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Soziologische Zeitdiagnosen suggerieren, dass tiefgreifende gesellschaftliche Krisen wie die COVID-19-Pandemie unsere Wertorientierungen infrage stellen und auch relativ kurzfristig ändern könn(t)en. Von dieser Beobachtung ausgehend, wird untersucht, ob es in Österreich im Zeitraum Mai 2020 bis März/April 2021 zu signifikanten Verschiebungen von Wertprioritäten nach der Skala von Shalom Schwartz kam. Als Datenmaterial dienen die beiden ersten Wellen der Panelstudie Values in Crisis. Für die Interpretation der Ergebnisse sind zwei theoretische Annahmen zentral: erstens die These eines zunehmenden Konservatismus und zweitens die These der Wirkmacht politischer Diskurse in Zeiten des (wieder)aufkeimenden Populismus. Besondere Berücksichtigung findet im Beitrag zudem eine methodologische Auseinandersetzung mit dem Wandel der Bedeutung von Fragebogenitems aufgrund der COVID-19-Pandemie. Die empirischen Analysen bestätigen - entgegen einigen aktuellen Zeitdiagnosen - eine deutliche Stabilität von Wertorientierungen. Verändert hat sich vor allem der Wert der Konformität, indem er für einen Teil der Bevölkerung wichtiger wurde; gleichzeitig verlor der Wunsch nach einer hedonistischen Lebensweise etwas an Bedeutung. Konformität wurde insbesondere für die Wähler*innen der Regierungsparteien wichtiger, während sich dieser Trend vor allem bei den Wähler*innen der FPÖ nicht zeigte. Da die beobachteten Verschiebungen von Wertprioritäten vor allem "pandemie-sensible" Wertedimensionen betreffen, lässt sich auf der Basis der vorliegenden Ergebnisse insgesamt eher von einer kurzfristigen Reaktion auf die Krise und weniger von einem längerfristigen Wertewandel ausgehen. Recent sociological diagnoses suggest that profound social crises such as the COVID-19 pandemic challenge our value orientations and could change them even in the relatively short term. Based on this observation, we investigate whether significant shifts in value priorities according to the Shalom Schwartz scale took place in Austria in the period May 2020 to March/April 2021. The first two waves of the Values in Crisis panel study serve as data material. Two theoretical assumptions are central to the interpretation of the results: first, the thesis of a trend toward conservatism and second, the thesis of the effective power of political discourses in times of (re)emerging populism. The article also pays special attention to a methodological discussion of changes in the meaning of questionnaire items due to the COVID-19 pandemic. The empirical analyses confirm a clear stability of value orientations. Above all, the value of conformity has changed, becoming more important for a significant part of the population; at the same time, the desire for a hedonistic lifestyle lost some of its importance. Conformity became more important, particularly for voters of the governing political parties, while this trend was not apparent, especially among voters of the FPÖ. Since the observed shift in value priorities mainly concerns “pandemic-sensitive” value dimensions, the results suggest a short-term reaction to the crisis rather than a long-term change in values.

Recent literature recognises the importance of situating social networks in spatial contexts to better understand how space, place, and social networks interact and are co‐constituted. Despite this call, the mainstream literature in social network analysis pays relatively little attention to spatial dimensions of social networks and remains largely disconnected from the vast body of research on spatial networks in geography and cognate fields. This thematic issue is one step towards advancing this research agenda by examining how such an approach relates to issues of social inclusion and social participation. It includes a selection of studies that focus on the relation between space and social networks across a wide variety of research fields and contexts. Contributions use original, often mixed‐method approaches and multiple perspectives for capturing the role of space and people’s experience of place in network formation through physical, cultural, and geographical dimensions. We conclude this editorial by briefly suggesting areas for future research.

Subjective well-being research increasingly uses web surveys to understand how subjective well-being indicators are related to other concepts of interest. Although we know that mean scores on these indicators may differ between modes, we know little about whether a move to web will influence the conclusions we draw about our conceptual models. This study uses data from a unique mixed-mode survey collected in Croatia and Germany as part of the Generations and Gender Programme to examine whether the relationships between a range of subjective well-being indicators and a set of objective and subjective determinants differ between respondents answering these questions in face-to-face or web mode. Although respondents report lower subjective well-being in web than in face-to-face mode, the relationships between these variables and a range of objective and subjective indicators are relatively stable across modes. This suggests that substantive conclusions about antecedents of subjective well-being do not depend on whether data are collected via a face-to-face interview or through web survey.

The article investigates how Bourdieu’s theory of practice can be mobilized to analyse the micro landscape of decision-making in urban practice, framing it by means of the concept of habitus. The reconstruction of the Riga Castle Square in the UNESCO-protected area is used as a case study. Using the vocabulary of habitus-related concepts—illusio, doxa, and hysteresis—an attempt is made to trace the interrelations between the motivations and actions of professionals involved in the project and their influence on the outcomes. This article assumes that the symbolic significance of a place causes symbolic space, understood as a grid of cognitive structures guiding agents in their choices, to become salient. When representative public spaces are transformed, the symbolic space imposes on social and physical spaces through the symbolic forms of power used by specialists. In conclusion, the article offers an interpretation of heritage as a manifestation of habitus: Public space thus exemplifies a social interface, expressing interplay between traditional and emerging values. The findings reinforce the relevance of the theory of practice for researching non-physical phenomena of urban practice. The concept of habitus supports the conceptualization of urban planning practice as assemblages of diverse interdependent interactional settings where fraternities of practice communities communicate around values. This communication defines motivations and determines decisions, shaping physical space. The theory of practice helps decompose the micro-level of socio-psychological dynamics underlying stakeholders’ decision-making and to relate it to macro phenomena, such as power distribution or participation.

