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Against the background of a recent resounding rejection of substantial increases in user contributions for funding long-term residential care in Australia, and especially of measures that could require realization of housing assets, this paper examines the scope for extending to long-term care the "pillars" approach to financing of retirement incomes and health care. The two latter areas are funded through pillars of general revenue, private insurance, social insurance by way of compulsory levies, and direct user contributions, whereas long-term care is financed only by a large pillar of general revenue and a smaller pillar of user contributions which are themselves drawn largely from transfer payments. Examination of the various pillars in each area suggests that there is limited scope for extending private insurance and user contributions in long-term care, but that there are several social policy grounds for incorporating a social insurance pillar. However, while discussion of social insurance options is growing in several quarters, the current political climate offers little prospect for the adoption of such a scheme. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper uses a unique survey on multiculturalism in Australia to explore attitudes towards immigration and multiculturalism. The ethnic backgrounds of immigrants are shown not to matter as long as immigrants are perceived as wanting to become Australian, rather than remaining apart. Australians support government programs to assist the adjustment process, but oppose programs that encourage distinct language and cultural maintenance or foster linguistic/ethnic concentrations. The apprehension that Australians have towards multiculturalism is that they see it as a mechanism for separate cultural preservation. Linguistic enclaves are shown to reduce the acquisition of English language skills among immigrants, whereas positive attitudes among immigrants towards Australia are associated with greater proficiency in speaking, reading and writing English. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Intergovernmental Panel on Climate Change have predicted with high confidence that the risk of bushfires will increase in the future. As this risk increases, so too does the need for appropriate policy responses. In developing these responses, costs need to be weighed against benefits. To fully appreciate the benefits of bushfire risk mitigation policies and strengthen the development of social policies around such events, it is necessary to include the psychological cost of experiencing these events. In this study, we employ the 'life satisfaction approach' to place a monetary estimate on the cost of Australia's Black Saturday bushfires (Australia's worst bushfires on record). Results reveal that the bushfires significantly reduce self-reported levels of life satisfaction, with an implied willingness-to-pay of AUD 2,991 in terms of annual household income, or AUD 1,039 per capita, to reduce by one percent the extent to which an individual's immediate local area was affected by the Black Saturday bushfires. In doing so, we identify an apparent gap between current levels of expenditure on bushfire response and mitigation, and that amount which (with the inclusion of associated social benefits) would be welfare maximising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

So long as the main forces holding together the postwar welfare state remained in place, the range of significant social policy options was only marginal or incremental. In that context the history of Australian political culture was plausibly construed as a utilitarian, pragmatic affair lacking significant contests of ideas, dogmas or principles. This paper examines the origins of this historiography in the birth of political science in the 1950s and suggests that the end of the cold war and the destabilising of the welfare state has exposed the limits of its serviceability. A larger appreciation of the history of Australian political thought—once associated with the theme of `initiative and resistance'—needs to be recovered, especially if political scientists are to make a more creative contribution to the now fundamental social policy debates over the role of the state in the economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since 1981, the financing of the ACT has been subject to five inquiries by the Commonwealth Grants Commission. These inquiries have incorporated the ACT into the fiscal equalisation process between Australian states and territories, and have significantly affected the ACT's general revenue grants from the commonwealth. The inquiries produced evidence of generous commonwealth funding of the ACT compared with the other states. This funding has given rise to ‘over-spending’ on service provision by the ACT government. The ACT government is not currently responsible for all identified ‘over-spending’, being buffered to some extent by transitional allowances recommended by the Grants Commission. The ACT government is, however, experiencing fiscal stress for the ‘over- spending’ for which it is responsible. This stress is expected to increase in the future as the ACT government comes to bear the full burden of all ‘over- spending’. A significant cause of the ‘over-spending’ identified by the Grants Commission was health services expenditure. This situation has raised a number of interesting questions. Is the ‘over- spending’ on health a conscious policy decision to produce a higher quantity/quality combination of health services in the ACT? Or does it represent inefficiency? What policy options are appropriate in view of the ‘over-spending’ on health? This paper addresses these questions using data from the Grants Commission inquiries and a recently released study of hospital utilisation and costs in Australia. It is concluded that, at least with respect to public hospitals in the ACT, excessive staffing is the primary cause of ‘over-spending’. There is little evidence to support an argument that this ‘over-spending’ is resulting in superior health outcomes for ACT' citizens. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents information on the school improvement initiatives and restructuring of education in Australia. In 1986, the Directors-General of Education from all states and territories expressed concern about inefficiencies, quality and the increasing cost of curriculum activity in schools. In 1988 the Commonwealth Minister of Education released a statement called "Strengthening Australia's Schools" that invited a national effort in many aspects of schooling, including the development of national consistency in areas of knowledge and skills required and methods of reporting on achievement. In April 1989, the Australian Education Council identified ten comprehensive national goals for schooling in Australia. Much of the research in the area of school effectiveness has been driven by the need for governments to justify some of the changes being made towards considering education as a vital component of the Australian economy. The late 1980s saw a number of federal and joint federal/state projects developed. To improve the ability of teachers to deliver effectively the school's program, the National Project on the Quality of Teaching and Learning was established in 1991 as a forum for co-operative development of policies and procedures to improve teaching and learning across Australia.

