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I denna magisteruppsats kommer strategiska lägen och boplatsers relation till gravar att studeras. Arbetet riktas in på Arnäs och Själevad socken i Örnsköldsvik kommun som ligger in Västernorrlands län. Mer specifikt så är det järnåldersboplatser i Skommarskatan, Gene, Vågnäs and Sörvåge som inkluderas i uppsatsen. Terrängmodellerings kartor, viewsheds, landhöjnings kartor och historiska kartor, litteratur samt fältinventering används för att komma fram till vilket sätt boplatser blev strategiskt belagda och vilken rumslig relation det finns mellan boplatser och gravar. Det visar sig att gravar verkar vara anlagda nära boplatser, men resultatet tyder på att man inte nödvändigtvis ser gravarna från boplatserna på boplatslokalerna. Resultaten visar att viewsheds inte alltid stämmer med det man ser i fält.Resultatet antyder på att terräng, relation till vatten, närhet till färskvatten, kommunikation möjligheter, handelsmöjligheter, resurstillgångar, huskonstruktion och på vilket sätt människorna livnärde sig på har en inverkan på vilket sätt boplatser anlades. Tidigare så har mycket fokus varit lagt på hur RAÄ 22:1 i Gene var strategiskt lagd inom arkeologisk forskning, men i den här uppsatsen har fokus legat på andra typer av boplatser och andra delar av landskapet med hänsyn till fler lokaler. Denna studie har demonstrerat att tidigare studier av järnåldersboplatser i Arnäs och Själevad socken har varit begränsad i sin syn att belysas boplatsers relation till landskapet. Tidigare forskning var fokuset på en lokal och det har visat sig vara en brist när man jämför med landskaps studiemetoder använda i denna studie. Nu har agrara, jägare-samlare och säljägare boplatser studerats och vidgat perspektivet på boplatser strategiska lägen inom studieområdet.

The aim of this thesis is to analyse how politicians produce, reproduce and challenge notions of Norrland through newspaper media. The study is based on 60 different articles collected from three national newspaper agencies, Dagens Nyheter, Aftonbladet and Svenska Dagbladet. Adopting the discourseanalytical method called the logics approach, this paper explores which discourses dominate the politicians rhetoric about Norrland as well as how the discourses challenge and constitute conceptions about the northern region. The study shows that politicians often discuss Norrland in terms of economics, environmental issues or demographical conditions. Even though the politicians tend to reproduce notions of Norrland as a remote and rural region, thus enhancing conceptions of the place as a dying and problematic area, the study reveals attempts to redefine Norrlands' problems as a national matter and concern. By appealing to different subjects the politicians try to create feelings of recognition within the public to prevent the place from becoming the rural area they already represent it as. Syftet med denna uppsats har varit att undersöka hur politiker producerar, reproducerar och utmanar föreställningar om Norrland via de rikstäckande tidningarna Aftonbladet, Dagens Nyheter samt Svenska Dagbladet. Med ett material bestående av 60 nyhets- samt debattartiklar så har materialet analyserats efter den diskursteoretiska analysmetoden The logics approach, även kallat logikperspektivet. Studien har visat att politiker tenderar att diskutera Norrland med grund i frågor beträffande ekonomi, miljö och klimat samt demografiska förutsättningar. Även om politikerna ofta representerar Norrland som ett avlägset och ruralt område, vilket förstärker föreställningar om Norrland som en döende och problematisk plats, så visar studien försök till att omdefiniera problematiken från att vara "Norrlands" bekymmer till att ses som en nationell angelägenhet. Genom att koppla samman olika subjektspositioner så försöker politikerna konstruera känslor av tillhörighet och igenkännande hos läsarna för att på så sätt förhindra platsen från att bli det rurala område som politikerna redan representerar det som.