While it has become fashionable in the arena of international health to think about health systems, the theoretical underpinning of Niklas Luhmann's vast and productive theory has been given too little consideration in the field. It is rich in concepts that can facilitate a fuller understanding of what health systems are. João Costa applies these concepts and shows the analytical possibilities they open up. He argues concisely how Luhmann's Social Systems Theory offers an integrated theoretical body as well as a consistent articulation of concepts that can lay the groundwork for a vastly improved health systems thinking.

Der vorliegende Bericht stellt ein Hilfsangebot für all jene zivilgesellschaftliche Organisationen (ZGO) dar, die gerne diverser und inklusiver (DI) werden möchten. Dafür wurden verschiedene, kleinere Organisationen und Initiativen aus der Zivilgesellschaft nach Beispielen und Gelingensbedingungen für ein gutes Diversitätsmanagement befragt, aktuelle Daten zum Diversitätsstand in der Zivilgesellschaft zusammengetragen und ein Modell entwickelt, das in den Handlungsfeldern Sensibilisierung, Empowerment, Teilhabe und Transparenz Methoden zur Umsetzung von DI an die Hand gibt und in der Anwendung der unterschiedlichen Aspekte von Diversität helfen kann. Im Ergebnis der Interviews und der Recherche sind folgende Punkte zentral: Nach wie vor gibt es zu wenig Diversität in der Zivilgesellschaft. Statistisch gesehen ist das Bild von Zivilgesellschaft noch von herkömmlichen Besetzungsstrukturen geprägt, d.h. die Führungspositionen sind von in der Regel nicht-behinderten, älteren, weißen Cis-Männern mit hohem Bildungsniveau und guter sozioökonomischer Herkunft besetzt. Auch das klassische Bild des Engagierten folgt diesen Kategorien. Viele Organisationen setzen sich für DI ein und sind sich auch der Intersektionalität bewusst, müssen aber häufig Akzente setzen. Es gibt teils große Unterschiede darin, welche Diversitätsdimensionen in der alltäglichen Praxis Berücksichtigung finden. Organisationen, die sich für emanzipatorische Themen engagieren oder einen Selbsthilfehintergrund haben, sind häufig diversitätsbewusster und ihnen gelingt es allgemein besser, Menschen diverser Hintergründe einzubinden. DI gelingt am besten im Zusammenspiel von Top down und Bottom Up und im holistischen Ansatz, d.h. im Zusammenspiel zwischen der Leitungsebene und Organisationsbasis sowie der Integration aller Organisationsbereiche. DI kostet Zeit, Wille und Geld, ist aber auch mit geringen Ressourcen machbar: Viele kleine Organisationen schrecken vor dem Thema Diversität zurück mit dem Hinweis, zu wenig Kapazitäten zu haben, um sich ‚auch darum‘ noch kümmern zu können. Die Interviews zeigen jedoch, dass es möglich ist, auch mit kleinem Budget, dafür aber mit Willen zum Ziel zu gelangen. Es gibt immer mehr kostenlose Beratungsangebote, Tools oder open-source Programme und der Einsatz von externen Fachberatungen ist häufig in Relation zu anderen Kosten wie Personal oder Veranstaltungskosten plan- und überschaubar, auch für kleine ZGO. Insbesondere für kleinere ZGO gilt deswegen: Holen Sie sich Hilfe von außen! Externe unterstützen DI-Maßnahmen über den gesamten Prozess hinweg, indem sie Wissen und Tools mitbringen, aus einer neutralen Position bestehende Maßnahmen evaluieren und bei Konfliktfällen oder Übergriffen eine sichere Ansprechstelle bieten können. Für Organisationen mit kleinem Personalbestand bietet es sich an, externe Hilfestellung als Dienstleistung einzukaufen, da ein eigenes Diversitätsmanagement mit Personalstelle unrealistisch ist. Eine Frage des Willens: Mit der Studie wurde ein möglichst übersichtlicher Werkzeugkasten erstellt, gleichwohl muss die Entscheidung zur Anwendung jedoch aus der ZGO selbst kommen. Es gibt gute Argumente für ein Mehr an Diversität - es ist gerecht, rechtlich geboten und darüber hinaus für die Organisationsentwicklung und Nachwuchsgewinnung von großem Vorteil - diese Begründungen müssen aber nur nicht nur plakativ geäußert, sondern auch wirklich internalisiert werden.

Alain Caillé: Das Paradigma der Gabe: Eine sozialtheoretische Ausweitung. Bielefeld: transcript Verlag 2022. 978-3-8376-6190-3

Markus Schroer: Geosoziologie - Die Erde als Raum des Lebens. Berlin: Suhrkamp 2022. 978-3-518-29924-1

In diesem Beitrag wird die aktuelle soziale Lage in Österreich einschließlich der drängenden sozialen Herausforderungen anhand der Dimensionen "soziale Ungleichheit und soziale Spaltung", "soziale Risiken und soziale Ungewissheit" sowie "soziale Bedürfnisse und soziale Probleme" analysiert. Wir skizzieren dann die Architektur des konservativen österreichischen Wohlfahrtsstaats. Vor allem seit der COVID-Krise werden neben dem traditionellen Instrumentarium sozialpolitischer Interventionen zunehmend diskretionäre Maßnahmen gesetzt. Aus den konstatierten Herausforderungen für die Sozialpolitik und den diagnostizierten Lücken in der Absicherung leiten wir Überlegungen zu einer progressiven Weiterentwicklung des österreichischen Sozialstaats ab, die sich aus den einleitend beschriebenen Dimensionen ableiten lassen: Den Herausforderungen "soziale Ungleichheit und soziale Spaltung" setzen wir die Zielsetzungen "soziale Gleichheit und Solidarität" entgegen. Den Herausforderungen "soziale Risiken und soziale Ungewissheit" stellen wir die Zielsetzungen "soziale Sicherheit und Schaffung von Freiräumen zur Lebensgestaltung" gegenüber. "Soziale Bedürfnisse und soziale Probleme" sollten adressiert werden, indem auf die Zielsetzungen "soziale Rechte und Daseinsvorsorge" fokussiert wird. This contribution analyses the current social situation in Austria, including the pressing social challenges, according to the dimensions "social inequality and social divisions", "social risks and social uncertainty" and "social needs and social problems". We then provide an overview of the architecture of the Austrian welfare state, which is traditionally defined as being part of the conservative welfare state regime. Especially since the Covid-19 crisis, discretionary instruments to target the specific challenges of the crisis have complemented traditional measures of Austrian social policy. Based on our analysis of current challenges and gaps in terms of social security provision, we conclude by discussing elements for a progressively-oriented further development of the Austrian welfare state: We argue to counter challenges of "social inequality and social divisions" with policies aimed at achieving "social equality and solidarity". Challenges of "social risks and social uncertainty" should be addressed by focusing on "social security and capacities to realize the plans for one's life". "Social needs and social problems" ought to be tackled by focusing on "social rights and public services".