Social policy represents a critical dimension of the governmental response to COVID-19. This article analyses the Australian response, which was radical in that it signalled an unprecedented policy turnaround towards welfare generosity and the almost total relaxation of conditionality. It was also surprising because it was introduced by a conservative, anti-welfarist government. The principal argument is that, though the generosity was temporary, it should be understood simultaneously by reference to institutional change and institutional tradition. The 'change' element was shaped by the urgency and scale of the crisis, which indicated an institutional 'critical juncture'. This provided a 'window of opportunity' for reform, which would otherwise be closed. 'Tradition' was reflected in the nation's federalist conventions, which partially steered the response. The central implication for other countries is that, amid the uncertainty of a crisis, governments need to consider change within the bounds of their traditional institutions when introducing welfare reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the ninth conference of the Social Policy Research Centre (SPRC). The conference began with a warm and touching welcome of the attendees by Ali Golding, an Indigenous Australian from Sydney, New South Wales, and an adopted elder of the Eora people of Sydney. The atmosphere of harmony generated by this welcome provided a challenging context for the delivery of papers that together highlighted a diverse range of problematic social issues. This year also marks the beginning of close collaboration between the Australian Institute of Family Studies and the Social Policy Research Centre in the evaluation of the Australian Government's innovative "Stronger Families and Communities Strategy." This important and intensive evaluation is being led by the SPRC, with the Institute as its partner. The nature of the strategy and ways in which it will be evaluated formed the basis of papers at the SPRC. As this work progresses, it will no doubt produce informative papers linking research, policy and practice.

Public health measures to address the COVID-19 pandemic have disrupted welfare regimes around the world. The Australian government suspended activation requirements for millions of social security clients and substantially increased payment levels. Both measures go against the dominant policy logic over the past several decades in Australian social policy. When these changes were made, many advocates and academics called for a permanent increase in the rate of payment and a relaxation of activations requirements. The Australian Government insisted the stimulus package was temporary and that there would be a gradual return to the pre-pandemic policy settings. In this article, we examine what was learned during this natural experiment of unconditional higher payments, which temporarily lifted millions of households out of poverty. We argue that a return to pre-pandemic policy settings should not go unchecked as there remains an opportunity to consider alternative approaches to the welfare-work nexus in Australia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This commentary reflects on an important article by Fisher and colleagues who draw on four Australian policy case studies to examine how universal and targeted approaches or a combination can be deployed to improve health equity. They conclude that universal approaches are central to action to increase health equity, but that targeting can improve equity of access in some situations including in the context of proportionate universalism. However, we argue that although target services may provide benefits for some populations, they are often stigmatizing and fail to reach may people they aim to support. Instead of accepting the dominant discourse about the key role for targeted approaches, we argue that those committed to reduce social and health inequities should consider the potential of Equity Sensitive Universalism (ESU). This approach focuses on achieving proportionate outcomes with equally provided resources rather than proportionate inputs and provides a 'cohesion dividend,' increasing social solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Mental Health Court programs have been steadily increasing in number since the late 1990s. This paper described the Victorian model of diversion in the Assessment and Referral Court List within the Melbourne Magistrates' Court. The results of a two-year recidivism study suggest that successful completion of the list significantly reduced recidivism rates. Furthermore, this program is also effective at reducing the severity of offending behaviour post-program completion. Several factors that ought to inform the ongoing development of Mental Health Diversionary Courts in Australia are also discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article employs narrative policy analysis to examine how community playgroups are constructed in the ECEC policy framework, in order to understand what might exclude families, and how more families can be included in community playgroups. Playgroups are a widespread and important component of early childhood education and care (ECEC) provision in Australia, where parents and carers meet weekly with their babies, toddlers and preschool children. They are sites of social support for parents, together with play‐based learning and socialisation activities for the children. Through the lens of intersectionality theory, four narratives are constructed through analysis of interviews with policy elite informants. The classic narrative draws on the enduring model of community playgroups from the 1970s, and the vulnerability narrative centres the supported playgroup model. The belonging narrative and the intercultural narrative indicate possibilities for future policy approaches to community playgroups. