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Two types of consonant gemination characterize Italian: lexical and syntactic. Italian lexical gemination is contrastive, so that two words may differ by only one geminated consonant. In contrast, syntactic gemination occurs across word boundaries and affects the initial consonant of a word in specific contexts, such as the presence of a monosyllabic morpheme before the word. This study investigates the acoustic correlates of Italian lexical and syntactic gemination, asking if the correlates for the two types are similar in the case of stop consonants. Results confirmed previous studies showing that duration is a prominent gemination cue, with a lengthened consonant closure and a shortened pre-consonant vowel for both types. Results also revealed the presence, in about 10%-12% of instances, of a double stop-release burst, providing strong support for the biphonematic nature of Italian geminated stop consonants. Moreover, the timing of these bursts suggests a different planning process for lexical vs syntactic geminates. The second burst, when present, is accommodated within the closure interval in syntactic geminates, while lexical geminates are lengthened by the extra burst. This suggests that syntactic gemination occurs during a post-lexical phase of production planning, after timing has already been established.

This study examines the acoustic realizations of American English intervocalic flaps in the TIMIT corpus, using the landmark-critical feature-cue-based framework. Three different acoustic patterns of flaps are described: (i) both closure and release landmarks present, (ii) only the closure landmark present, and (iii) both landmarks deleted. The patterns occur consistently across several phonological and morphological conditions but vary with sociolinguistic factors, including speaker dialect and gender. This method of analysing speech at the level of acoustic landmarks and other individual cues to distinctive features contributes to a deeper understanding of how speakers and listeners employ systematic variation in phonetic detail in speech processing.

Irregular pitch periods (IPPs) are associated with grammatically, pragmatically, and clinically significant types of nonmodal phonation, but are challenging to identify. Automatic detection of IPPs is desirable because accurately hand-identifying IPPs is time-consuming and requires training. The authors evaluated an algorithm developed for creaky voice analysis to automatically identify IPPs in recordings of American English conversational speech. To determine a perceptually relevant threshold probability, frame-by-frame creak probabilities were compared to hand labels, yielding a threshold of approximately 0.02. These results indicate a generally good agreement between hand-labeled IPPs and automatic detection, calling for future work investigating effects of linguistic and prosodic context.

Children's early productions are highly variable. Findings from children's early productions of grammatical morphemes indicate that some of the variability is systematically related to segmental and phonological factors. Here, we extend these findings by assessing 2-year-olds' production of non-morphemic codas using both listener decisions and acoustic analyses. Results showed that utterance position and coda manner influence perception, in that more stop codas were perceived utterance-finally compared to utterance-medially but fricative codas were perceived equally across utterance positions. Acoustic analyses showed some convergence to listeners' perception in that there were more cues associated with stops utterance-finally compared to utterance-medially. However, there was some divergence between the two methods in that acoustic cues to coda segments were also present in the majority of cases where a coda was not perceived. These findings provide insight into both the nature of children's emerging phonological representations and the effectiveness of coda transcription across segment types.

Earlier studies report systematic differences across speakers in the occurrence of utterance-final irregular phonation; the work reported here investigated whether human listeners remember this speaker-specific information and can access it when necessary (a prerequisite for using this cue in speaker recognition). Listeners personally familiar with the voices of the speakers were presented with pairs of speech samples: one with the original and the other with transformed final phonation type. Asked to select the member of the pair that was closer to the talker's voice, most listeners tended to choose the unmanipulated token (even though they judged them to sound essentially equally natural). This suggests that utterance-final pitch period irregularity is part of the mental representation of individual speaker voices, although this may depend on the individual speaker and listener to some extent., (Copyright 2009 S. Karger AG, Basel.)

We examined changes in fMRI BOLD signal associated with question/statement judgments in an event-related paradigm to investigate the neural basis of processing one aspect of intonation. Subjects made judgments about digitized recordings of three types of utterances: questions with rising intonation (RQ; e.g., "She was talking to her father?"), statements with a falling intonation (FS; e.g., "She was talking to her father."), and questions with a falling intonation and a word order change (FQ; e.g., "Was she talking to her father?"). Functional echo planar imaging (EPI) scans were collected from 11 normal subjects. There was increased BOLD activity in bilateral inferior frontal and temporal regions for RQ over either FQ or FS stimuli. The study provides data relevant to the location of regions responsive to intonationally marked illocutionary differences between questions and statements.

In this tutorial we present evidence that, because syntax does not fully predict the way that spoken utterances are organized, prosody is a significant issue for studies of auditory sentence processing. We describe the basic elements and principles of current prosodic theory, review the psycholinguistic evidence that supports an active role for prosodic structure in sentence representation, and provide a road map of references that contain more complete arguments about prosodic structure and prominence. Because current theories do not predict the precise prosodic shape that a particular utterance will take, it is important to determine the prosodic choices that a speaker has made for utterances that are used in an auditory sentence processing study. To this end, we provide information about practical tools such as systems for signal display and prosodic transcription, and several caveats which we have found useful to keep in mind.

Numerous studies have indicated that prosodic phrase boundaries may be marked by a variety of acoustic phenomena including segmental lengthening. It has not been established, however, whether this lengthening is restricted to the immediate vicinity of the boundary, or if it extends over some larger region. In this study, segmental lengthening in the vicinity of prosodic boundaries is examined and found to be restricted to the rhyme of the syllable preceding the boundary. By using a normalized measure of segmental lengthening, and by compensating for differences in speaking rate, it is also shown that at least four distinct types of boundaries can be distinguished on the basis of this lengthening.

Patients with penetrating wounds of the left cerebral hemisphere are inferior to normal control subjects and patients with right hemisphere lesions in their ability to shadow language stimuli presented at various rates. Their performance deteriorates rapidly at higher rates of stimulus presentation. Patients with bilateral cerebral penetration show similar patterns of deficits. The deficits on the shadowing task are especially prominent in patients who were dysphasic or dysarthric during the immediate postinjury period.