Spiele sind beliebte Heuristiken soziologischer Theoriebildung. Ihr Potential für die empirische Forschung wurde bislang aber nicht systematisch erkannt und erprobt. Dieses Working Paper handelt vom Versuch, qualitative Grounded Theory Methodologie und Spielgestaltung im Sinne von Design Games zu verbinden. Wir schließen dabei an die neue Strömung der Designsoziologie an, die über disziplinäre Grenzen hinweg Ideen aus dem Mediendesign in den soziologischen Methodenkanon aufnimmt. Das hier vorgestellte Design Game „Windschatten“ ist der Prototyp für ein Kooperationsspiel mit spezifischen Erkenntnisansprüchen und trägt zu den Debatten der Designsoziologie bei. In diesem Paper stellen wir die methodische Herstellung des Spiels vor und zeigen, wie Designmethoden mit den Prinzipien qualitativer Sozialforschung verknüpft werden können. Die Strukturelemente von Spielen werden dabei als Möglichkeiten erkannt, im Zuge reflexiver und iterativ ausgerichteter qualitativer Forschung empirisch fundierte Thesen über spezifische Forschungsgegenstände methodisch zu testen, habituelle Wahrnehmungs- und Handlungsmuster zu erheben und zugleich kreative Experimentierräume für die beteiligten Forschungssubjekte zu schaffen. Design Games verbinden damit Aspekte rekonstruierender Analyse und engagierter Aktionsforschung. Dieses Working Paper macht die Verfahren und Prozesse der Spielgestaltung transparent, beschreibt das Wechselspiel zwischen der Spielgestaltung und den etablierten Grounded Theory Verfahren im Forschungsprozess und soll damit andere Forschende zur Weitergestaltung des Design Games anregen. Mit der angehängten Spielanleitung möchten wir zudem dazu anregen, das Spiel „Windschatten“ in neue Kontexte und für neue Forschungszwecke zu nutzen. Die Spielanleitung und einige grafische Spieleelemente sind dem Working Paper beigelegt., Games are popular heuristics of sociological theory. However, their potential for empirical research has not yet been systematically recognized and tested. In this working paper, we attempt to combine qualitative grounded theory methodology and game design in the sense of design games. With the rise of digital media as a major sociological topic, scholars also pointed to the methodological potentials of media design for qualitative inquiries. We present the design game “Windschatten” (”slipstream“) as a prototype for a cooperative game with specific research interests. By doing so this paper contributes to the debates of design sociology by making transparent how a particular experimental design method can be linked methodologically with qualitative social research. The structural elements of games are introduced as means to empirically test grounded theories about specific research objects in the course of reflexive and iterative qualitative research, to analyze habitual patterns of perception and action, and to create experimental spaces of creativity for the research subjects involved. We argue that design games thereby link analytical qualitative research with democratic and participatory processes of inquiry. The working paper makes the procedures and processes of game design transparent, describes its interplay with established grounded theory procedures in the research process, and thus aims to inspire other researchers to further develop and use the design game “Winschatten”.

Die ethische Orientierung von Pflegenden an einem würdevollen Umgang mit der zu pflegenden Person galt lange Zeit als Hindernis für die Beteiligung an Arbeitskonflikten. Mittlerweile wird teilweise von einer ermächtigenden Wirkung dieses Ethos ausgegangen. Der Artikel geht über solche polarisierten Einschätzungen hinaus, indem er aufzeigt, dass die subjektive und gesellschaftliche Deutung dieses Ethos ein umkämpftes Terrain ist. Es stabilisiert nach wie vor häufig die Einpassung in prekäre Arbeitsbedingungen; in Konflikten kann es aber auch eine kämpferische Deutung erfahren. Um dies analytisch und politisch angemessen zu berücksichtigen, müssen die ethischen Dilemmata des Pflegealltags als kollektive Angelegenheit bearbeitet werden. Dies setzt voraus, dass die Heterogenität der Arbeitenden und der Arbeitskontexte ebenso bedacht werden wie betriebliche Dynamiken und berufliche Traditionen. Zudem braucht es eine Erneuerung gewerkschaftlicher Praxis., For a long time, the ethical orientation of caregivers toward dignified treatment of the person being cared for was considered an obstacle to involvement in work conflicts. In the meantime, an empowering effect of this ethos is partly assumed. This article moves beyond such polarized assessments by demonstrating that the subjective and social interpretation of this ethos is contested terrain. It still often stabilizes fitting into precarious working conditions; but in conflicts, it can also be given a combative interpretation. In order to take this into account in an analytically and politically appropriate way, the ethical dilemmas of everyday nursing have to be dealt with as a collective matter. This requires that the heterogeneity of workers and work contexts be considered as well as workplace dynamics and professional traditions. In addition, a renewal of trade union practice is needed., AIS-Studien

Thomas Piketty: Eine kurze Geschichte der Gleichheit. München: C.H. Beck 2022. 978-3-406-79098-0