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The election of an Australian Labor Government in Australia in 2007 saw 'social inclusion' emerge as the official and overarching social policy agenda. Being 'included' was subsequently defined by the ALP Government as being able to 'have the resources, opportunities and capabilities needed to learn, work, engage and have a voice'. Various researchers in Australia demonstrated an interest in social inclusion, as it enabled them to construct a multi-dimensional framework for measuring disadvantage. This research program resulted in various forms of statistical modelling based on some agreement about what it means to be included in society. The multi-dimensional approach taken by academic researchers, however, did not necessarily translate to a new model of social policy development or implementation. We argue that, similar to the experience of the UK, Australia's social inclusion policy agenda was for the most part narrowly and individually defined by politicians and policy makers, particularly in terms of equating being employed with being included. We conclude with discussion about the need to strengthen the social inclusion framework by adopting an understanding of social inequality and social justice that is more relational and less categorical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Researchers and policymakers are increasingly concerned that personalisation schemes in social and health care might be worsening social and health inequities. This has been found internationally, where better outcomes from such schemes have been found amongst those who have higher education and more household income.Method: This study looks at one of the world's largest personalisation schemes, the Australian National Disability Insurance Scheme. Using publicly available data we examine the allocation and utilisation of NDIS funds according to social gradient.Results: We find that the rate at which people with disability 'spend' or effectively use their disability care funds follows a social gradient. That is, those in areas of higher socioeconomic disadvantage are not spending as much of their allocated budgets on care services across the year compared to people in areas of higher socioeconomic advantage. This represents a clear issue of equity in the use of public money to people with disability in Australia.Conclusion: We argue that this points to the need to provide targeted supports for the use of disability care funds in areas of higher socioeconomic disadvantage. Without effective supports for fund use, the NDIS and other personalisation schemes may be positioned to worsen existing social inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The COAG Reform Council has played a critical role in tracking progress, nationally and on a state-by-state basis, against the COAG reform agenda. The council has analysed and publicly reported on governments' performance against outcomes, performance indicators and targets agreed by COAG. However, until 2013 gender analysis was not directly incorporated in the assessment of governments' performance. The council's first report on gender, Tracking equity: Comparing outcomes for women and girls across Australia, redressed this omission. This article explores how taking account of gender greatly enriches our understanding of governments' performance in critical areas, and enhances public accountability as a result. An understanding of gender differences also provides a better basis for government decision-making on ways to improve outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rural and regional parts of Australia have consistently faced the interplay of three distinct challenges: the viability of small-scale agriculture as a basis for farm family and settlement livelihoods, climate variability and an increasingly globalising economic environment. In response to these changes, three key shifts in social policy have been observed since World War II: a shift in economic policy from protectionism to market-based approaches, a shift in natural resource management encompassing a recognition of scarcity and degradation and the need to better manage natural resources (such as land and water) and, in the face of rural decline, a shift in policy moving away from government as provider to a position promoting the economic self-sufficiency of communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The conjunction of equity and market logics in contemporary education has created new and different conditions of possibility for equity, both as conceived in policy discourses and as a related set of educational practices. In this editorial introduction, we examine how equity is being drawn into new policy assemblages and how, in the context of marketisation, equity is evolving and being enacted in new ways across education sectors. Different conceptions of equity are considered, including the increasingly influential human capital perspective promoted by the Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD). We argue that, separate from critiques of neoliberalism and its deleterious effects on equity in education, it is necessary to analyse carefully the increasing rationalisation of equity agendas in economic terms, the associated effects on education governance and policy-making, as well as on the work of educational institutions and educators. Providing an overview of the contributions to this Special Issue, we direct particular attention to the multiple, complex and often contradictory effects of the current education reform agenda in Australia, which has prioritised equity objectives and intensified performance measurement, comparison and accountability as means to drive educational improvement and reduce disadvantage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I present the key findings from a project entitled “The Social Context of Indigenous Poverty”. The research involved a series of interviews with Aboriginal people in urban SE Australia on issues of poverty, social capital and social exclusion. In the article I draw together Aboriginal perspectives on the meaning of poverty to reflect on the relevance of social capital concepts for understanding Aboriginal economic disadvantage and hence, the merits of policy framed in these terms. