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The article focuses on politics and government in Indonesia and mentions military coup in the country. Topics discussed include country's major general Suharto, Communist Party of Indonesia (PKI) and student demonstrations in the country. Other topics which includes kidnapping and murder of general Sutoyo Siswomiharjo are also mentioned.

When Indonesia's President Suharto was forced to resign in 1998, the accompanying uncertainty triggered serious communal violence in five regions. As the nation's politics and economy stabilized from 2002, so did those provinces. Identity-based conflict is now the rare exception rather than the rule in democratic Indonesia. Yet puzzlingly, despite the consolidation of democracy, ethnic clashes and mob violence against religious minorities continue to occur. While such events are now far smaller than those in the first years of democratization and occur only occasionally, their persistence requires analysis given the potential for escalation and what it tells us about Indonesia's reform process. In this article I compare recent incidents with that of the initial post-authoritarian era, and find that identity-based collective violence persists because many important causes of conflict have not been removed by democratic consolidation. As found by numerous scholars, many illiberal characteristics of the authoritarian state have segued neatly into democratic Indonesia. I assert that this has left several main causes of group violence firmly in place. I further contend that the failure to remove these phenomena partly has its origins in the order of democratic reforms chosen in the years after Suharto's resignation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the hindrances to journalists' autonomy in the Papua provinces of Indonesia. It argues that media practitioners in Papua are operating in a subnational authoritarian environment, where the freedoms enjoyed by journalists elsewhere in Indonesia's largely robust media are not afforded to local journalists. The article explains that security forces and local government are the main factors influencing mainstream news content in the region. Yet, as Internet penetration rises and new communication technologies are advanced, new online journalism ventures are gaining in prominence. Their success will depend on whether subnational authoritarianism remains the status quo in a region where new local media ventures are largely unable to provide open and critical coverage of events and issues. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When authoritarian regimes break down, why does communal violence spike and why are some locations more prone to violence than others? To understand violence during transitions, it is necessary to understand what sustains order when regimes are stable. While existing theories attribute order to formal or informal security institutions on their own, I argue that intercommunal order obtains when formal and informal security institutions are aligned. During authoritarian breakdowns, the state's coercive grip loosens, exposing mismatches between formal and informal institutions and raising the risk of communal violence. Formal-informal mismatches emerge in communities accustomed to heavy state intervention since they will have developed more state-dependent informal security institutions. I apply an instrumental variables approach on a nationwide dataset of village-level data to show that prior exposure to military intervention, proxied by the distance to security outposts, led to Indonesia's spike in violence during its recent democratic transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Reforms within the Indonesian political system, following the fall of the Soeharto regime in 1998, have led to some fundamental changes in the structure of government and civil administration. Two new laws, Law No. 22/1999 on Regional Government (Decentralization Law) and Law No. 25/1999 on the Fiscal Balance between the Central Government and the Regions (Fiscal Decentralization Law), which have already been revised with the enactment of laws 32/2004 and 33/2004 promote a reconsideration of community-based approaches to coastal zone management. These laws also provide new opportunities for institutionalization of local values and community institution to manage coastal resources. This paper examines community-based and co-management approaches in coastal zone management in Indonesia. It is argued that co-management is an appropriate approach in managing Indonesian coastal zone as it allows for the development of a model containing a balance of power between governments, communities as whole and a wide range of individual stakeholders. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