Vermögen ist in Österreich sehr ungleich verteilt. Seit der HFCS-Vermögenserhebung der Oesterreichischen Nationalbank (OeNB) und von Wissenschaftler:innen durchgeführten Hochschätzungen lässt sich besser beziffern, wie groß die Vermögenskonzentration tatsächlich ist. Österreich steht innerhalb der Eurozone mit an der Spitze der Vermögensungleichheit. Die große Mehrheit der in Österreich lebenden Bevölkerung empfindet die bestehende Vermögensverteilung als ungerecht. Vermögensteuern sind ein Weg, die Schieflage zu reduzieren. Das reichste 1 % verfügt über rund 40 % des gesamten Nettovermögens, während die ärmere Hälfte gerade einmal 2,8 % des Nettovermögens besitzt. Die hohe Vermögenskonzentration hat negative wirtschaftliche, demokratiepolitische und ökologische Konsequenzen. Der Überreichtum kann durch Vermögenssteuern reduziert werden. In Austria, wealth is very unequally distributed. Thanks to the HFCS wealth survey conducted by the Austrian National Bank and projections by researchers, it has become easier to quantify the actual extent of wealth concentration. Regarding wealth, Austria is one of the most unequal countries in the Euro area. The vast majority of the population of Austria perceives the existing distribution of wealth as unfair. Wealth taxes are one way to reduce this imbalance. The richest 1 % owns around 40 % of the total net wealth, while the poorer half owns just 2.8 % of net wealth. High wealth concentration has negative impacts on economy, democracy, and the environment. Wealth concentration can be reduced through the introduction of wealth taxes.

George Steinmetz: The Colonial Origins of Modern Social Thought: French Sociology and the Overseas Empire. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press 2023. 978-0-691-23742-8

This paper focuses on a kind of reasoning in which the members of a group with a goal of its own may engage, herein referred to as “real team reasoning.” Starting with four challenging observations on what is, and is not, involved in acting together towards a group or collective goal, an account of a collective goal that accords with these observations is offered. This account appeals to a joint commitment of the parties, understood as is explained. Several virtues of the account are noted, and it is defended against a methodological objection privileging theoretical parsimony by reference in part to the need to invoke joint commitment in other contexts., Historical Social Research Vol. 48, No. 3 (2023)

Im Kontext des wirtschaftlichen, demografischen und sozialstaatlichen Strukturwandels nehmen sozialräumliche Ungleichheiten zu. Vor dem Hintergrund von Peripherisierungsprozessen lassen sich in ländlich-strukturschwachen Räumen die Entstehung eines neuen verarmten Landproletariats und eine wachsende soziale Polarisierung beobachten. Im Rahmen eines laufenden qualitativen Forschungsprojektes zu ländlicher Armut in Ost- und Westdeutschland fragt der Beitrag nach der Zusammensetzung und klassenanalytischen Bestimmung dieses Landproletariats. Dabei werden empirisch gestützt und mit Bezug auf heterodoxe und feministisch-marxistische Theorien dominante Annahmen marxistischer Klassentheorie kritisch reflektiert. Die klassenanalytische Bestimmung des neuen Landproletariats, so wird argumentiert, muss die tradierte Erwerbszentriertheit überwinden und nicht-formelle Modi der Subsumption von Arbeit und Leben unter das Kapital unter Berücksichtigung des Raumbezuges ins Zentrum stellen. Hiervon ausgehend plädieren wir für einen erweiterten Begriff von proletarisierten Klassenlagen, der das Verhältnis von Proletarisierung und Pauperisierung betont., In the context of structural changes in economy, demography and welfare, socio-spatial inequalities are increasing. Against the background of peripheralization processes, the emergence of a new impoverished rural proletariat and a growing social polarization can be observed in structurally weak rural areas in Germany. In the context of an ongoing qualitative research project on rural poverty in East and West Germany, the article investigates the composition and class-analytical definition of this rural proletariat. Empirically supported and with reference to heterodox and feminist Marxist theories, dominant assumptions of Marxist class theory are critically reflected. The class analytic definition of the relegated rural proletariat, it is argued, must overcome the traditional labor-centeredness and focus on non-formal modes of subsumption of work and life under capital, while taking into account the reference to space. On this basis, we argue for an expanded concept of proletarianized class positions, which highlights the relationship between proletarianization and pauperization., AIS-Studien

In der makrosoziologisch ausgerichteten Intersektionalitätsforschung werden Rassismus, Klassen- und Geschlechterverhältnisse als ‚Strukturkategorien‘ konzeptualisiert. Diese theoretische Rahmung verdinglicht ineinandergreifende und widersprüchliche gesellschaftliche Prozesse und nivelliert zugleich ihre Besonderheiten. Dagegen wird im vorliegenden Text für einen Perspektivwechsel argumentiert: Gesellschaft wird mit Rekurs auf die Kritische Theorie als Totalität begriffen, innerhalb derer die heterogenen Antagonismen in einem dynamischen Verhältnis stehen. Anhand des Verhältnisses von Rassismus und Antisemitismus wird gezeigt, wo Leerstellen des konzeptionellen Rahmens von ‚Rasse‘, Klasse und Geschlecht liegen und warum dagegen eine ideologiekritische Konzeptualisierung von Intersektionalität sinnvoll ist.

Social capital, derived from the individual embeddedness in a net of personal relationships that gives access to a pool of potential resources, is crucial in understanding how some people experience a higher risk of falling into social exclusion. In this article, we related some compositional and structural factors of egocentered networks to various measures on economic deprivation and social exclusion. We considered different explanatory dimensions: ego’s sociodemographic characteristics and ego’s social capital. Social capital was measured both in terms of expressive and instrumental support, and took into account network size, strong ties density, and alters’ average job prestige, differentiating between inherited and achieved capital, a distinction that has deserved little attention so far. We used data from the Spanish General Social Survey 2013 (N = 5,094), a nationally representative database not applied for similar purposes up to the present. Results show how economic deprivation and social exclusion are associated with ascribed and achieved characteristics, both at the micro level (individual) and the meso level (network). At the micro level, women, immigrants, young people, less‐educated people, the unemployed, and those who do not trust others have higher estimated values on the variables with regards to social disadvantage. At the meso level, social exclusion is associated with lower occupational prestige of achieved relationships, fewer contacts for obtaining economic or medical help (but more contacts for childcare) and smaller non‐kin core discussion networks. In a familistic society with a limited welfare system, results help to disentangle the level of dependence people have on their own social resources.