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

In considering the problem of asylum generally, and the experience of 'boatpeople' specifically, through the tools of Critical Discourse Analysis (CDA) and New Criticism Cries from Babylon is a study of asylum-seeker discourse within the Australian body politic. More particularly, it is a retrospective on shifting policy rhetoric during the Rudd and Gillard Labor governments. Through its historical-cultural and linguistic analysis, the paper positions the rhetoric of these Prime Ministers in the context of an historical narrative concerning the asylum seeker. A principal finding is that, despite indubitably strong personal convictions (inspired, in significant measure, by the life and work of World War II martyr Deitrich Boenhoeffer), in trying to appease the right of Labor's own broader electorate, Rudd occasionally echoed - though never adopted wholesale - the hard-line rhetoric of his predecessor John Howard, Prime Minister of Australia 1996 - 2007. In making its arguments, Cries from Babylon also considers the resurgence of such rhetoric by Prime Minister Julia Gillard and Opposition Leader, Tony Abbott. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes the rise of boys' education as a substantial social and educational issue in Australia in the 1990s, mapping the changes in Australian discourses on boys' education in this period. Ideas and authors informed by the men's movement entered the discourses about boys' education, contributing to a wave of teacher experimentation and new ways of thinking about gender policies in schools. The author suggests that there is currently a policy impasse, and proposes a new multi-disciplinary approach bringing together academic, practitioner, policy, and public discourses on boys' education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Due to the changing humanitarian intake patterns in Australia, there has been an increasing need for interpreter training in a number of rare and emerging languages in order to facilitate communication concerning the provision of government and community services. In order to reflect this need, the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology University (RMIT) in Australia has been offering, since 2002, a Diploma of Interpreting program in these languages. The Victorian Multicultural Commission (VMC), a State Government statutory authority, has provided scholarships as an incentive to entrants in the program, which has been approved by the Australian National Accreditation Authority for Translators and Interpreters (NAATI). Students in these rare and emerging language streams have for the most part arrived as refugees, have lived in Australia for only a relatively short period of time, and have varying educational backgrounds. Their languages are characteristically orally based in that language resources such as dictionaries, glossaries and literature on common topics such as medicine, politics, law are largely unavailable. This paper seeks to identify the sociolinguistic, socio-political and socio-economic factors that impact on the adjustment of these students to an interpreter training course in an Australian dual-sector education (Vocational Education and Training and Tertiary education) setting. It also seeks to identify the factors affecting the teaching and learning aspects of the program. The sources of data for the study are two specifically designed questionnaires and data from the university's Course Experience Surveys, as well as interviews with the teaching staff and participant observation by the authors. The subjects of the study are students of the 2009 RMIT Diploma of Interpreting program in the Karen (an ethnic language of Myanmar) and Nuer (a language spoken mainly in Southern Sudan and parts of Ethiopia) language streams. The findings of this study have policy implications for not only the continuation of such education endeavours, but also the provision of and access to public funding of interpreter training programs in rare and emerging languages. With the identification of the underlying factors affecting the students' adjustment and learning outcome, this study will contribute to the development of more specific learning and teaching strategies for future similar courses, maximising academic and professional outcomes under confining human, material and financial input, which will, in turn, add to the social capital to society at large. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction to the journal is presented in which the editor discusses various reports published within the issue including the memorial tribute to professor Mark Lyons, exploration of Barraket and Archer on the role of community enterprises for the achievement in the goals of the social-inclusion agenda, and the social-policy issue of aboriginal health in Australia.