This article proposes the concept of an extractive regime to understand Indonesia's developmental trajectory from 1966 to 1998. The concept contributes to world-systems, globalization, and commodity-based approaches to understanding peripheral development. An extractive regime is defined by its reliance on extraction of multiple natural resources in the formation of an economic and political order that is also supported by global and regional forces. After elaborating the concept of an extractive regime, the article illustrates it through examination of Indonesia's developmental trajectory from its formation in the post-World War II era to its firm establishment during Suharto's New Order. Although a comprehensive study would necessitate attention to the full panoply of commodities, the study illustrates some of the workings of the extractive regime in the timber and fisheries sectors, which share spatial extensivity and other characteristics. The article concludes by considering the future of the extractive regime in Indonesia amid democratization and continued class domination and by offering suggestions for further application, specification, and extension of the extractive regime concept. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers information on the failure of Bacharuddin Jusuf Habibie to bring Muhammad Soeharto to court wherein his efforts such as securing the survival of the former Golkar Party has implicated in the past human rights violation in Indonesia. It notes the role of Habibie for the country's transitional process and discusses the impact of individual characters, strategies and maneuvers of provisional rulers on democratising polities. Moreover, it discusses the short-lived presidency of Habibie in which he has crucial achievements in political reform where he had pledged to overcome.

The article discusses the similarities and differences between the government in Indonesia during the 1950s and the period following the rule of Indonesian president Suharto. Changes that have occurred regarding the political system in Indonesia from the 1950s to the end of the rule of Suharto are discussed. Comparisons are made between the stability of political parties in Indonesia and the impact that competition within political parties had during both time periods are mentioned. The impact that the economic conditions in Indonesia during both time periods had on the stability of the country's government is discussed.

Discusses the issues concerning the transition of government from the administration of former President Makam Suharto to President Megawati Sukarnoputri in Indonesia. Retribution for the persistent patterns of violence to the government of Suharto; Elements of the collective past of Indonesian government; Indication of political unrest.

Discusses ethnic diversity which hinders unification in Indonesia. Geographical description of the republic; Analysis of the post-colonial period under Makam Suharto; Causes of the conflicts within the archipelago.

Examines the politics and government in Indonesia before and after the fall of the government of President Makam Suharto in 1998. Challenges in the Indonesian unity in 1950; Unification of the state leadership and military predominance in 1966; Role played by the Tentera Nasional Indonesia after the fall of the Suharto.

Discusses the response of ethnic Indonesian Chinese to the widespread riots in the country before and after the fall of Suharto on May 21, 1998. May riots in Medan, Solo and Jakarta; Identification of three possible responses by people faced with a decline of firms, organizations or states; Impact of the financial crisis on East Asia; Factors influencing the response of ethnic Indonesian Chinese.

Examines the developments in Indonesia following the Asian crisis in relation to the legacy left by the authoritarian rule of Indonesian leader Makam Suharto. Competition between dominant groups over the control of the state and its authority in relation to the allocation of state resources and patronage; Emergence of a capitalist oligarchy; Economic implications of state power.

Explores the implications of the changes in industrial relations climate and regulatory framework in Indonesia during the interregnum of Indonesian President B. J. Habibie. Reflection on the labor relations under the New Order of former President Makam Suharto; Description of the organized opposition to the industrial relations system; Ways in which labor relations and representation changed during the interregnum of President Habibie.

Introduces a series of articles on the changes in Indonesia brought about by the fall in power of former Indonesian President Makam Suharto.

Focuses on the changes in the politics and government of Indonesia. Impact of the political regime of Makam Suharto on the government; Features of the New Order rule of Suharto; Appointment of Jusuf Habibie as predecessor of Suharto; Reactions of Indonesians on the regime of Suharto.

Addresses the need and effort to reform center-region relationships in Indonesia after the administration of President Makam Suharto. Financial imbalance in the relationship between the central and regional governments; Selection and accountability of regional governors; Feasibility of the policy responses of the central government.

In May 1998, citizens of Indonesia took to the streets to defy the Government of President Suharto. The extent and depth of national anger shocked the political elite into a dramatic recasting of the cards they had habitually played for three decades, and Suharto was persuaded to retire. Although the same elite is still in power, Suharto and his family are no longer able to treat Indonesia as a private patrimony. What the citizens accomplished may, in the long term, seem very little. But the energy in their moment of intense effort to accomplish something amorphously called 'change' and, particularly, to set a limit to corruption, stirred beleaguered citizens in faraway lands, as they contemplated those whom they had elected to serve their nation ransacking instead its meagre reserves. The point of explosion, when mass patience snaps, is the 'Indonesian moment' of a brief African, surprisingly public, discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Characterizes the politics, government and economy of Indonesia after the resignation of president Makam Suharto and the rise of B.J. Habibie to the seat in May 21, 1998. Decline of the economy after the regional economic crisis; Rise of social unrest at the onset of monetary crisis; Factors contributing to Suharto's decision to resign from office; Emergence of ethnic and religious conflicts.

