliographic databases and it has been ordered trying to answer three fundamental questions: 1) what is the criminalization of the protest? 2) What are its most common manifestations? and, 3) what role does the State play? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper shows the results of a systematic work of monitoring social protest in Costa Rica during the four-year term of the government of Luis Guillermo Solís (May 2014-May 2018), using the Protest Event Analysis (aep) methodology. The document is structured in two parts. The first focuses on describing and characterizing the general tendencies of the protest during the study period, it looks at the protest repertoires, the demanding actors, the demands and the demanded actors. From this part, it is concluded that the protest actions decreased year after year and that the strategies and action routines were differentiated according to the demands. The second part proposes exploring the relationship between the reduction of protest actions and the political opportunities opened by the Solis government as a working hypothesis for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Reflexión Politica is the property of Universidad Autonoma de Bucaramanga, UNAB and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The purpose of this article is to reflect on an aspect, scarcely explored, of the multiple links among art, aesthetics and politics. Particularly, we analyse one dimension of the aesthetics of politics, namely: the forms of appearance of social movements in the public space, in this case, the Frente Popular Darío Santillán Rosario, a social organization of the city of Rosario (Argentina), between 2004 and 2012. We analyze different components of this dimension, namely: a) the configuration of a piquetera dramaturgy which we understand as the dramatic use of emblematic elements of the piquetera political grammar; b) the carnivalization process of protest, in other words, the constitution of a festive form of appearing in the public space; and c) the mystical dimension of its politics, that is, organized celebratory practices of motivation and renewal of faith and political commitment. We propose the hypothesis that in the composition and recreation of the aesthetic dimension of politics, in the fabulation of these forms of appearing in the public space, a large part of the configuration of the collective subjectivity of this social movement is settled. In other words, we argue that complex processes of aesthetic subjectivity have been involved in the collective subjectivation of the Frente Popular Darío Santillán Rosario. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper reflects on the usage of the body in practices of social protest and its link with art and activism; these practices are contextualized within the protests and demonstrations for Ayotzinapa. This approach assumes that the body that protests is an "extended body", a subject with the capacity for agency in social life; this capacity is exercised through its collective expression. Specific cases are discussed in dancistic actions executed by members from the Asamblea de la Comunidad Artística, in the political and cultural occupation of the Palacio Nacional de Bellas Artes, which can be considered as strategies of artistic activism (artivism) with the intention of elucidating how, when "the body is being put" to protest, artistic and aesthetic experiences are produced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses Twitter messages sent in May 2011 to study the ability of the so-called 15-M movement, a "connective" movement, to place their demands on the media agenda and maintain control over their own discourse. The results show that the activists' discourse included many issues, although greatest attention was given to three: electoral and party systems, democracy and governance, and civil liberties. Moreover, the study reveals that the media covered all the movement's issues and that activists maintained their plural discourse throughout the protest. This article contributes to the literature on 'connective' social movements, showing that in certain circumstances these movements have the capacity to determine media coverage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jurídicas CUC is the property of Corporacion Universidad de la Costa, CUC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Jurídicas CUC is the property of Corporacion Universidad de la Costa, CUC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Acta Sociologica (0186-6028) is the property of Instituto de Investigaciones Filosoficas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Revista de Historia Actual is the property of Asociacion de Historia Actual and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Considering the importance that represents the study of identities processes involved in the development of social protests, the present article sets two objectives. On the one hand, to make visible the main difficulties of the study above-mentioned from the point of view proposed by North-American theories. And, on the other hand, to identify the contributions of the hegemony theory elaborated by Ernesto Laclau for the analysis of the social protest. In this way, the intention is to show the potentialities of the latter perspective in relation to the theories considered dominant in the field of study of collective action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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From the middle nineties, but increasingly after the episodes occurred in 2001, many works regarding social demonstrations have been published in Argentina. With the sole exception of some strictly qualitative research, the great majority of the publications have based their analyses on newspaper articles, with both national and international scope. In this work, the statute of newspaper information as a source is problematized from a perspective based on some of the concepts included in Dialectics of Enlightenment (Adorno and Horkheimer, 1998), and from the viewpoint of Paul Ricouer's hermeneutics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Cultura y Religión is the property of Miguel Angel Mansilla Aguero and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Politica y Sociedad is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)