The ascendency of neoliberal ideas in education and social policy in the 1980s and 1990s was succeeded in the new millennium by a 'new' social democratic commitment with emphases on community empowerment, building social capital and a 'whole of government' approach to partnering with civil society to meet community needs. In Australia, this approach has resulted in the development of partnerships between schools and community organisations formed as part of a targeted, holistic approach to service delivery to meet the settlement and educational needs of refugee youth. Drawing on interviews conducted with community workers and government officers involved in the school-community partnerships, we document how these partnerships are working 'on the ground' in Queensland schools. We analyse our findings against the international literature on changing notions of neoliberal governance, and discuss the implications of the shift to the 'partnering state' for schools and community organisations working with refugee young people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past three decades, thousands of young families have moved from large cities to non-metropolitan areas of Australia. Various policies, particularly housing policies, have played a significant role in this trend. Despite the various impetuses towards relocation, little is known about how young families fare once they have relocated to non-metropolitan areas. In this paper we draw on a study about families relocating to three distinct non-metropolitan areas. From our qualitative analysis of the observations of service providers in education, health, and community support services, we present a model of how relocation to non-metropolitan areas can contribute to the increased vulnerability of some young families to social exclusion. We discuss some ways in which policy makers can intervene to reduce this risk for young families at each phase of the relocation process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper relates to the Australian government's community awareness campaign, as part of the Action Plan to Eradicate Trafficking in Persons, which was announced in October 2003 in response to evidence of human trafficking in Australia. The authors explore the challenges that are likely to be encountered during the implementation of the campaign using empirical data from two Victorian studies, the first of which explored community awareness of trafficking and the second of which examined Victoria Police and local government's responses to trafficking. We conclude that there are significant barriers to both the community and authorities identifying suspicious activities and acting on reports by community. In addition, institution challenges faced by Victoria police and local government in dealing with referred information appropriately will jeopardise the success of the initiative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Social policy appeared to be a key battleground at the 2004 Australian Federal election. Opposition Leader Latham announced major policies on Medicare, family support and taxation, and schools funding during the election campaign. Using sample survey data from the Australian Election Study 2004, this paper analyses how these policies may have influenced voters. In brief, although a significant proportion of electors identified these issues as being extremely important to them when they were deciding about how to vote, many made up their mind abouthow to vote around the time of the announcement of the election or before. This mitigated the potential effect that these major policies could have on the election outcome. Nevertheless, these policies were important and Labor had a significant policy advantage amongst those who were late deciders about how to cast their vote. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the early 1980s Australian public policy has undergone the most major transformation since Federation. This transformation has been underwritten by two key principles: liberalism - the view that citizens are autonomous individual actors whose interests are best served when they are free from coercive government interventions into individual action; and marketisation - the belief that free markets are arenas which best enable individual autonomy and produce efficient economic outcomes. These principles define ‘neoliberalism’ or ‘hard liberalism’. After summarising the major policy changes identified with neoliberalism in Australia, the paper introduces a new research project that examines its impact on socioeconomic inequality, gender inequality and politics and culture. Inspection of relevant data indicates that there are important trends in inequality, public opinion and political behaviour that warrant this investigation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A review of research on transnationalism shows that diasporas with transnational orientations and connections tend to have a strong attachment to local and global identities but a weak attachment to the nation state. In addition, it is argued that territorial nation states are losing their authority in an increasingly globalised and interconnected world. Governments in western democracies have responded by tightening restrictions on citizenship and placing more emphasis on social cohesion and integration rather than multiculturalism. Using the Australian Survey of Social Attitudes (2003), this paper examines attachment to cultural conceptions of national identity among the Asian Australian diaspora and examines the existing literature about the relationship between transmigrants and the nation state. Findings from the study reveal a number of social determinants behind variation in emotional attachment to cultural conceptions of national identity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Anna Yeatman and Joanna Penglase (August 2004) provide a useful review of the literature on ‘Looking After Children’ (LAC), a guided practice system for children living in out-of-home care. In summarising the polarised debate, the authors point to an unresolved situation in which advocates have uncritically adopted individualised care planning, as a way of improving outcomes in child welfare while critics have not offered alternatives for systemic reform. This is an area of troubled social policy and the debate cannot rest here. This paper suggests a number of pressing research questions to be addressed. The urgency of the issues and the characteristics of local service systems mean LAC needs to be evaluated in the Australian context, taking into account the local experience and participation of children, families and their social workers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The movement of large numbers of people from psychiatric hospitals in the 1960s changed the face of mental health services in Australia. This paper explores some of the issues facing people living with mental illness in the community today and the impact of social policy, legislative change and funding of services on their lives, with particular reference to New South Wales. The growth of support and advocacy groups in the 1970s and 1980s, and their role alongside psychologists and other health workers in bringing about change in the provision and type of mental health services, are examined. Opportunities for advocacy and real input into the quality of service provisions have increased, and many people living with disabilities are active in contributing to policy development and advocacy services. However, the level of funding of mental health services and the resources available to care for people living with mental illness in the community remain low and, in many cases, inadequate to provide proper quality care for people living with mental illness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]