Probes the political uncertainty in Indonesia. 76-year-old President Suharto's non-designation of a successor; Probable changes in the political system stemming from a transfer of power; Status of democracy; Role of the military in politics.

This article re-examines the origins and rise of Indonesian President Makam Suharto's New Order. Although it continues to display considerable staying power, Suharto's New Order in Indonesia has been in decline since the second half of the 1980s. Against the background of the growing debate about the future of Suharto's regime, a re-examination of the origins and rise of the New Order can illuminate the character and direction of the impending political transition in Indonesia. This is the subject of the first half of this article. By contrast the second half focuses directly on the debate about the decline of the Suharto regime and engages critically with the question of whether the New Order will eventually be followed by some form of capitalist democratic modernity.

This article examines the politics of succession in Indonesia, particularly, the seeming determination of Indonesia's President Suharto to remain in office as of 1990, and its political and economic implications. Suharto is currently serving his fifth unopposed term of office. His term expires in March 1993, at which time he will be nearly 72 years old. Suharto is widely believed to be intent on serving another five years despite his age and despite signs of dissent within the armed forces, which have been his power base from the outset. The manner of political succession is critical for the republic, which has experienced succession only once since independence in 1945. Despite Suharto's impressive economic and international achievements over the past 25 years, he remains vulnerable. There are significant cracks in his authority arising from stresses in Indonesian society brought about by economic development, the growing popularity of Islam, tensions within the armed forces, and widespread resentment of the patronage and corruption associated with Suharto's family and administration. Factors which probably contribute to Suharto's reluctance to leave office are concern for his family and for his place in history. The political stability and economic health of Indonesia depend on Suharto's willingness and ability to act in advance of events. If they overtake him and Indonesia, it may expose the extent to which he has created an ephemeral rather than an enduring political system, despite his considerable economic achievements over the past quarter of a century.

Focuses on issues involving presidential succession in Indonesia. Possible implications of an economic downturn for the re-election of President Makam Suharto in 1998; Details of the social and economic policies of Suharto; Role of political integrity in the succession; Challenges faced by the country in creating a modern society.

The article discusses the political and economic condition of Indonesia in 1989. President Makam Suharto assured that the country will continue its national stability and security, consensus-building and economic development agenda as he is in his fifth five-year term. However, the continuous student demonstrations and non-government organizations showed a continued weakness of its formal political institutions. In order to improve its international image, President Suharto visited the Soviet Union and the U.S. Meanwhile, the impressive performance of its economy is a basis of optimism for the country's Fifth Five-Year Development Plan.

On three occasions since the mid-1960s, the government of President Soeharto has made major policy decisions that have liberalized Indonesia's economy. These policy decisions are explained as voluntary or autonomous choices reflecting Soeharto's calculations of the political costs and benefits to his continued rule. The choices are set in a context of four conditioning variables: economic crisis, international economic forces, culture, and regime type. This approach is juxtaposed to other popular explanations of Indonesian and Third World policy making, particularly patrimonialism, statism, and culturalism. Patrimonialism is shown in the Indonesian case not to be incompatible with the adoption of neoclassical economic policies. State-centered theories are criticized for too high a level of aggregation and for a lack of empirical fit. The standard cultural approach fails to explain why liberal policies were chosen despite an illiberal culture. A more complex view of culture—conceived as commodious, flexible, living, not a dead weight smothering policy initiative—is offered as an alternative. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Comments on the politics and government of Indonesia under the administration of former President Makam Suharto. Implications of his administration; Information on the Pancasila ideology; Policy of the United States on international relations.