The article explores how different factors shape migrants’ transnational social fields and support networks through a comparative study of two different groups of migrants—asylum seekers and expatriates—in Budapest, Hungary. To do so, the study employs a parallel mixed‐methods social network design by combining personal network data with qualitative data based on interviews and ethnographic fieldwork with thirty‐three migrants in the aftermath of the 2015 refugee crisis. The article presents three key findings: First, it finds that asylum seekers’ and expatriates’ networks differ on several key characteristics, as asylum seekers’ close personal networks are less efficient, smaller in size, and show a remarkable lack of friendship and transnational support ties. Second, it also finds that asylum seekers have limited access to social support and, especially so, to financial and emotional support. Lastly, using multi‐level models, the article also demonstrates how migrants’ legal status and the transnationality of their support ties affect their access to financial support, as well as how their gender and legal status shape their access to emotional support. These findings illustrate how migrants’ individual opportunity structures affect their transnational practices alongside their access to social support, while also highlighting the importance of several individual and contextual factors which contribute to the diverse integration processes of migrants.

Friendship is said to promote psychological and physical well‐being and increase social inclusion. Yet, intergenerational friendship has garnered little research attention due to the assumed dominance of age homophily in friendship. In this article we explore intergenerational friendship from the perspective of “younger” and “older” friends at the “generational book‐ends” of the life course. We focus on the role that intergenerational friendship plays in processes of social inclusion in the everyday lives of the participants, bringing together a study conducted in Finland and one in Ireland. Both studies employ qualitative methodology, drawing from interviews with 31 young people who were refugees (aged 13–18) in Finland and 23 older people (aged 65+) in Ireland. Our findings reveal that the younger and the older participants concur on the qualities and benefits of intergenerational friendship. Additionally, while age is not a uniform definer of friendships, differences in chronological age are not meaningless but support caring, enjoyment, and inclusion in alternative ways com-pared to peer‐aged friendships. Access to diverse company, distinct support, broader networks, and alternative identities lead to increased experiences of social inclusion at a personal and societal level. We conclude by calling on policy makers and communities to create spaces and opportunities for inclusion through friendship for all generations. publishedVersion

This article provides an empirical examination of how online social networks affect subjective well‐being, namely enquiring if networks mediate the effect of personality on subjective well‐being of the individuals who use those networks. We use the theories of complementarity of face‐to‐face and online networks, preferential attachment, and the “Big Five Personality Traits” to test the following hypothesis: Given that online and offline networks complement each other as integrative factors that generate happiness, greater use of online networks would imply greater happiness. We also hypothesize that networks mediate the effect of personality on subjective well‐being. Data was compiled from interviews of 4,922 people aged 18 years and older, carried out by the Centre for Sociological Research of Spain in 2014 and 2016. The results confirm the hypothesis and show how online networks, when controlled for personality traits, have a significant and even greater effect on subjective well‐being than face‐to‐face networks.

Social networks are usually considered as positive sources of social support, a role which has been extensively studied in the context of domestic violence. To victims of abuse, social networks often provide initial emotional and practical help as well useful information ahead of formal institutions. Recently, however, attention has been paid to the negative responses of social networks. In this article, we advance the theoretical debate on social networks as a source of social support by moving beyond the distinction between positive and negative ties. We do so by proposing the concepts of relational ambivalence and consistency, which describe the interactive processes by which people, intentionally or inadvertently, disregard—or align with—each other’s role‐relational expectations, therefore undermining—or reinforcing—individual’s choices of action. We analyse the qualitative accounts of 19 female victims of domestic violence in Sweden, who described the responses of their personal networks during and after the abuse. We observe how the relationships embedded in these networks were described in ambivalent and consistent terms, and how they played a role in supporting or undermining women in reframing their loving relationships as abusive; in accounting or dismissing perpetrators’ responsibilities for the abuse; in relieving women from role‐expectations and obligations or in burdening them with further responsibilities; and in supporting or challenging their pathways out of domestic abuse. Our analysis suggests that social isolation cannot be considered a simple result of a lack of support but of the complex dynamics in which support is offered and accepted or withdrawn and refused. Funding: FORTE; Swedish Research Council for Health, Working Life and WelfareSwedish Research CouncilSwedish Research Council for Health Working Life & Welfare (Forte) [2016-00987]

Living in segregated areas with concentrated neighbourhood poverty negatively affects the quality of life, including the availability of local jobs, access to services, and supportive social relationships. However, even with similar neighbourhood poverty levels, the degree and structure of spatial separation vary markedly between such areas. We expected that the level of spatial segregation aggravates the social exclusion of its inhabitants by negatively affecting their social capital. To test this hypothesis, we identified three low‐income neighbourhoods with high poverty rates (78%) in a medium‐sized town in Hungary, with different levels of integration in the city (based on characteristics such as the degree of spatial separation, infrastructure, and availability of services). The three neighbourhoods were located in two areas of differing degrees of integration in the fabric of the city: fully integrated, semi‐integrated (integrated into the surrounding residential area but isolated from the city), and non‐integrated. 69% of the 394 households in these areas were represented in our sample (one respondent per household). We interviewed respondents regarding the size and composition of their personal networks. Our results, which also distinguished between Roma and non‐Roma inhabitants, showed that those living in the spatially more integrated area not only have the largest and most diverse networks but seem to have a strong, “bonding‐based” cohesive community network as well. Even the non‐Roma who live there have ethnically heterogeneous—in other words—Roma network members. The disintegrated area, on the other hand, is characterised by both spatial and social isolation.

