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According to the cumulative advantage hypothesis, health gaps between socioeconomic groups widen with age. In the United States, studies have supported this hypothesis. Outside this context, evidence remains scarce. The present study tests the cumulative advantage hypothesis in Sweden, a society that contrasts sharply with the United States in terms of policies designed to reduce social disparities in health-related resources. I draw on longitudinal data from the Swedish Level of Living Survey (N = 9,412 person-years), spanning the period between 1991 and 2010. The results show that gaps in self-rated health increase from early to middle adulthood. This applies to differences between educational groups and between occupational classes. In older age, health gaps remain constant. Cross-cohort analyses reveal a rising importance of cumulative advantage between educational groups but not between occupational classes. I conclude that the forces of accumulation prevail even in one of the most egalitarian welfare states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the theory of 'state feminism' is applied on the area of regional development policy, supplementing existing research about state-citizen relationships in northern and southern Europe. Based on Swedish data, it is argued that the former alliance between the women's movement and the welfare state has been transformed as a result of new steering methods in regional development policy in a way that is best understood as a paradox. This paradox includes both stronger and weaker relations. The public support to Women Resource Centres (WRCs) in Sweden is used as an example of 'state feminism'. The ability of the WRCs to affect policy has changed over time, however, due to the adoption of new steering methods based on networks and market-orientation in Swedish regional development policy. The conclusions induce further development of 'state feminism' theory, making it more up-to-date with the prevalent interaction between women's movements and European welfare states. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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In the last decade, Sweden has emerged on the other side of the 1990s crisis with, if not its self-image intact, then at least a reasserted confidence as, once again, the most modern country in the world. Crisis management in the 1990s seemed to have succeeded. The Swedish bumblebee - the unthinkable animal that flies despite its high taxes and large public sector - flew again. The 'Swedish model' was back after a decade as the punch bag of neoliberalism. Throughout the European centre left - from the debate on the European social model to Segolene Royal and Gordon Brown - Sweden has reemerged as 'Nordic light', proof that a better world is possible. This reappraisal in the eyes of the world has paradoxical consequences in Sweden, since it seems to overwrite the uncertainty and insecurity of crisis with assertion and confidence, while leaving many questions unanswered. It also leads to new definitions of what Sweden is. The paper suggests that Sweden post-1990s suffers from a particular kind of nostalgia, in which the famous Model emerges as a kind of paradise lost with uncertain links both to past and future. While Sweden yet again becomes the utopia of others, it is a kind of future past to itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we explore the interaction between female and male employment, parenting responsibilities and family policy in Russia and Sweden. The study is based first on indicators of public social services, assistance for families and labour force data; and second, on the ISSP modules on Family and Changing Gender Roles (years 1994, 2002). The results show that both Sweden and Russia facilitate the 'dual-earner' family model, but that Sweden places a greater emphasis on dual-caring and flexible work arrangements for women. The support for traditional gender roles was much higher and more uniform in Russia than in Sweden. The proportion of 'dual-earner' and female-led families was nevertheless higher in Russia than in Sweden, especially in 1994 when major restructuring in the social and economic sphere was occurring. The findings suggest that family policy is instrumental in facilitating female employment, but does not necessarily bring changes in gender-role attitudes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Given its relative ethnic and socio-economic homogeneity, Sweden is an ideal nation for the study of variations in formal and informal care as a function of gender, disability and advanced age. This paper reports an analysis of the relationships between gender, disability and age and the formal care delivered to more than 1,200 people aged 75 or more years in Sweden in 1994 and 2000. In municipalities that provided above-average home-help hours per recipient, and that had high institutional placement rates, women were relatively less likely to have been receiving informal assistance alone, those with greater disability were more likely to have been receiving all forms of assistance, the oldest-old were less likely to have been receiving either informal or formal help alone, and rates of formal assistance and of no informal care were relatively low. In municipalities with high rates of institutional placement, the oldest-old were relatively more likely to have been receiving both formal and informal assistance. Sweden's system of old-age care appears broadly equitable although the quality of care could not be fully assessed. Although home and community-based service provision (HCBS) has recently decreased, variations in the volume and mix of delivered formal services reflect differences in need. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper discusses the perspective and conclusions of an article in Critical Social Policy: '"It's only a tradition": making sense of eradication interventions and the persistence of female "circumcision" within a Swedish context' (Ahlberg et al., 2004). In their analysis of Swedish Somalis' narratives of female circumcision, the authors interpret the unwillingness of the interviewees to admit a persistence of tradition in terms of 'denial' and 'avoidance'. We argue that an inadequate starting point makes their analysis biased, resulting in a violation of the interviewees' point of view. There is a lack of contextualization and triangulation. Instead of persistence of tradition, as emphasized by Ahlberg et al., we see reasons to focus on processes of abandonment of the practice. Their article raises issues of the researcher's position in a politicized context and of the importance of an awareness of how our preconceptions, as researchers, are formed by hegemonic political discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]