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We report on two experiments that aimed to test the hypothesis that English listeners orient to full pronunciation forms—"canonical forms"—in judging the tempo of speech that features deletions. If listeners orient to canonical forms, this should mean that the perceived tempo of speech containing deletions is highly relative to the speech's articulation rate calculated on the basis of surface phone strings. We used controlled stimuli to test this hypothesis. We created sentences with one ambiguous word form (for example, support~sport), to give half of the listeners an orthographic form that includes support and the other half an otherwise identical orthographic form with sport. In both experiments, listeners judged the tempo of the sentences, which allowed us to assess whether the difference in imposed interpretation had an impact on perceived tempo. Experiment 1 used a tempo rating task in which listeners evaluated the tempo of experimental stimuli relative to comparison stimuli, on a continuous scale. Experiment 2 used a tempo comparison task in which listeners judged whether second members of stimulus pairs were slower or faster than first members. Both experiments revealed the predicted effect of the imposed word interpretation: sentences with an imposed "schwa" interpretation for the ambiguous word form were judged faster than (the same) sentences with an imposed "no schwa" interpretation. However, in both experiments the effect was small and variables related to the experimental design had significant effects on responses. We discuss the results' implications for our understanding of speech tempo perception. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

• We assess the impact of syllable and phone deletions on tempo perception. • We control canonical rate while surface rate varies, or vice versa. • Listeners orient to both canonical and surface syllable rates in judging tempo. • Listeners orient to surface but not canonical phone rates in judging tempo. • F0, intensity and stimulus duration are relevant parameters for tempo perception. Studies that quantify speech tempo tend to use one of various available rate measures. The relationship between these measures and perceived tempo as elicited through listening experiments remains poorly understood. This study furthers our understanding of the relationship between measured articulation rates and perceived speech tempo, and the impact of syllable and phone deletions on speech tempo perception. We follow previous work in using stimuli from a corpus of unscripted speech, and in sampling stimuli in distinct 'global tempo' ranges. Within our stimulus sets, the differences between canonical and surface rate measurements are directly due to syllable or phone deletions. Our results for syllable rates suggest that listeners use both canonical and surface rates to estimate speech tempo: that is, deletions do not have a consistent effect on perceived tempo. Our results for phone rates suggest that surface phone rate also influences judgements, but canonical phone rate does not. Our results also confirm previously-reported effects of f 0 and intensity on speech tempo perception, plus an effect of stimulus duration, but no effect of listeners' own tempo production tendencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: This paper presents a phonetic analysis of instances of self-initiated self-repair taken from a corpus of Dutch conversation, focusing on their temporal and articulatory characteristics. In particular, the paper investigates whether error repairs and appropriateness repairs, two subtypes of self-repair which differ in the degree of informational redundancy of the repair stretch, are different in terms of the phonetic relationship between reparandum and repair stretch. One might expect error repairs, whose repair stretch is more informative than that of appropriateness repairs, to be associated with local hyperarticulation in the repair stretch, while appropriateness repairs are more likely to be associated with phonetic reduction. Furthermore, the frequent presence of informationally redundant editing terms and repeated lexical items is expected to result in variation within the repair stretch along a hypo–hyper continuum. The paper reports on temporal measurements with controls for the internal structure of the repair, as well as auditory analysis and an attempt at quantifying a ‘reduction quotient’ for the stretches involved. The results show that local hyperarticulation is rare, and increased phonetic reduction in the repair stretch widespread. No significant differences between error and appropriateness repairs are observed. The findings are discussed with reference to the role of information status and pragmatic constraints in governing variation in speech production. [Copyright &y& Elsevier]

• We test whether listeners orient to syllable complexity in judging speech tempo. • We control syllable rate but vary syllable complexity — that is, segment rate. • When phrase shapes are identical, we find no orientation to segment rate differences. • When phrase shapes vary, we find some orientation to segment rate differences. • Phrase-internal rhythm and phrase duration emerge as relevant parameters. Studies in which speech tempo is quantified commonly use either syllable or segment rate as a proxy measure of tempo. Perception studies have shown that syllable rate measurements correlate closely with elicited tempo judgements across languages. Some research suggests that segment rate is an additional, independent predictor of perceived tempo — in other words, that both syllable rate and syllable complexity matter for tempo perception. However, direct empirical evidence for this is as yet lacking. This paper reports on three experiments that test the hypothesis that when segment rate is varied on a constant syllable rate, listeners estimate utterances with higher segment rates as faster. Our results provide evidence for listeners' orientation to syllable rate in estimating tempo, and evidence for listeners' additional orientation to segment rate — that is, to syllable complexity. However, the latter orientation is only observable when stimuli are variable in duration: when presented with stimuli that are identical both in syllable rate and duration, listeners do not appear to hear stimuli with more complex syllables as faster. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]