Celem artykułu jest ustalenie, czy wielkość miejscowości zamieszkania ma wpływ na deklaracje odnoszące się do wyróżnionych wartości związanych z rodziną, które w istotny sposób orientują działanie człowieka i tym samym tworzą zasady życia społecznego. Tekst napisano w oparciu o wtórną analizę danych statystycznych na podstawie zintegrowanego zbioru danych European Value Study/World Value Survey 2017-2021. Rezultaty badania wskazują, że różnice istotne statystycznie pomiędzy wielkością miejscowości pojawiły się w przypadku wszystkich zmiennych dotyczących rodzicielstwa. Mieszkańcy mniejszych miejscowości okazywali się bardziej konserwatywni. Zależność istotna statystycznie nie wystąpiła w przypadku deklaracji dotyczącej zaufania do rodziny. W przypadku niektórych odpowiedzi odnoszących się do postrzegania ról płciowych pojawiły się również istotne statystycznie różnice pomiędzy mieszkańcami mniejszych i większych miejscowości. Wartości i normy są inne w zależności od kultury, w której się wychowujemy. Kontrola społeczna jest silniejsza w mniejszych miejscowościach, tam bowiem trudniej pozostać anonimowym. Badanie potwierdziło, że wielkość miejscowości zamieszkania w wielu przypadkach istotnie statystycznie różnicuje wartości Polaków związane z rodziną i właśnie mieszkańcy mniejszych miejscowości częściej okazywali się przywiązani do koncepcji bardziej tradycyjnych, konserwatywnych. The purpose of the article is to determine whether the size of the place of residence influences the declarations regarding the distinguished values related to the family. The text is based on analysis of secondary statistical data - the integrated European Value Study/World Value Survey 2017-2021. The results of the study indicate that statistically significant differences, in regards to the size of the place of residence, occurred to all variables regarding parenthood factor. Small towns inhabitants turned out to be more conservative. There was no statistically significant dependence in the context of the declaration of trust in the family. Not with all of them, but with some of the answers relating to the perception of gender roles, there were also statistically significant differences between the inhabitants of different sizes of towns. Values and norms are different depending on the culture in which we are brought up. Social control is stronger in smaller towns, as it is more difficult to remain anonymous there. The study confirmed that the size of the place of residence, in many cases, statistically significantly differentiates the values related to the polish family, and the inhabitants of smaller towns turned out to be more often committed to the more traditional, conservative values.

The present study aimed to predict job control (i.e., task discretion) based on class and occupation with skill use as a (hypothesized) mechanism in four Western European countries by using the OECD adult skill survey (PIAAC). The countries were Denmark, Belgium, Italy, and the United Kingdom (UK). The study used a Bayesian approach that included multilevel models combined with measurement models. The study uses the international standard classification of occupations with two digits (clustering variable) as well as the European socioeconomic classification (ESeC) measured with three social classes. The results indicate that greater worker technical skills (computer use) and social skills (e.g., negotiate and influence) predict higher levels of job control. Social classes interact with skills to predict job control (except Belgium). Occupational computer skills predict job control (in Belgium and Italy). In conclusion, the study supports predictions by neo-Durkheimians, neo-Weberians, New Structuralists, and relational approaches to inequality.

In this study, we merge the literature on homeownership regimes, which focuses to a lesser extent on the consequences of wealth and social inequality, with the literature on wealth and social stratification, which overlooks the importance of homeownership regimes in contributing to those inequalities. Within this framework, we examine to what extent homeownership regimes shape class inequality in homeownership among young adults and the mortgage debt burden that usually accompanies it. We first develop an updated typology of homeownership regimes that incorporates the role of the family via intergenerational wealth transfers (IWT) such as gifts and housing assets. This dimension was theoretically underdeveloped and empirically absent from previous homeownership typologies. Second, we employ this typology to investigate class-based gaps in homeownership and mortgage debt burden within and between homeownership regimes. This is done by pooling data for a total of 20 countries from two sources: the European Union Statistics on Income and Living Conditions (EU-SILC) 2013–2014 (EuroStat) for EU countries, and the Household Expenditure Survey 2012–2013 (CBS) for Israel. Using multivariate modeling, we find that homeownership regimes in which IWT in the form of financial support is common practice increase class inequality in homeownership compared to regimes in which IWT of assets is common practice. Contrary to the literature suggesting that liberal mortgage markets advance inclusion, it appears that in the homeownership regime characterized by the most liberal housing finance system (which includes Northern European countries and the Netherlands), class inequality in mortgaged homeownership is the widest but class inequality in mortgage debt burden is the narrowest. Homeownership regimes characterized by IWT of assets (which include Southern and Central Eastern European countries) reveal the opposite patterns. We discuss the implications of our findings for the literature on homeownership regimes and wealth inequality, with a specific focus on young adults.

This contribution starts from the contemporary surge in conspiracism to develop a theoretical framework to understand how conspiracy theories make it from the margins to the mainstream. To this end, it combines a view of conspiracy theories as ideology and its propagandists as ideological entrepreneurs with insights into how the affordances of digital media and popular culture are instrumental in propagating the conspiracy theories. It further complements sociological and psychological explanations with a fandom perspective to grasp the diversity of conspiracy audiences. Together, it is argued, these factors allow ideological entrepreneurs to push conspiracy theories from the margins to the mainstream. Alex Jones and QAnon are discussed as cases in point.