The discourse on Norrland (literally ‘North land’ in English) as essentially ‘different’ has been(re)produced in literature, politics and science for as long as the idea of ‘Norrland’ has existed. Thus,when investigating the discourse that constructs the identity of Norrland in opposition to a Swedishnational identity, it is important to connect these representations to their contemporary (andchanging) political-economic contexts. The aim of this thesis is to analyze contemporaryrepresentations in news, film, advertising and interviews to show how representations constructstereotypes informed by neoliberal ideals and internationally familiar stereotypes of a traditionalintransigent population positioned in Norrland and a modern and progressive population in theurban South. The findings in this thesis can be summarized as follows. First, Norrland has beenconsistently reproduced, resisted and reworked through various discursive networks and practicesover centuries, as simultaneously authentic and obsolete. Drawing on these discourses makes therepresentations of Norrland in the news become part of a wider discursive network that representsNorrland as an ‘internal other’ within Sweden. Secondly, discourses on Swedish modernity and onneoliberal growth and competition reproduce Norrland and its people as inferior to the rest ofSweden. These representations are reworked and resisted and result in ‘real’ material effects in, forinstance, the news media, place marketing and film. Thirdly, in order to resist these representationsand become part of the ‘modern’, progressive world, places and people need to adjust to neoliberalideals of competitiveness and growth. And, finally, people’s identities are affected by theseneoliberal ideals as they have to relate and react to the representations of different places andpeople and the discourse on the urban as progress. This results in different strategies in theconstruction of narrative identities. I conclude by arguing that these representations serve not onlyas contrasts but also as strategies in the quest to scapegoat certain groups for problems that initiallyoriginated in unequal opportunities and structures of power related to, for instance, ethnicity, class,gender and disabilities – something that is exacerbated by neoliberalist policies and ideologies. Themore pressure is put on individuals and places to produce constant growth, the more certain peopleand places are viewed as ‘unproductive’ and problematic. The problems of depopulation anddiminishing job opportunities in the inland areas of Norrland are thus blamed on the population through the representations of Norrland as an internal ‘other.’ Away from the periphery – migration, livelihood strategies and place discourse in the periphery of Norrland

The aim of this thesis is to understand the decision-making processes concerning ice-breaking along the coast of Norrland, with the specific aim to analyse the activities of regional interest groups in the Norrland region and government agents at different administrative levels at the key stages of the decision-making processes: initiation, drafting and decision-making. The thesis also explores how institutional factors at different administrative levels affected the agents that were involved at those stages of the decision-making processes. As navigation along the northern Swedish coast must negotiate winter conditions which causes ports to freeze over, the government ice-breaking service functions as an instrument to compensate the export firms in Norrland for these constrains. Year-round navigation in the north Swedish coastal waters was achieved through a series of decision-making processes that took place during the period from 1940 to 1975. These decision-making processes are important to study since ice-breaking was an integrated component of the expanding heavy basic industries in Norrland and thereby for the rapidly growing exports during the 1950s and 1960s. This period is the decisive point in the economic history of the Norrland region regarding how the natural resources should be exploited and how exports should be advanced. This study concludes that the decision-making processes were initiated by government agents at different administrative levels. Official investigatory commissions were set up at several occasions to deal with issues related to the government ice-breaker service by the ministries responsible for ice-breaker policy. It is also demonstrated that the decision-making processes concerning ice-breaker investments were initiated by the government boards that were responsible for the operation of the ice-breaker service. In this respect, the study concludes that the government activities during the initiation stages should not be confused as a sign of regional interest group passivity on these issues. The activities of the interest groups during the initiation stages were primarily intended to draw attention to the problems caused by winter to regional shipping, in order to put the issue on the political agenda. As the decision-making processes proceeded into the drafting stages, the participation from regional interest groups was much more significant as the government offered interest groups forums and procedures for structural consulting through various organisational arrangements. The regional interest groups that participated in those arrangements were industrial firms in the heavy basic industries sector. In those cases other regional interest groups participated, they would promote the interests of those firms. As a result, the final drafts from committees and government bodies included arguments that favoured an expansion of ice-breaking to promote the growth of the heavy basic industries in the Norrland region. The analysis of the decision-making stages suggests that a combination of institutional factors at different administrative levels contributed to the outcome of the decision-making processes. One result is that the general aims of macro policy such as trade policy, growth policy and regional development policy were favourable towards an expansion of the government ice-breaker service, which would benefit the export industries in the Norrland region. Another result is that the sectoral organization within the government maritime bodies contributed significantly to the outcome of the decision-making processes. Large-scale planning and operational experimentation was allowed to take place within the ice-breaker service, which convinced the government that ice-breaking and winter navigation was a feasible transport alternative.

Building on theories of internal orientalism, the objectiveof this study is to show how intra-national differences arereproduced through influential media representations. By abstractingnews representations of Norrland, a large, sparsely populatedregion in the northernmost part of Sweden, new modes of“internal othering” within Western modernity are put on view.Real and imagined social and economical differences between the“rural North” and the “urban South” are explained in terms of“cultural differences” and “lifestyle” choices. The concept ofNorrland is used as an abstract essentialized geographical categoryand becomes a metonym for a backward and traditional ruralspace in contrast to equally essentialized urban areas with favouredmodern ideals. Specific traits of parts of the region becomeone with the entire region and the problems of the region becomethe problems of the people living in the region. I argue that thenews representations play a part in the reproduction of a “spaceof exception”, in that one region is constructed as a traditional andundeveloped space in contrast to an otherwise modern nation. Acentral argument of this study is that research on identity constructionand representations of place is needed to come to grips withissues of uneven regional development within western nations. Out of the periphery - on migration livelihood and place discourses in the northern periphery

This licentiate thesis investigates the decision-making process behind the regulation of winter shipping along the coast of the northern part of Sweden, the Norrland region, in the period 1940-1975. The licentiate thesis examines two aspects of this decision-making process. First, how the regulations in the field of winter shipping were designed in the period. Second, this work examines the underlying factors behind this regulatory outcome on the premise that the regulatory design in the field was the result of an interaction between the regulating actors in the government and their political and economic institutional context. As for the first issue, it is demonstrated that the period 1940-1975 was characterised by a regulatory ambition to expand winter shipping along the coast of Norrland. This meant that the government made substantial investments in ice-breakers during the period, which gradually expanded the shipping season until the target of year-round shipping even to the northernmost ports was established in the first part of the 1970s. Accordingly, those dues for ice-breaker services proposed by several committees that investigated the issue were never introduced. Instead, government-led ice-breaking has served to compensate Norrland as a peripheral region for its relatively high transport costs. Regarding the second issue, it is showed that the decision-making process was influenced by developments at different policy levels of the government hierarchy. In the period 1940-1964, when a public authority within the maritime sector emerged and was consolidated, developments at the maritime sector level affected the decision-making process to a large extent. In turn, the period after 1964 witnessed a change in government policy towards the Norrland region as a more interventionist regional and industrial policy than earlier was implemented. This meant that the decision-making process to a larger extent was influenced by factors originating from a macro policy level. During the decision-making process, actors at both the maritime sector level and the macro level emphasized the importance of government-regulated winter shipping for the regional industrialization of the Norrland region in terms that reflected the aims and interests of their policy levels. In this respect, actors in the maritime sector pointed to the role of winter shipping as a trade policy instrument while actors who represented the interests of regional development policy and industrial policy considered the expansion of winter shipping as crucial in achieving the general ambition to create a geographically egalitarian welfare state, characterised by high levels of growth and low unemployment.

This case study explores how geo-political power structures influence and/or determine the conception, acceptance and maintenance of what is considered to be valid archaeological knowledge. The nature of this contingency is exemplified through an examination of how the prehistory of Norrland, a region traditionally considered and portrayed as peripheral vis-à-vis the centre-South, was interpreted and presented by Swedish archaeologists during the 20th century. This contextual situation is analysed through the implementation of three interrelated and complimentary perspectives; 1) The relationship between northern and southern Sweden is examined using concepts concerning the nature of colonialism, resulting in the formulation of 20 particulars that typify the colonial experience, circumstances that characterise the historical, and unequal, association that has existed between these two regions for the last 600 years. 2) Ideals of national identity and heritage as manufactured and employed by the kingdom and later by the nation-state, with the assistance of antiquarianism, archaeology and/or centralised cultural management, are outlined. The creation of these various concepts have reinforced and perpetuated the colonial and asymmetrical association between what has naturally come to be viewed as the peripheral-North and the centre-South. 3) A century of archaeological research into the Norrlandian past is studied using the concepts ‘thoughtstyle’ and ‘thought-collective’ as devised by Ludwik Fleck. This analysis disclosed a persistent set of reoccurring explanations that have constantly been invoked when interpreting and presenting the prehistory of Norrland. This archaeological thought-style has normalised the unbalanced power relationship between North and South that has existed for the last 600 years by projecting it far back into the prehistoric past. This case study has demonstrated that archaeologists, unless acutely aware of the historical context in which they themselves move and work, risk legitimising debilitating economic and political power relationships in the present through their study and presentation of the past.

In this dissertation the construction of two coastal railways, the East Coast Line and the Bothnia Line, in the Norrland region of northern Sweden is used as a case study of how regionally based interest groups are formed, and how they gain access to decision-making processes on a national level. In periods when a number of preconditions were in place, a window of opportunity opened for the coastal railway that the regional elites could exploit. Among these was the ability to form a coherent regional interest group, through institutions that created platforms and power-bases that enable regional elites to co-operate and act on regional and national levels.The existence of an institutional framework that was adapitve towards regional railway promotion was also important. The study shows that the coastal railway had a very flexible role on the agenda, as it provided a fixed solution against which actors could pin a multitude of different problems. An important factor for explaining the development of the coastal railway question in Norrland was the ideological notion of the region itself. Being a vast, resource-rich and sparsely populated region, Norrland had almost always received special consideration in both public opinion and national policy making. It also created a remarkable stubbornness among the regional actors in working for the coastal railway. Regional interest groups had also learnt that linking their claims to Norrland's peripheral position had high legitimacy on the national arena, by claiming the need for regional fairness and/or the national importance of the regional export-intensive industries. This was instrumental in justifying the repeated exemptions from the national railway policy regimes that ultimately were decissive in making the regional elites successful.