Leseprobe ----- Zusammenfassung Der Beitrag fokussiert auf transnationale Phanomene in der Schule und fragt danach, welche theoretischen und methodologischmethodischen Fragen sich daran fur die Analyse der (Re-)Produktion sozialer Ungleichheit anschliesen. Ausgehend von der Kritik am Methodologischen Nationalismus sowie postkolonialen und transnationalen Perspektiven wird eine Heuristik transnationaler Bildungswelten entwickelt, deren Potenzial fur die Analyse sozialer Ungleichheit anhand eines empirischen Beispiels aus einer deutschen Sekundarschule entfaltet wird. Auf Basis der Befunde werden abschliesend Moglichkeiten und Grenzen dieses Vorgehens reflektiert. Schlagworter: Transnationalisierung, Methodologischer Nationalismus, Schule, Soziale Ungleichheit, Othering ----- Understanding the Complexity of Transnational Educational Worlds? Theoretical and Methodological Considerations for Analysing the (Re-)Production of Social Inequality in Schools Abstract The contribution focuses on transnational phenomena in schools and asks for theoretical and methodological questions when analysing the (re-)production of social inequality. Based on the critique of methodological nationalism and postcolonial and transnational perspectives, a heuristic of transnational educational worlds is developed, whose potential for the analysis of social inequality is unfolded using an empirical example from a German secondary school. At last, we reflect upon possibilities and limits of this procedure on the basis of the findings. Keywords: transnationalization, methodological nationalism, school, social inequality, Othering ----- Bibliographie: Hinrichsen, Merle/Terstegen, Saskia: Die Komplexitat transnationaler Bildungswelten erfassen? Theoretische und methodologisch-methodische Uberlegungen zur Analyse der (Re-)Produktion sozialer Ungleichheit in der Schule, ZQF – Zeitschrift fur Qualitative Forschung, 1-2021, S. 71-84. https://doi.org/10.3224/zqf.v22i1.06

In order to detect changes in social connectivity, we examined evolutions in the personal network structure by analyzing over-time trends in the composition of the population’s core discussion networks on four cross-sectional, nationally representative surveys between 1997 and 2015, in the era of post-communism, in Hungary. There has been a very significant change; in fact, a reversal of trends regarding the composition of the core discussion networks (CDNs) concerning kin and non-kin ties over the past decades. Our data suggest that friendship ties gained more importance. There seems to be a generation-specific aspect of the change: young people include family ties less often than older people and this effect strengthens over time. Women still have a higher ratio of kin ties compared to men and this effect does not change significantly during the analyzed period.

Using two phenomena of violence against children and intimate partner violence and based on two case studies, we explore the extent to which social processes of interpreting and negotiating violence contribute to further theorization efforts. The central unifying element is that both forms of violence are enabled and performed in power relations and have long been socially, legally, and politically legitimized. Therefore, our study’s focus is not on violence as a subject but rather on the social negotiation and construction of meanings of actions framed as violent. This perspective is exemplified by two independent case studies and data material that illustrate how such microscopic arguments are developed empirically. The methods used for the two case studies include qualitative analyses of interviews and organizational documents. Hence, we also discuss the researchers’ involvement and challenges in these processes. Based on our analytical findings, we argue for the use of an approach of a subject appropriated theorizing violence rather than a formal theory formation of violence. The procedural analysis of violence revealed its importance in making non-public and socially taboo forms of violence analytically accessible., Historical Social Research Vol. 47, No. 1 (2022): Special Issue: Visibilities of Violence: Microscopic Studies of Violent Events and Beyond. Starting Point and Frequency: Year: 1979, Issues per volume: 4, Volumes per year: 1

We construct the first consistent series on the long-term distribution of income in Poland by combining tax, household survey and national accounts data. We document a U-shaped evolution of inequalities from the end of the nineteenth century until today: (1) inequality was high before WWII; (2) abruptly fell after the introduction of communism in 1947 and stagnated at low levels during the whole communist period; (3) experienced a sharp rise with the return to capitalism in 1989. We find that official survey-based measures strongly under-estimate the rise in inequality since 1989. Our results highlight the prominent role of capital income in driving the U-shaped evolution of top income shares. The unique inequality history of Poland speaks to the central role of institutions and policies in shaping inequality in the long run. Supplementary Information The online version contains supplementary material available at 10.1007/s10887-021-09190-1.

Economic instability, social changes, and new social policies place economic insecurity high on the scholarly and political agenda. We contribute to these debates by proposing a new multidimensional, intertemporal measure of economic insecurity that accounts for both its multiplicity and its dynamism. First, we develop three theory-driven, multidimensional measures of economic insecurity. Principal Components Analysis validates the measure. Second, we develop a dynamic approach to insecurity, using longitudinal data and a newly revised headcount method. Third, we then use our new measures to analyze the distribution of insecurity in Europe. Our analysis shows that insecurity is widespread across Europe, even in low-inequality, encompassing welfare states. Moreover, it extends across income groups and occupational classes, reaching into the middle classes.

Researchers on inequalities in representation debate about whether governments represent the preferences of the rich better than those of less affluent citizens. We argue that problems of high‐ and low‐status citizens are treated differently already at the agenda‐setting stage. If affluent and less affluent citizens have different priorities about which issues should be tackled by government, then these divergent group priorities explain why government favors high‐ over low‐status citizens. Due to different levels of visibility, resources and social ties, governments pay more attention to what high‐status citizens consider important in their legislative agenda and pay less attention to the issues of low‐status citizens. We combined three types of data for our research design. First, we extracted the policy priorities (most important issues) for all status groups from Eurobarometer data between 2002 and 2016 for 10 European countries and match this information with data on policy outcomes from the Comparative Agendas Project. We then strengthen our results using a focused comparison of three single country studies over longer time series. We show that a priority gap exists and has representational consequences. Our analysis has important implications for the understanding of the unequal representation of status groups as it sheds light on an important, yet so far unexplored, aspect of the political process. Since the misrepresentation of political agendas occurs at the very beginning of the policy‐making process, the consequences are potentially even more severe than for the unequal treatment of preferences. published

The Swiss StudentLife Study (SSL Study) is a longitudinal social network data collection conducted in three undergraduate student cohorts (N1 = 226, N2 = 261, N3 = 660) in 2016−2019. The main goal of the study was to understand the emergence of informal student communities and their effects on different individual outcomes, such as well-being, motivation, and academic success. To this end, multiple dimensions of social ties were assessed, combining computer-based surveys, social sensors, social media data, and field experiments. The dynamics of these social networks were measured on various time scales. In this paper, we present the design and data collection strategy of the SSL Study. We discuss practical challenges and solutions related to the data collection in four areas that were key to the success of our project: study design, research ethics, communication, and population definition., Social Networks, 65

Uncovering how inequality emerges from human interaction is imperative for just societies. Here we show that the way social groups interact in face-to-face situations can enable the emergence of disparities in the visibility of social groups. These disparities translate into members of specific social groups having fewer social ties than the average (i.e., degree inequality). We characterize group degree inequality in sensor-based data sets and present a mechanism that explains these disparities as the result of group mixing and group-size imbalance. We investigate how group sizes affect this inequality, thereby uncovering the critical size and mixing conditions in that a critical minority group emerges. If a minority group is larger than this critical size, it can be a well-connected, cohesive group; if it is smaller, minority cohesion widens degree inequality. Finally, we expose the under-representation of individuals in degree rankings due to mixing dynamics and propose a way to reduce such biases., 27 pages; 5 figures

Past experimental research has shown that social exclusion can be linked with radicalism. During the COVID-19 pandemic, feelings of social isolation and loneliness rose, just like protests and violence against national anti-COVID-19 measures did. Based on these observations, we hypothesized that feelings of exclusion induced by measures to contain the spread of COVID-19 were associated with radicalism intentions to illegally and violently fight COVID-19-related regulations among critics of the containment policies (Hypothesis 1). Moreover, we expected that radicalism intentions against COVID-19-related regulations fortified needs deprived by social exclusion (Hypothesis 2). Studying a sample of individuals who opposed the measures to contain the spread of COVID-19 (N = 171), we found evidence for both hypotheses: Results revealed that feelings of social exclusion induced by COVID-19 containment measures predicted radicalism intentions. Moreover, the relationship between exclusion and radicalism was associated with fortifying power issues. Political opinion did not moderate these effects. These data replicate the exclusion-radicalism link in the COVID-19 crisis and add one more factor that may have promoted radical developments during that time. Fortifying feelings of power, radicalism appeared to foster well-being, though at a high political price.

People differ in how they define and pursue happiness and well-being (HWB). Previous studies suggested that the best way to achieve a high level of well-being might be to pursue different facets of HWB simultaneously. We expand on this idea and introduce the concept of complexity of HWB definitions to describe how many HWB definitions people endorse simultaneously, and the complexity of HWB-related intentions to describe how many unique facets of HWB people intend to pursue in everyday life. To operationalize these novel concepts, we developed two parallel measures that integrate psychological and philosophical definitions of HWB. In two independent studies (total N = 542), exploratory and confirmatory factor analyses revealed eight reliable and valid factors for both parallel scales: absence of negativity, positive attitude, tranquility, personal development, luck, joy and desires, purpose, and belonging. Complexity of HWB-related intentions was positively associated with all facets of well-being, whereas complexity of HWB definitions was only positively associated with some facets of well-being. HWB-related intentions and their complexity emerged as more important for the experience of well-being than HWB definitions and their complexity. These studies highlight the importance of a multifaceted conceptualization of HWB when investigating how the pursuit of HWB is related to actual levels of well-being.

Based on longitudinal data from Germany, we analyze how perceptions of discrimination change once migrants’ integration evolves. Individuals who identify more strongly with the host country, speak the language, have native friends, and are adequately employed report less discrimination overall. However, group-specific analyses reveal that German-born Turks feel more rather than less discriminated against after their language skills and their identification increase. For this group, we find evidence for the “integration paradox”, i.e., the finding that better educated migrants have more rather than less negative attitudes about the host society. Results suggest that attributional processes rather than rising exposure to discrimination might be the main mechanism linking integration to higher levels of perceived discrimination. Obviously, discrimination does not disappear for groups facing salient ethnic boundaries and is met with growing awareness and sensitivity among individuals that have become more similar to the majority of members. This, in turn, by no means implies that perceived discrimination is detached from reality. Im Rahmen einer Längsschnittanalyse des sozio-oekonomischen Panels gehen wir der Frage nach, wie sich Diskriminierungswahrnehmungen von Einwanderern und ihren Nachkommen im Laufe des Integrationsprozesses verändern. Insgesamt betrachtet fühlen sich Migrantinnen und Migranten, deren Integration weiter fortgeschritten ist, seltener aufgrund ihrer Herkunft benachteiligt. Allerdings zeigen gruppenspezifische Analysen, dass in Deutschland geborene Türkeistämmige sich mit zunehmenden deutschen Sprachkenntnissen und zunehmender Identifikation mit Deutschland stärker diskriminiert fühlen. Für diese Gruppe finden wir Hinweise auf ein Integrationsparadox, das heißt für die These, dass gerade besonders weitgehend integrierte Migrantinnen und Migranten negativere Einstellungen zum Zielland aufweisen. Unsere Befunde sprechen dafür, dass diesem Sachverhalt vor allem attributionale Prozesse zugrunde liegen und dagegen, dass Individuen, deren Integration weiter fortgeschritten ist, Diskriminierungsprozessen besonders stark ausgesetzt sind. Gerade wenn diese Herkunftsgruppen angehören, die mit salienten „ethnic boundaries“ konfrontiert sind, verschwindet Diskriminierung mit zunehmender Integration nicht – und trifft gleichzeitig bei den Betroffenen auf ein wachsendes Bewusstsein für Diskriminierung und eine größere Sensitivität gegenüber dieser. Dies bedeutet im Umkehrschluss nicht, dass wahrgenommene Diskriminierung losgelöst von der Realität wäre.